Abstract
This article explores the emergence of metrosexuals among millennial men in five South-East Europe (SEE) countries and their subculture of consumption. It qualitatively studies their beliefs about masculinity and metrosexuality, and it identifies their purchasing behaviours’ of grooming products online and offline by employing digital extended self-theory to provide strategic guidance for marketers and new insights for academics. This qualitative study includes ten semi-structured in-depth interviews and one hundred qualitative open-ended questionnaires. Additionally, it employs netnography to analyze the subculture of consumption of male metrosexuality in two representative blogs. The findings reveal that SEE millennial men embrace a dual identity, a traditional masculine identity, which co-exists with their metrosexuality, creating an emotional conflict as they differ along an accepted to extreme continuum. Metrosexual men are heavy users of personal grooming products favouring online purchasing (1) due to the frequent lack of retail availability in SEE countries and (2) their sense of embarrassment––the underlying emotional conflict. This study directly challenges the existing academic literature, which supports the dominance of traditional masculine identity among developing countries. For both marketers and academics, it presents a different market reality. Metrosexual males show a distinctly different self-identity online from offline. Social media provides them with a safe space, which is often subject to public embarrassment in offline settings. These findings have note-worthy implications for marketing practitioners including communication messaging, social media strategy, brand identity and presence, and product development. They provide insights for both practitioners and academics regarding the subculture of consumption of metrosexuals in the historically macho male-dominated SEE regions.
Keywords
Introduction
Throughout the last decades, masculinity has been transformed and reevaluated (Likhar, 2021). Concepts, such as metrosexuality, spornosexuality and retrosexuality, have emerged to explain these various alterations of masculine identities (Wolfman et al., 2021). Academic literature has started embracing the arising concepts, yet, a predominant focus has fallen upon metrosexuality (Casanova et al., 2016; Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). A metrosexual is an image-conscious man who “spends considerable resources on appearance and lifestyle (Pompper, 2010, p. 684).” Besides academics, popular culture producers, marketing experts, and advertisers have paid special attention to metrosexuals, especially given metrosexuals’ considerable spending on appearance and grooming products (Ho et al., 2020; Sayon et al., 2021). Most scholars agree that the transformation of males as personal-care consumers has drastically impacted marketing (Barry & Phillips, 2016). Still, little is known about the metrosexuals purchasing grooming products behaviour (Liu, 2019; Likhar, 2021).
Metrosexuals have grown exponentially, making their behaviour a worthy phenomenon to explore (Sayon et al., 2021). Social media, in particular, has helped further cultivate metrosexuals and their consumption (Parkins & Parkins, 2021). While the understanding of metrosexuals’ consuming behaviours varies across countries, the majority of papers have focused on western societies (Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). Regions, such as South-East Europe (SEE), which are predominantly conservatively masculine, have been rarely studied by scholars or covered by practitioners.
Therefore, this paper undertakes an exploration of metrosexuality. It attempts to understand the views of millennial men (a market segment with high disposable income and spending power, but who are, nonetheless, conservative spenders (Hwang & Griffiths, 2017)) from masculine societies (SEE countries) towards metrosexuality and explore their consumption behaviours of metrosexual products. Specifically, this research intends to show how millennials (men from the SEE region, aged 24–39) negotiate their masculinity online versus offline. It aims to achieve it through the lenses of digital extended self-theory (see Belk, 2013). It also expands the digital extended self-theory by exploring metrosexuals’ behaviours in online communities.
This research is guided by three research questions:
R1: What are the views/beliefs of millennial men about masculinity, particularly about metrosexuality in the SEE region?
R2: How have millennial males constructed their masculinity online and offline?
R3: What are the purchasing behaviours of millennial males in SEE towards grooming products?
Primarily, this study extends the existing masculinity literature, as it brings a new understanding of metrosexuality from less-studied masculine societies, such as SEE. Secondly, it develops the consumption literature as it researches a relatively new emerged market segment––metrosexuals, and their consumer behaviour towards metrosexual products (Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017; Sayon et al., 2021). Lastly, there is no extensive research on personal grooming and the factors that motivate millennial males’ consumption behaviour; thus, this study contributes to this area (Ho et al., 2020; Hsu & Chanthapratheep, 2018; Sayon et al., 2021).
Background and Literature Review
The Break of Traditional Masculine Taboos by Metrosexuals
Throughout human history, social norms have evolved in terms of gendered-behaviour shared beliefs and expectations about the males’ and females’ characteristics (Berkowitz et al., 2010; Pohlmann & Chen, 2020). Contemporary culture often reinforces traditional norms, making it difficult to contest deep-rooted stereotypes. However, traditional archetypes, which have been standard for centuries, are now questioned, and new concepts have emerged (Pohlmann & Chen, 2020). A new notion, which has gained attention and encouraged debates among scholars and practitioners, is metrosexuality (Casanova et al., 2016; Pompper, 2010; Souiden & Diagne, 2009).
