Pink purchasing: Interrogating the soft power of Japan’s kawaii consumption

Introduction

Kawaii (commonly translated to cute in English) aesthetics play a significant role in Japanese popular consumer culture. The aesthetic qualities of cuteness, including the physical characteristics of a rounded face, large eyes, and petite body, stimulate warm and cheerful feelings and increased positivity for the observer (Buckley, 2016; Nittono, 2019a). All of these qualities have established kawaii as a significant segment at the outset of the Japanese popular consumer culture (Buckley, 2016; Dale, 2020; Nittono, 2016; Yomota, 2006), even up to a level of “national obsession,” in the words of Allison (2004), and is a “stepping-stone” in a product’s success, according to Marcus et al. (2017).

The kawaii design aesthetic has become so common that today it is ubiquitous in the Japanese marketplace, applied via companies’ commercial “brand-face” to attract potential customers, embodied in character mascots (Yuru Kyara), and promoted by government representatives who use the Yaru Karya to convey sincere concern for public welfare (Dale, 2020).

While all cute things are considered to be kawaii, not every kawaii item falls under the description of cute. According to Lieber-Milo and Nittono (2019a: 2), unlike the “conservative” design of cuteness in the West as such as Disney’s Mickey Mouse and modern Teddy Bears, Japanese kawaii can be less cuddly and more provocative in a way that may evoke a blend of mixed feelings, including disgust. In their article, they presented Gloomy Bear, a 2-m tall, violent, blood covered, pink bear that hurts people, that may not be seen as cute by the western eye, but yet for many Japanese, this bear is considered kawaii.

The present study deals with products that contain the figural aesthetic characteristics kawaii; such as stuffed animals as teddy bears, stationery (pens, mugs, mouse pads etc.) for office use, and fashion (e.g., ribbons, pastel designed cloth, and characters).

The appeal of the cute

Studies of the biological roots explaining cuteness began in 1943 when Konrad Lorenz, a pioneer in the field of ethology, developed his Kindchenschema (baby/child schema) theory. According to his theory, the visual features of juvenile and young animals and infants—such as large, round eyes; a head “too large” for the body; full cheeks; and a small chin—are capable of triggering a physical and emotional response toward the observed thing (person, animal, toy, character, etc.). While these characteristics may be observed as “weak,” in his new book The Power of Cute, May (2019) describes cute as a powerful source of seduction that draws attention and affects the observer’s response; in other word, it uses its “weakness” as a strength to survive and “entrap” potential consumers to buy its cute products.

But the power of cute does not come only from its weakness and vulnerability but also from its playful and fun nature. In their study, Nenkov and Scott (2014) coined a different type of cuteness named “whimsical cuteness” that does not relate to Lorenz (1943) baby-schema theory. According to them, instead of feelings of empathy and compassion associated with baby schema, viewing a cute image may bring a fun and playful reaction from the observer. This tendency may evoke indulgent behavior and impulsive consumption rather than the careful attention associated with “baby schema” (Nenkov and Scott, 2014).

In Japan, there is a strong sense of value for small and immature things such as children and childlike articles that promote intimacy and remind adults of their own childhood, which, in many cases, they long to revisit (Yomota, 2006).

But why is “cute” highly appreciated in Japan?

According to Lieber-Milo and Nittono (2019a: 5), while the appreciation of cuteness is hypothetically universal, Japan has accepted and recognized the influential power of cute before other countries. This special appreciation could potentially be seen in association with Japan’s national characteristics, such as its ethnic homogeneity and its island topography. In a country where daily life is characterized by formality and prescribed behavior, cuteness assumes a powerful source of intimacy in Japan, with the sight of cute things helping to transcend the walls of formality and bring people closer together (May, 2019). In the author’s own experience, only after the birth of her son did Japanese strangers approach and begin talking casually, saying the baby is “kawaii” and asking to touch and play with him.

As an adjective, “kawaii” describes something adorable, endearing, and attractive. The word itself was driven from the ancient word kawahayushi, which meant a face [kao]-flashing [hayu] feeling toward pathetic people or situations (Nittono, 2016: 81).

While in English, as in many other languages, the word is typically translated as “cute and pretty,” in Japanese, kawaii actually encompasses several additional meanings that can be seen as contradictory to one another. This includes “pitifulness,” “helplessness,” and newly coined adjectives as ita (painful)-kawaii and kimo (bad feeling)-kawaii (Nittono, 2019b).

In recent years, as a result of globalization, the kawaii term and design has become a well-known concept in other countries as well. For example, in a survey conducted with 25 college students in the United States, Berque et al. (2019) showed that 70% of the participants were familiar with the concept of kawaii. In another study on Israelis, Lieber-Milo and Nittono (2019a) showed that out of 445 survey participants, more than 80% were familiar with the term and were able to describe it in their own words.

The association between women and kawaii

The kawaii culture has a close relationship to young women [in Japanese shōjo] who are considered to be the ones who shaped kawaii and enabled it to achieve its current success. These young women are typically girls who are yet unmarried and who act and dress in a girlish or cutesy, and infantile manner—the same qualities associated with kawaii (Dale, 2020; Monden, 2015).

This association between young women and kawaii evolved and strengthened during the 1970s through a schoolgirl handwriting fashion that was often called burikko-ji [fake-child writing], a writing style that is characterized by its round-shaped letters along with English lettering and cartoon pictures. This trend gained momentum over the years to the point that today, this cursive handwriting is used extensively by publications that aim for a younger audience, such as manga, women’s magazines and advertisements (Decatur, 2012). Thanks to these young women, since the 1970s, this trend has continued to be a dominant element in Japan’s social, cultural, and financial sectors.

Although we often assume that the consumption of kawaii relates solely to the young generation, it may not be true. In light of Japan’s shrinking youth population, more and more companies are attempting to expand their consumer target market to other potential consumer groups, such as mature women who still wish to possess kawaii merchandise (Yano, 2013).

In an attempt to adjust their brand by targeting other age groups, the company Sanrio, for example, has developed a fresh line of products that include adult-oriented goods such as personal electronics and jewelry. The success of these adult-targeted products was reflected by the fact that by 2000, the core Hello Kitty customer-base was mature women between the ages of 18 and 40 (May, 2019).

While many previous researchers have focused on the figural characteristics and performance of kawaii goods, the perceived influence of kawaii goods on behavior and emotional states has not yet been thoroughly examined. For a more precise understanding of the perceived attitudes toward kawaii, a survey was distributed to 692 respondents from two groups: female university students between the ages of 18 and 23 (median age = 21) and more mature women between the ages of 23 and 29 (median age = 27) who had graduated from higher educational institutions and were either married, had children, or had jobs.

The rationale for choosing these particular age and social status groups is as follows. The author sought to identify how kawaii is defined and projected by young and more mature Japanese women, as well whether differences exist in women’s attitudes toward kawaii in relation to variances in age and life status. As a representative of the “young” Japanese female group, university students were chosen due to broad measurable characteristics of the population such as age, marital status, income, job status, and so on. This group is recognized as representing a significant and unique stage in the human cycle of life, a societal space for preparing youngsters for the “real world” of adult life (Brown, 1980; Lloyd, 2005; Miyamoto, 2010; Sato et al., 2010). As a counterpoint, the older group was selected with the expectation that it would comprise housewives, company employees, the unemployed, and other types of workers, such as artists.

The first part of the survey addressed the semantic images of the kawaii term among young and more mature women (Study 1). The second part aims to clarify whether a difference exists in women’s attitude toward kawaii products in relation to variances in age and life status (Study 2). Following the survey, for a deeper understanding of mature women attitude toward kawaii ornaments in the office, 12 semi-structured interviews with female employees were conducted (Study 3).

These cross-sectional survey results and interviews presented how the women respondents defined the concept of kawaii aesthetics, their perceptions toward kawaii merchandise, and perceived attributes. The results showed that kawaii is a well-known, relevant, and beloved term and demonstrated the positive aspects and effects of kawaii products upon consumers; stimulating warm and cheerful feelings, encouraging social contact, and bringing temporary relaxation and happiness that helps in reducing tensions in stressful situations. The results also showed that the sight and consumption of kawaii goods elicit positive and nostalgic memories of one’s childhood, creating a temporary bridge to a world of relaxation and happiness.

Study 1

Kawaii is an important aspect of contemporary Japanese material culture and one of the most popular words in contemporary Japan (Nittono, 2016). While this appreciation of kawaii is hypothetically mutual among Japanese women, its evaluation may depend on age and life-status nuances. In other words, age and life experiences (e.g., graduation, entry to the labor market, marriage, and childbirth) may construct a different perspective and evaluation toward the concept of kawaii and its related products.