The term “metrosexual” was coined by Mark Simpson in his article entitled “Here Comes the Mirror Men” (Simpson, 1994). Henceforward, the hegemonic masculinity diminished (Anderson & McCormack, 2018) and the “transformed man,” who is different from the traditional dominant macho male, emerged and transformed the market (Pohlmann & Chen, 2020).
The concept emerged in the 90’s, and since then, it has become the conveyor of a new lifestyle (Sayon et al., 2021). More precisely, magazines like Playgirl and Centerfold, books like The Metrosexual Guide to Style: A Handbook for the Modern Man (Flocker, 2003) and The Metrosexual Defined: Narcissism and Masculinity in Popular Culture (Van Bree, 2004), and TV shows like Queer Eye for the Straight Guy (Sender, 2006), have depicted this new type of man––the metrosexual, a man, who takes care of his appearance, spends a large amount of money on shopping, and uses grooming products (Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). Our study also adopted the metrosexual definition of Mitchell and Lodhia (2017). Throughout the years, the metrosexual term transformed from an initial buzzword into the word of the year (as voted by the American Dialectic Society; Salzman, 2014).
Nonetheless, due to the stereotypical manner in which metrosexuals were portrayed (see Williams, 2018), the concept received a lot of. These debates brought to the fore whether metrosexuality is a part of masculinity or is associated with the homosexual identity (Likhar, 2021). Casanova et al. (2016) argued that metrosexuality does not associate with gay identity adoption; however, straight men share some metro characteristics with gays without disposing of their heterosexual identity. Pan and Jamnia (2015) referred to metrosexuality “as a matter of loving beauty,” as an authentic way to express the inner, which has nothing to do with gender roles or sexual orientation. Mitchell and Lodhia (2017) disagreed, claiming there is a correlation between metrosexuality and lower levels of masculinity and increased femininity.
Hence, this study seeks to add to the understanding and acknowledge the roots of masculine behaviours when exploring metrosexuals. For decades, scholars have tried to shed light on the complex issues of masculinity and its constructions through two main theories, namely the biological and social psychological theories. The first theory claims that due to natural selection, males follow a specific type of masculinity (Buss, 1995; Costa et al., 2001). While the latter states that males behave in ways that fulfil the social expectations and the roles defined by their societies (Eagly, 1987; Hammer et al., 2013). Besides, Conell (1995), Bano and Sharif (2016) and Gee and Jackson (2012) provided their views on this matter. Conell (1995) argued that masculine behaviours are subject to change to historical circumstances. Bano and Sharif (2016) said that masculine behaviours are social constructs, associated with repeated childhood activities. Similar claims were stated by Martin (1990) and Pomper (2010), but they also emphasized the influence of family in masculine identity creation. While Gee and Jackson (2012) pointed out that men tend to feel anxious when they fail to meet societal expectations of masculinity.
The concept of masculinity tends to differ among developed and developing societies (Leap, 2017), nonetheless, according to Gee and Jackson (2012), such differences have started to diminish, and these societies have transformed from production to consumption. Views of men from South-East Europe (a region composed mostly of developing societies) about masculinity and metrosexuality, thus, provide a thought-provoking case for study.
Consumption of Grooming Products by Metrosexual Males
In today’s globalized world, males present a large market size due to their increased concern about appearance and self-image (Khan et al., 2017; Likhar, 2021). Metrosexuality has become a commercial manifestation of masculinity and a subculture of consumption (Gee & Jackson, 2012). Metrosexuals, predominantly, present a significant marketing opportunity––the consistency in their purchasing behaviour has transformed them into a “lucrative marketing segment” (Bano & Sharif, 2016, p. 117). This market predicts to reach $81.2 billion by 2024 (Rider, 2020). As this market rapidly grows, marketers seek to attract metrosexuals globally (Liu, 2019). Nonetheless, scholars have claimed that there is a lack of research in the field, and they have recommended future scholars to explore the consumption of grooming products (Ho et al., 2020; Hsu & Chanthapratheep, 2018; Liu, 2019; Madan et al., 2018; Sayon et al., 2021).
During the last decade, male grooming has been breaking traditional beauty taboos by adopting practices stereotypically associated with femininity and homosexuality (Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017; Scheibling & Lafrance, 2019). These grooming practices have been embraced by metrosexuals worldwide, and according to Mitchell and Lodhia (2017), they are an important attribute when defining metrosexuals. Besides western cultures, these practices have begun to be socially acceptable among peoples in developing countries (Casanova et al., 2016; Clarke & Braun, 2019). Yet, Sayon et al. (2021) stated that, in these societies, there is still a “paradoxical behaviour concerning male grooming (p. 148)” and thus, future research should shed light on “how men will waver between spaces of tradition and modernity (p. 153).”