Results

The open-ended question “Please describe in your own words how you define kawaii and kawaii behavior,” which allowed survey participants to contribute their own opinions and perspectives, produced a wide spectrum of views regarding kawaii. Since the open-ended question was optional, out of the total amount of 692 study participants, only n = 163 (47.6%) of the first survey and n = 297 (84%) of the second survey answered this question.

The images of kawaii were assessed numerically and divided into five categories through a discussion among five women between the ages of 20 and 60 who did not serve as participants: gender [seibetsu], appearance [gaikan], positive qualities [pojitibu na tokusei], negative qualities [negatibu na tokusei], and neither positive nor negative [pojitibu demo negatibudehaarimasen], as can be displayed in Tables 1 and 2 below.

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Table 1.

163 young university students’ (age range 18–23) response to the question “Please describe in your own words how you define kawaii” (in numbers).

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Table 2.

297 more mature women’s (age range 23–29) response to the question “Please describe in your own words how you define kawaii” (in numbers).

The results of the open-ended questions showed that kawaii has a wide spectrum of meanings. In terms of appearance, small things, such as infants, animals, and even minor mistakes, fall under the description of kawaii as used in daily conversation. Other than size, kawaii was portrayed as being part of women’s culture.

Out of the 163 university students who replied to this question, the majority (n = 92, 56.4%) described kawaii positively, affirmatively illustrating that a kawaii thing transmits warmth, softness, and attractiveness. Similar to the first group of young female respondents, the majority of mature women (n = 124, 41.7%) gave affirmative illustrations regarding kawaii and described it as something pure, innocent that brings to a good feeling.

In conclusion, the qualitative analysis of Study 1 showed that the term kawaii has a wide spectrum of meanings that are not necessarily related to one another, from sweet to clumsy and clever to childish. It was found that both young and mature women respondents defined and evaluated kawaii in approximately the same manner: as something small, soft, round, with pastel colors such as light pink and associated it with young animals and human. The results also showed that none of the subjects, young and mature alike, specified men as kawaii but rather distinguished it as part of women’s culture, where a kawaii woman is both ladylike and girlish at the same time.

Study 2

In Study 2, the survey focused on young and more mature women’s attitudes toward kawaii items as clothes, accessories, and stuffed animals.

In this study, it is hypothesized that there are differences between young and mature women toward kawaii. Since age and life status may affect, to some extent, the way an individual perceives life, it was assumed that a difference in approach and attitude in relation to kawaii would be found between each age and life-status group. As originally part of young women shōjo culture, it was also assumed that the more a woman described herself as young and kawaii, she would be most likely be interested in consuming kawaii paraphernalia such as pink skirts or stuffed animals.

Results

Although both groups defined kawaii in the same manner (Study 1), some differences were found between the groups, where young female students gave more affirmative answers regarding the level of affection toward kawaii commodities than did the mature women. A Mann–Whitney U test indicated that the reported attitude toward kawaii items was significantly different between the sample of the students (M = 3.806, mean rank = 371.43, n = 342) compared to the sample of mature women (M = 3.566, mean rank = 320.31, n = 350) (U = 68,315, p < 0.001 (z = 3.53), r = 0.134).

As can be seen from the figure below, the small negative significance implies that the older a woman is, the less she will be interested in kawaii products. As such, in terms of age, young women between the ages of 18 and 23 feel more connected to and affectionate toward kawaii items (such as small and round ornaments and stuffed animals) than mature women (aged 23–29) (Figure 1).

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Figure 1.

Attitude and affection toward kawaii items (clothes, accessories, stuffed animals, etc.).

Since the majority of mature women survey respondents (n = 250, 71.4%) were currently employed, lived independently, and were self-supporting, it was expected that more of them would define themselves as adults and not kawaii. However, in compare to the group of young female students (M = 2.356, Mean rank = 330.49, n = 340), it was found that mature women defined themselves more “kawaii” (M = 2.489, mean rank = 360.08, n = 350) (U = 54,398, p = 0.039 (z = −2.063), r = −0.079) as well as “younger” than their actual age (median = 2, n = 349).

As a result of these findings, efforts were made to determine correlation between occupation and perceptions of kawaii products. It was found that compared to other occupational groups (students, professional housewives, unemployed, part-time workers, and other) (χ²(5) = 14.386, p = 0.013, n = 692), women who are company employees have as much affection (M = 3.806, mean rank = 318.06, n = 205) for kawaii items as young female students.