Metrosexuals prefer being well-groomed as it enhances their self-image and health care, approximates social expectations, and addresses ageing concerns (Khan et al., 2017; Strubel & Petrie, 2016). Given that, grooming male products have diversified; now, they include skincare, toiletry, hair care, perfumes, and even make-up products (Madan et al., 2018). The initial appeal to metrosexual consumers focused on the product’s functionality, and they were ‘one-size-fits-all’ products (since men first assess product/service performance (Thota et al., 2014), in contrast to women, who initially evaluate the luxuriousness (McIntyre, 2011)). Whereas now, male grooming products encompass utilitarianism, universalism, and luxuriousness, as male grooming practices are rooted in performance and feminine connotations (Clarke & Braun, 2019).
Recent studies have investigated the consumption of male grooming products among developed and individualist societies, particularly in the United Kingdom and the United States (Clarke & Braun, 2019; Liu, 2019; Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). Few studies have also focused on developing and collectivist countries (see Khan et al., 2017 in China and Pakistan; Likhar, 2021 in India; and Ho et al. (2020) in China), yet, regions, such as South-East Europe, to our knowledge, have never been investigated. Thus, Liu (2019) calls for future research to focus on such societies. A lack of research among millennials (a generation that grew up in the Internet age) has been noticed in the literature. While this generation has been covered in the non-academic literature, very few academics have considered their views and consumptions (Putranto et al., 2022). Hence, this research focused on millennial males in SEE. Lastly, very few studies have looked at male grooming in the online context (see Law et al., 2016), particularly among digital savvies.
The Rise of Digital Consumers and the Digital Extended Self
Web 2.0 has created a new order for both businesses and consumers. It has offered consumers the opportunity to freely express their opinions (Burgess et al., 2015), protest and raise their voices, and even galvanize social change (Plank, 2014). This online environment has created the space for the dissemination of different sexualities (Manago, 2013), especially of different types of masculinities, such as metrosexuality. According to Jordan (2017), “an abundance of online options allows for a broader, more global audience reach, and has empowered the male consumer (p. 181).” Metrosexuals tend to share their views about themselves and their consumption in online communities (Hall et al., 2012). Thus, brands should come to terms with how consumers (metrosexuals) communicate with them. Sanny et al. (2020) claimed that social media impacts the consumption of grooming products by metrosexuals. Thus, scholars have encouraged marketers to enhance their digital activities and influence consumer behaviour and the consumption process of metrosexuals (Sin & Omar, 2020).
This paper demonstrates that metrosexuality is closely related to Belks’ 2013 reconstructed digital extended self-theory (rooted in his original concept in 1988). According to Belk (2013), because of Web 2.0, the authentic extended self-theory has reset. The online world offers new means for self-extension, concerning dematerialization, re-embodiment, sharing, co-construction of self, and distributed memory (Belk, 2013). Belk has suggested that the virtual self is different from the offline ego since online users visualize themselves in an ideal way rather than their real offline identity (Belk, 2013). Extending Belk, Jain (2018) has tried to approach the co-constructed dimension of self, claiming that self-concept and online consumption are heavily influenced by peer pressure. Indeed, as individuals tend to be more confident online than offline, they are “co-constructing” their selves with the feedback they receive from their online friends (Belk, 2012); this notion is supported also by Turkle (2011 as cited in Belk, 2013), who referred to this as self “collaboration”. Pinto et al. (2015) investigated the issue more deeply through the re-embodiment and dematerialization aspects of the digital extended self-theory.
While it is undeniable that the contribution of the above authors has played a significant role in extending self-theory, there are new areas to explore to gain a further understanding of the digital dimensions of the concept (Belk, 2013). Throughout this investigation, the afore-said issue is deeply explored in terms of the progressive mindset that millennials might have due to their age (Sheth and Solomon, 2014). Additionally, there is little knowledge about how metrosexuals’ identities and practices are constructed and discussed in online and offline settings (Sharma & Samanta, 2020); therefore, future research on this issue would benefit academia.
Methodology
This exploratory study employed qualitative research methods, as they are the most appropriate when the study intends to understand the meaning individuals attribute to a social issue (Kapoulas & Mitic, 2012). It uses three different methods––(1) semi-structured interviews, (2) qualitative open-ended questions, and (3) netnogaphy––to deeply grasp the “why” and “how” of the phenomenon in question and to identify different perspectives of masculinity, the views of SEE men about metrosexuality and their views about grooming products (Creswell, 2014).
Semi-Structured Interviews
Ten semi-structured interviews with men from five different SEE countries were conducted. The semi-structured interviews were pseudonymised as R1, R2, R3 and so on, to ensure the anonymity of the interviewees. The ‘R’ alias was used for all the interviewees, regardless of their national origin. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with Greek men, whereas, Skype interviews were conducted with men from the other four SEE countries (Kosovo, Albania, North Macedonia, and Serbia). Skype is the ideal technique to interview people in different geographical areas, especially, when a sensitive topic is discussed as the respondents can feel a sense of safety in expressing their inner thoughts (Oates, 2015).
Qualitative Open-Ended Questions
One hundred qualitative open-ended questionnaires were distributed to males in the five SEE countries; they were equally distributed––20 questionnaires for each of the five SEE countries. The respondents were given codes, such as P1, P2, P3..., and P100. They were approached both online and offline. The sample of the participants in this phase was different from the respondents that participated in the semi-structured interviews.
Netnography
Additionally, this study utilized netnography – an online qualitative research method that studies consumer interactions and behaviours in online communities (Kozinets, 2002; Xharavina et al., 2020). It is a suitable approach for sensitive research topics, like metrosexuality in SEE (Costello, 2017). This study selected two publicly available blogs; they are created and used by metrosexuals, predominantly millennials, in SEE. These blogs helped us analyze comments/posts about metrosexuality and personal grooming, in particular. This study designated them as Blog X and Blog Y to preserve the anonymity of blogs and their contributors. The members of the community were given coded names, BX-1, BX-2…, BX-75, and BY-1, BY-2…, and BY-97, for Blog X and Blog Y respectively.
Sampling
The participants were chosen based on four characteristics: (1) males, (2) metrosexuals, (3) SEE-based, and (4) millennials (age 24–39 years old). They were from five countries in South-East Europe – Greece, Kosovo, Albania, North Macedonia, and Serbia. Millennial males were recruited using non-probability, convenience sampling from these five SEE countries for two reasons: First, millennials in SEE are more open-minded and less attached to traditional, possibly obsolete perceptions of gender issues, and they are more willing to express their opinions freely (Dzihic, 2019). Secondly, millennials have relatively high spending powers and dedicate a significant time during the purchase process (Costin, 2019).
Data Analysis
Thematic analysis was the basis of this data analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Vaismoradi et al., 2013). This study followed the well-known Braun and Clarke (2006) six-phase framework. Initially, codes were created, and later on, these were used for the formation of themes. The discussion points of the paper are framed around these themes. This enabled not only to make comparisons among the participants’ answers but also to contrast the data from both primary and secondary sources (Saunders et al., 2014). Depiction of the themes identified from the literature and the data collected is presented in Figure 1 below: Visual representation of the themes identified from the literature and the data collected.
Ethical Procedures
The University of Sheffield’s Research Ethics Committee (UREC) reviewed and approved this study. Participants were informed about the study based on informed consent. During data collection and analysis, respondents were given coded names to respect their privacy and anonymity (Saunders et al., 2014). Kozinets’ (2002) ethical recommendations were followed when collecting and analysing the netnographic data. We revealed our presence and real intentions to the communities and their members. The online communities and their members were pseudonymised to ensure they are untraceable.
Findings
Origins of Male Identity
According to the participants, since SEE males are born, their parents impart the socially accepted rules of masculinity to them. Throughout the years, these rules are also reinforced by the school and social surroundings. They reported the following: P95: [..] The notion of masculinity mainly comes from the family and the environment in which someone has been raised [..] R6: Family tells you how to be a man [..] Family always comes first, especially here in SEE where the ties between family members are stronger [..]
These responses resemble scholars’ views about the main influences on male identity formation––family and society (Bano & Sharif, 2016; Pomper, 2010). Historically, SEE males have been taught to follow the hegemonic model of masculinity (a type of masculinity that is mainly defined by dominance; Anderson & McCormack, 2018), and this situation proceeds to happen nowadays, as participants’ replies indicated. For Greeks and Kosovars, the remote past has also largely impacted the development of their masculine identity. P77: [..] It has a very important role as Greeks have a great history of masculine men who defy everything to protect their families and their country. Therefore, it is important to me to feel masculine like my ancestors, and I am proud to be that way [..] (Greece) P73: [..] since we were kids, we have been taught to follow the achievements of the important historical figures (like Kolokotronis), who are considered to be very masculine and macho males [..] (Greece) P97: [..] In my country, especially during the war, the men had to be assertive and follow the norms that were defined by the hostilities between Kosovo and other nations [..] (Kosovo)
For Serbian males, besides the remote past, the masculine identity is also shaped by religious connotations, as Serbia is a society identified with high religiousness (Djordjevic, 2007; Van der Bergh et al., 2014). P100: [..] My ethnic background plays a huge role in how I define masculinity. I would say that the religious background along with the state of the war that was prominent for years, make the male tougher [..] (Serbia)
These findings show that masculinity is not a ‘fixed’ concept; instead, it is associated with the social norms that each society has outlined. For instance, P94 and R2 said: P94: [..] In general terms, I think that the social structures play an important role in how masculinity is defined [..] R2: [..] Nowadays, the societal expectations have changed and a man should follow a more well-grooming appearance [..]