Study 3

For deeper understanding of company employees’ positive attitudes toward kawaii items, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 female workers who work at TowerJazz Panasonic Semiconductor Uozu branch, Japan.

The results showed that all interview participants specified that they have kawaii stationary on their desk and express positive opinions toward those items. While at first glance these items seem small and insignificant, interviewers specified that placing these small decorations and stationary with baby-schema physical characteristic images of young animals, international characters (e.g., Disney), and local characters (e.g., Sanrio’s Hello kitty and egg-turned character Gudetama) stirs affirmative feelings, assisting them in challenging and stressful situations.

Discussion

The results of the survey emphasize the positive aspects of kawaii product consumption in engendering positive feelings, relieving stress, and promoting happiness.

While kawaii products were initially produced for young women, who adore kawaii objects and are willing to spend large amounts of money for goods and merchandise, in recent years, mature women are often regarded as the main target consumer for kawaii goods such as stationery and household goods (Yano, 2013).

Yet the current study suggests that, because students were more likely to respond positively toward kawaii goods such as teddy bears and ribbons, the world of kawaii merchandise still belongs, to some extent, to the younger generation.

In today’s world where many young people communicate with each other via social media rather than in face-to-face encounters, the consumption of cuteness may replace intimacy that a person’s own inner circle cannot provide, to the extent that these kawaii items and characters become his “shadow” family (Allison, 2004). In this sense, more than inspiring intimacy between the consumer and the consumed product, a kawaii object can become a “protector” of the self that can help in expressing one’s feelings and dealing with the challenging world of everyday life (Yano, 2013).

A good example of the “healing” power of kawaii objects and fashion is yami-kawaii (“sick-cute” in direct translation), a relatively new subculture that like many other fashion statements was born in the Harajuku fashion district in Tokyo. Unlike other styles that almost exclusively focus on the kawaii nature of sweet pastel designs, yami-kawaii fashion combines both cute and “sick” characteristics at the same time. This includes an integration of pastel colors with dark patterns together with negative expressions such as “sick” (yami) and “die” (shinu) and hospital-related accessories such as bandages, masks, syringes, blood, and more. More than a fashion statement, the concept of yami-kawaii expresses deep feelings of sadness and even depression, but in a cute way. This style is also connected to the term menhera, a Japanese slang word that was coined via the Internet and refers to mentally and unstable personas. The issue of mental health and suicide is rarely discussed in Japan, where a visit to a psychiatrist or therapist is still considered a taboo. While suicide rates have been dropping in recent years, the number is still high compared to other developed countries. According to the National Police Agency, 21,321 individuals in Japan took their lives in 2017 (For more information, please visit the National Police Agency in: https://www.npa.go.jp/safetylife/seianki/jisatsu/H29/H29jisatsunojoukyou_01.pdf).

In a video that was released on February 13, 2018 by Refinery29, the co-host explores the new yami-kawaii style in Tokyo by interviewing people who dress in this style and who believe that this style saved their lives and has helped them deal with their psychological issues. According to them, consuming cuteness helps them to cope with the harsh and strict world of Japanese society (Refinery 29, 2018). The example of the subculture yami-kawaii shows that consuming kawaii merchandise is widely perceived as an effective approaching that allows people to express their dark feelings in a nonconfrontational way.

In addition to the group of young women, the survey results found that mature women “company employees” have a high affection for kawaii items. In a stressful environment, followed by numerous regulations, dress code and behavior, it is challenging to make friends in a work setting where there is a lot to do in a small amount of time.

Cuteness creates close emotional bonds and stimulates a positive reaction that brings people closer together (May, 2019; Nittono, 2016). As such, cute items such as small iconic key chains and mugs may promote social interaction and intimacy between the holder of the cute artifact and the observer. In other words, in addition to its positive psychological effects, mature women can use a cute item as an “engagement tool” to attract close physical communication and social interaction in the office, especially with other female employees.

Regarding the greater percentage of mature women, who have steady jobs and incomes, it was expected that the mature group would define themselves as “mature and not kawaii.” Instead, a preponderance of mature women reported feeling “younger” than their actual age and described themselves as “kawaii.”

As kawaii is originally the domain of youth, in many ways by defining themselves as kawaii and consuming related goods at an older age, adults are reminded of their own childhoods. Viewing cute articles may inspire a romanticized memory of childhood and elicit a sense of nostalgia, possibly indicating a desire to “recapture” one’s youth (Morewedge, 2013). The term “nostalgia” is a compound of the Greek words nostos [return] and algos [pain, relentless longing]; the equivalent Japanese word, natsukashi, is an adjective used for describing feelings, sometimes sad ones, about one’s past. Below are the Japanese and translated English definitions for natsukashi as presented by the Daijirin Dictionary (2006):

Be moved by the thought of the past [mukashi no koto ga omoi dasarete, kokoro ga hikareru].