These responses support the views of social psychologist theorists, who define gender role identity as a social construction within a particular environment (Eagly, 1987; Clow & Ricciardelli, 2013; Hammer et al., 2013). But they oppose the biological theorists’ views (Buss, 1995; Costa et al., 2001), who claim that males follow a specific type of masculinity due to natural selection. Mainly, findings show that the definition of masculinity from SEE male millennials is influenced by social constructs, such as family, society and religion, especially by their ethnic background.
In the last decades, due to the high level of educational attainment and online exposure, SEE millennials have started to redefine their masculinity and adopt metrosexuality characteristics. Jordan (2017) believes that the adaptation of metrosexuality can be an outcome of an era of social and political conflicts (similar to the one SEE faced). R4: [..] Nowadays, you cannot prove your manliness by being a macho man[..], instead, [..] there are many other virtues in someone’s behaviour that matter, like ethos, kindness [..] R10: I don’t think that is cool and appropriate to be aggressive and, in my perspective, this is not acceptable [..] you can be sensitive and kind to people [..] and it’s okay to look stylish.
Metrosexuality as a Phenomenon in SEE––Knowledge and Perceptions
Consequently, this study explored SEE males’ understanding of metrosexuality. The majority of participants describe the term metrosexual as a male interested in fashion and personal grooming, consistent with the prevailing definition of metrosexuality and the definition that our study adapts (Pan & Jamnia, 2015; Simpson, 1994; Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). P12: A metrosexual person practically is a heterosexual urban guy, who gives importance to his physical appearance. He is into fashion, into style, and is aware of art and culture [..] (Kosovo) P19: [..] an urban definition of a mainly heterosexual man, obsessed with his appearance [..] (Serbia) P5: In my opinion, metrosexuality is when a man wants to look after himself and improve his appearance on a higher level than the average man does in society [..] (Greece)
The majority of the respondents in the sample portrayed consistent metrosexual characteristics; the authors did not observe any noteworthy inter-country differences. The participants of this study adhere to the same trope and characteristics of metrosexuality. We consider the resemblance to be a result of the similarities (social, political, and historical) that each of the selected SEE countries has with one another.
“The SEE Macho Metrosexual”
SEE male millennials appear to divide metrosexuality into accepted and extreme in terms of the degree of adoption of metrosexuality characteristics, specifically personal grooming habits. Accepted presents the modern male, who requires a positive self-image and whose characteristics are accepted among SEE countries. The extreme side, to them, is the full adoption of feminine practices, which are not accepted easily in the region. R8: I believe that there is a line between metrosexuality and extreme metrosexuality. The latter case, I think, is opposed to traditional masculinity, but the normal metrosexuality is a part of masculinity [..] P90: From my perspective, I think we should make a distinction between the extreme metrosexuality and the normal expression of it [..]
Scholars have noticed that the adoption of traditional feminine habits has led to the misconception that metrosexuality is not a part of masculinity (Casanova et al., 2016; Pan & Jamnia, 2015), and for some participants, this perspective created much controversy. Nevertheless, most of the participants agreed that although the often-strong emphasis of metrosexuals on self-presentation has led to feminine false connotations, in reality, they perceive metrosexuality as a different, more delicate expression of masculinity. Accordingly, our findings do not fully support the conclusions of Mitchell and Lodhia (2017), who stated that metrosexuality is slightly related to homosexual orientation and an increased level of femininity. Our findings support that metrosexuality is occasionally associated with a lower level of masculinity.
Overall, we observed that metrosexuality is expressed differently in the SEE region. SEE has always been identified as a territory divergent from the rest of Europe. The strong religious background in SEE (Van der Bergh et al., 2014), the economic hardships, and the political instability in the region have impacted this region’s perception of metrosexuality (Spehar, 2012). These were reflected also in SEE men’s views: P71: Undoubtedly, metrosexuality comes as the opposite of traditional masculinity. Back in the time, males used to behave in a specific, manly way. Now, due to the influence of the West, this notion has been reconstructed [..] P96: I think the metrosexual male is a kind of condemnation of the strong, tough guy that represents the traditional male and in many times is associated with the past war times [..] P53: Even though at first it was created for marketing reasons, after some years, it was presented as a kind of revolt against the "macho [..]
For SEE millennials, the expression of metrosexuality does not fall solely within the boundaries of consumption but goes deeper. When communicating their masculinity, SEE millennial males are raising their voices against the status quo that has been defined by the monolithic behaviour of the dominant male in this region for a long time. Thus, metrosexuality is not associated with types of masculinities like laddism (hedonistic consumption and sexual conquest; Ho et al., 2020).
Characteristics of SEE Millennials Metrosexuals
Similar to scholars (Sayon et al., 2021; Simpson, 1994; Pan & Jamnia, 2015), all participants of this study claimed that the adoption of personal grooming practices is the main characteristic of metrosexual males. P6: [..] being too clean looking, having trimmed eyebrows, dressing up, having flamboyant behaviour [..] P28: Metrosexual is someone who spends a significant amount of time and money on shopping and taking care of his appearance and knows many things about fashion [..] R10: As a metrosexual, you have to be trendy, follow fashion, know more about brands. R2: Metrosexuals have the tendency of buying clothes and taking care of themselves systematically [..]
The study’s participants in open-ended questionnaires identified other dimensions of metrosexuality, which enabled researchers to form a more holistic view of metrosexuality – the intellectual aspects of metrosexual identity, including interest in arts and culture, and higher educational background of metrosexual males. P94: I would like to mention also that the metrosexuals are highly educated and have a huge interest in personal development. They are trying to combine appearance with the brain. P14: A man, who has an interest in arts and culture; being IN with the most recent styles [..]
Consumption of Millennial Males and Tendency towards Grooming Products
As today’s society emphasizes outer appearance, millennial males spend time and money to be socially accepted (Eastman & Liu, 2012). Scholars argue that the most representative changes in males’ consumption practices in the last decades are associated with the emergence of metrosexual males (McNeill & Douglas, 2011; Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). The evolving market is embracing a vision, which suits “not merely his or hers, but one and all (Jordan, 2017, p. 183),” gender-bending, and gender fluidity––they have presented diversity. Consequently, descriptive phrases like unisex and gender-neutral have started to dominate the market (Jordan, 2017).
In particular, grooming practices have been adopted by males globally. The trend of male grooming is socially acceptable among progressive societies, while among more conservative cultures, the use of cosmetic products by males is still in infancy and is considered a risk to masculinity (Casanova et al., 2016; Clarke & Braun, 2019; Souiden & Diagne, 2009). This situation has begun to change during the last few years. See the responses of SEE males below: R1: I buy grooming products very often, mainly razor blades and stuff for my hair, but also creams for my face and hands [..] P12: [..] Very often. Once a week or twice. I take care a lot of my beard and hair [..] P73: I buy grooming products every month. I have a beard, and I do not shave myself every day. However, I try to be well-groomed.
Grooming products for males have historically been identified as practices of utilitarian value rather than appearance enhancement. As a way to protect their masculine identity, men “claim to view their grooming products as practical solutions to specific needs, rather than providers of beautification” (McNeill & Douglas, 2011, p. 452). Most participants accepted this view and emphasized that necessity is the primary motivation behind their purchases. However, as the male grooming industry expanded, more sophisticated products have mushroomed (like products with feminine connotations). While males in some countries (such as the UK, Canada and Taiwan) are eager to embrace such products (Hsu & Chanthapratheep, 2018; Liu, 2019), there is a dearth of knowledge about males’ views about such products in other countries (Sayon et al., 2021).
This investigation has covered this gap by identifying a plethora of products with feminine connotations purchased by millennial SEE males. These findings suggest personal-care product marketers to give serious consideration to the SEE region as a potential market: P82: Considering that I see myself as a metrosexual, I buy very often grooming products – every week. I am buying common products like the Nivea after-shave balsam, Gillette razors, pomade for the hair and more specialized products like makeup and face scrub [..]
The millennial males in our research demonstrated their preferences towards various grooming products and brands: P96: [..] especially I am a big fan of specific perfume brands like Paco Rabanne, Calvin Klein [..] P84: I am buying a variety of grooming products for my beard like beard oils and beard balms (Propaso, Woodsman) [..] P85: [..] I even buy some more feminine products like lip balm (Nivea) [..]
Findings also revealed that millennial consumers use multiple channels for shopping. Online is the main channel among the study’s participants for the following two reasons:
Online availability
P36: I tend to buy from online stores because of the lack of availability in my country [..]
Embarrassment avoidance
P99: [..] the e-commerce sector where I am buying too because I am ashamed of doing some purchases in offline stores [..]
Influence of Digital Media
Metrosexual males have been expressing their views online, as it is an environment that provides freedom of expression for their identities that otherwise might not be socially accepted in offline venues. Thus, the investigation of Blog X and Blog Y, male-oriented online communities, shed light on certain metrosexuals issues. Among these issues is the judgment metrosexuals receive due to their appearance and style. Several members of Blog X expressed their dissatisfaction regarding this: BX-21: [..] I get so angry when someone calls me gay because I do take care of my appearance. Honestly, I believe that these comments are stemming from their insecurities and jealously BX-12: [..] It is so good to have someone speaking up for people like us, even though personally I don’t spend so much time and money on my appearance. I think males (especially heterosexual men) are still uncomfortable with appearance issues – a situation which should change now [..]