Therefore, by buying cute products, mature consumers are able to traverse the lines separating youth from adulthood and to some extent to “escape from reality through cuteness and nostalgia for childhood memories” (Nguyen, 2012: 154). In other words, consuming cuteness at a young and more mature age creates a bridge to a fantasy realm; a momentary escape route from the high-pressured “adult world” to a better world of cute and pink, where all unlikable and bad things vanish and are replaced by the sweet, relaxed, and happy realm of the eternal child.

If we recognize this idea of kawaii as an escape from society, we can associate the consumption of kawaii with the Peter Pan syndrome (PPS), an emotional condition in which a person manifests an emotional regression and a desire not to grow up and take responsibility for their own actions. PPS refers to individuals who reject adult responsibilities and aspire to staying young forever (Kiley, 1984). The name of the syndrome refers to the flying hero of the Matthew James Barrie novel, Peter Pan (1906), who resists growing up and stays forever young by staying in “Neverland,” a fictitious world where time has stopped (Kiley, 1984). As with kawaii, PPS is driven by a sense of nostalgia for childhood, with a particular desire to remain childlike. Although a correlation between the PPS and kawaii does exist, the PPS is considered as being only a stage in life (Kiley, 1984), whereas this study shows kawaii plays a part at various ages and life stages and in most cases provides only momentary escape from everyday life.

As can be seen, the results of the study show that both young and mature women cherish kawaii and generally have positive perceptions of it. The variance in attitudes toward kawaii merchandise between the age and status group is a proof of kawaii’s authenticity, its relevance in contemporary Japan, and its integral part of women’s culture, for youths and adults alike.

Conclusion

The kawaii aesthetic has played a significant role in Japanese consumption culture, having established a strong presence that significantly impacts almost every segment of Japanese society. The consumption and the amount of money consumers are willing to spend on kawaii-related products make it a powerful source of revenues in the Japanese economy. Not surprisingly, companies have attempted to broaden the world of kawaii beyond young women to other age groups, including mature women who are already married and may have children, and to design products with a cute and infantile manner that brings a good feeling in young consumers and nostalgic feeling in older ones.

The results of the surveys and interviews demonstrated that kawaii aesthetics and related goods as stuffed animals (e.g., teddy bears), office stationery with cute images (e.g., Mickey Mouse and young animals), pink skirts, and accessories are appreciated by both young and mature women alike. While both age and status groups voiced positive opinions of and affection towards kawaii products, there were some dissimilarities between the groups. A wide spectrum of meanings and interpretation of the term among Japanese women demonstrate kawaii’s wide range of application and its relevance among all segments of women in Japan, from young to adult. This implies that with the right marketing strategy, kawaii merchandise can apply to each specific target group; from stuffed animals aimed at young women to small, pastel colored whimsical stationery aimed at female employees. Hence, this study shows that although kawaii commodities appeal due to their perceived vulnerability, they can function powerfully in helping their owners deal with social interaction, stress, and anxiety.

The survey reported in this article has a number of limitations. First, the written survey included participants only from three prestige universities in Kansai: Kyoto, Doshisha, and Osaka University, so the degree to which the sample represents all Japanese university female students is unclear. Second, as the study focused on women in two age groups between 18 and 29, the responses for kawaii goods among older demographic groups is unclear. Despite these limitations, the survey results portrayed a continuous interest in kawaii among young and more mature Japanese women and provided some empirical evidence of how kawaii items are evaluated by them.

In conclusion, consuming cuteness appeals to and brings positive effects to both young and mature women. For young women, it is perceived as a tool that assists in dealing with impending adulthood and helps them express their own feelings, either positive or negative. For more mature women, it can be an effective tool for engaging in social interaction in the office, helps in dealing with the stressful world of daily life and work, and engenders nostalgic feelings about one’s past, a kind of momentarily escape to a “better” world of eternal youth. Although this study has focused on female Japanese consumers, positive effects of the consumption of kawaii merchandise may be evident for other age groups and nationalities. Further research should examine the penetration of kawaii aesthetics and related merchandise among other age, gender, and national groups.