These posts indicated that metrosexual males can still be uncomfortable appearance-wise. Thus, metrosexuals still feel the need to support each other to be socially accepted as they are facing an emotional conflict due to their dual identity. Some participants, for instance, encouraged other metrosexuals to change the current situation – they asked them to stand up and proudly follow a well-groomed lifestyle. R5: [..] social media like Instagram, Facebook, Snapchat provide metrosexual images and have started gaining ground and make people feel freer towards their sexuality and presentation of masculinity [..] P98: [..] a metrosexual might express his real identity in an online context, whereas in his real life he may follow a more conservative way of living. This is very common here in SEE I think [..] P87: [..] when someone posts a photo on Facebook or Instagram, the comments that they receive from their friends might affect their masculinity, and eventually they become more or less masculine.
Overall, these findings demonstrated that (1) the real self-presentation of metrosexual males occurs within digital media, (2) metrosexuals are greatly impacted by their peers when expressing their views online, (3) digital media influences the reaffirmation and re-construction of metrosexual men’s self-identity and (4) metrosexuals’ emotional conflict could turn into emotional support from brands.
Examples of Discussions in Blog Y.
Besides the aforementioned arguments, the large volume of comments in Blog Y indicates the following: 1. Males in conservative societies are not afraid anymore to discuss masculinity issues (online) or to receive information about grooming practices that enable them to enhance their appearance, and 2. Brand preferences in these discussions identify marketing opportunities for SEE.
Discussion and Conclusion
According to scholars, masculinity and metrosexuality are perceived differently across countries and regions, especially among developed and developing countries (Leap, 2017; Liu, 2019; Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017). Thus, by exploring these phenomena, this research expands the scope of the masculinity literature, particularly metrosexuality, which often lacks observable evidence in developing and conservative societies (Likhar, 2021; Sayon et al., 2021).
Findings show that SEE millennial men are brought up to adhere to hegemonic masculinity activities (characterized by authoritarianism). Nonetheless, as these societies have evolved, so have their perceptions and beliefs about masculinity. SEE millennial men have raised their voices against the status quo of the monolithic “macho” father, and they have questioned and even broken significant bonds. For them, the idealized self-image of metrosexuality is often more than a matter of appearance and an evolving subculture of consumption. Thus, SEE millennial males are redefining themselves. They are still adopting many of the chrematistics of a subculture of consumption (subcultures of consumption are distinct, homogeneous groups of people united by a commitment to a particular set of consumption items or activities), such as creating a positive image, wearing fashionable clothes, taking care of their beard, unique language, shared beliefs, and product consumption.
SEE metrosexuals express their masculinity differently from millennial males in developed countries, and they differ between accepted and extreme metrosexuality. Presently, SEE millennial males embrace a dual emotional identity, traditional masculinity and metrosexuality, which co-exist – creating a self-identity in conflict. Traditional masculinity retains due to the influence of family, friends and societal expectations, whereas, the adoption of metrosexual characteristics is a result of their desire to look well-groomed and trendy and more fully expressed in their online/social media relationships.
Findings demonstrate that the self-identity conflict for SEE millennial males manifests itself in their presentation of different in-person and online identities. They freely present themselves and their metrosexual characteristics in online communities because digital media offers them a safe space to express their views/beliefs. They reluctantly present their idealized self, due to judgment and criticisms experienced in offline venues. Thus, participants expressed their intention to co-construct online identity; they co-construct their online identity with the feedback they receive from their peers, who have the same idiosyncrasy, opinions and beliefs. Besides, participants in online communities construct an aggregate self through the sense of joint participation and group affiliation; this helps generate a masculine identity, which is different from the one presented in offline venues. Again, this has notable implications for practitioners developing marketing communication and product strategies.
Findings also reveal that SEE millennials are frequent users of grooming products, in contrast to the literature, which suggests that in more conservative societies, the consumption of grooming products is limited and stigmatized (Casanova et al., 2016; Clarke & Braun, 2019). Additionally, participants attributed utilitarian value to their purchases, thus, rejecting products’ use only for beautification or feminine images. Regarding purchasing channels, SEE millennials favour online purchasing due to the lack of retail availability and safe space, allowing for trust and support and minimizing any embarrassment felt by consuming products related to the subculture of consumption.
Marketing Management Implications
We believe this research (1) provides initial insights for marketing practitioners regarding marketing communication messaging, social media strategy, brand identity and presence, online marketing, and product development and (2) demonstrates how further research, particularly by fully utilizing netnography, defines this evolving metrosexual subculture of consumption as the basis for consumer relationship building and marketing strategy decision making.
SEE metrosexuals demand for the consumption of grooming products presents a significant market growth opportunity that will continue to expand when recognized and nurtured as a subculture of consumption. We believe the first marketer to fully commit to building online relationships utilizing the unique jargon, values and beliefs, symbolic expression, rituals, and brand identity associated with a subculture of consumption can become the dominant marketer in a relatively short time because they will be responding to the cognitive dissonance, emotional conflict, experienced by SEE metrosexual males. The findings suggest that emotional support of the idealized metrosexual self-identity is the underlying driver of brand presence and success. It will require a commitment to netnography research and developing brand communication strategies based on the evolving construct provided in Figure 1.
Figure 1 should not be considered a static analysis of the emerging SEE metrosexual marketing place, but rather an initial visual suggesting the need for further research within this multi-country marketplace. Market segmentation opportunities that might emerge for online and offline consumption are of particular interest for netnography. It is not uncommon for successful online marketers (e.g., Amazon) to develop a full retail presence to expand their market reach and benefit from co-branding, cross-ruffing, and other tactical marketing strategies.
We believe the SEE metrosexual male market discussed above represents the innovators in the diffusion of innovations process and an early adopters’ segment. The growth of the metrosexual market is well-documented outside of the SEE region (Sayon et al., 2021). Thus, for a meaningful market share to emerge, we recommend further qualitative and netnographic research to capture the early adopter and early majority market segments. As the metrosexual subculture of consumption emerges and is embraced by SEE macho males (e.g., distressed jeans), innovative marketers’ brand identity and presence will pay off.
To further support our call for netnographic research, as being key to successful market development, is the recognition of the safe space for consumers’ anonymity and the greater likelihood of unfiltered responses in online communities. It is an opportunity for marketers to create marketing strategies, develop new products and services, and develop social media campaigns based on the evolving subculture of consumption.
Further, marketers can engage metrosexual consumers by using self-extension and self-aggregate strategies, creating an online community where the self-extension will come from the consumption of the particular brand and product, and the self-aggregation will arise as a result of the joint participation in a world online community. The goal should be for metrosexual consumers to become partners with the marketers, thus co-creating marketing strategies with desired benefits and imagery for their preferred brands.
Theoretical Implications
The findings contribute to masculine literature, specifically, to masculine identity in conservative and developing contexts (Bano & Sharif, 2016; Hall et al., 2012; Pomper, 2010). The responses expanded the understanding of metrosexuality (Likhar, 2021; Sayon et al., 2021). This study is the first to provide empirical evidence regarding metrosexuality and the subculture of consumption of grooming products in SEE.
This study demonstrates that SEE male millennials are experiencing a dilemma – their masculinity versus metrosexuality. SEE males embrace a dual identity, a combination between traditional masculinity and metrosexuality. Thus, for them, metrosexuality has a meaning beyond fashion and personal grooming. Additionally, the responses generated insights for marketing scholars regarding the consumption of grooming products by metrosexuals, especially online retailing (Mitchell & Lodhia, 2017; Sayon et al., 2021). SEE males prefer to purchase grooming products online due to the lack of in-store availability and the feeling of embarrassment from consuming these products. One could argue that what is going to dictate the impact of metrosexual consumption would seem to depend upon their ability to balance their consumption between their offline and online metrosexual identities.
This research explains the process of online identity construction through self-extension and thus, it contributes to the literature on extended self in online contexts (Belk, 2013). In online grooming forums, males engage self-aggregation by opening discussions, sharing opinions about grooming practices and reshaping their appearance as a result of comments from other members. Lastly, the research findings contribute to the existing ‘self’ literature, which so far has focused only on specialized personal possessions rather than brands (Belk, 2013).
Limitations and Areas for Future Research
This study is exploratory in nature, and its purpose is to gain an understanding of the underlying motivational issues rather than offer generalizations. The convenience sampling allowed for the extraction of meaningful conclusions, yet, it cannot be extrapolated to all SEE millennials. Similarly, blogs used in the netnographic component of the research are not representative of all SEE millennials, but they provide insights about the way males negotiate their masculinity online; hence, they contribute to the overall exploratory research goals.
Recommendations for future investigation include a cross-cultural analysis including all SEE countries – documenting, comparing and contrasting the masculine/metrosexual profiles presented in each country. Future research could help marketers by focusing on the way metrosexuals express their identity through the consumption of specific brands and products. Online communities with metrosexual interests among SEE millennials offer other potential insights into the way SEE males negotiate their masculinity online. The real self, projecting self, self-identification, and self-expression are all areas for future research. Lastly, future research focusing on the fluidity of gender identity amongst women millennials will help understand this evolving market.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
