Abstract
This article explores the relational experiences of young Setswana-speaking adults in South Africa in relation to older persons’ use of mobile phones and highlights implications for older adults’ care. Research was conducted qualitatively with 14 (9 women and 5 men) young Setswana-speaking adults (19 to 25 years of age) participating in the Mmogo-method®. Findings revealed older persons’ needs for mediation from young adults in order to use mobile phones and to contact people. Young adults provided instrumental support for older persons in relation to mobile phone usage but the subjective impact of these interactions determined the nature of relational interactions both for young adults and older persons. Focusing on the young adults, if a negative impact had been experienced, they ignored older persons' care needs or retaliated. In contrast, if the impact had been pleasant, young adults provided assistance unconditionally. A significant implication of the findings is that relational dynamics in moving for control in intergenerational relations involving mobile phone usage challenged the traditional complementarily-defined relationship of older persons leading and young adults assuming a submissive position. Consequently, a constant struggle for control between older persons and young adults around mobile phones interfered with assistance that might have been provided for older persons. Subjective experiences of relational interactions either led to a delay in care for older persons or increased the probability of providing care. Implications for social work practice and the training of social work students are discussed.
The population of older persons is increasing worldwide, with exponential growth in their care needs anticipated (www.un.org/en/development/desa/publications/world-population-prospects-2015-revision.html). Internationally, the implications of ageing populations have been recognised in terms of the burden it places on governments’ provision of healthcare, pension and security payments (Evans and Atim, 2011). In many Sub-Saharan countries, older persons are not a priority because government policies and strategies centre on issues such as poverty, service delivery and HIV/AIDS (Aboderin and Hoffman, 2015; Hontelez et al., 2011; Lloyd-Sherlock et al., 2012; Mathiso, 2011; South African National Treasury, 2015).
In economically deprived contexts, intergenerational care for older persons is becoming increasingly significant because these relationships often provide the only avenue for their care needs (Stols et al., 2016; Roos and Wheeler, 2016). A generation refers to a group of people of the same age who would have experienced similar historical events during their lifetimes or who are familially related (Mannheim, 1952). Intergenerational relations refer to the relationship between members of different generations (Vanderbeck, 2007). In the particular group studied, multigenerational households consist of members of different generations who are related by kinship, adoption, marriage, or are living together, as well as those who choose to view themselves as family (Chilisa, 2012; Nkosi and Daniels, 2007). In many cultural groups, including Setswana-speaking people in South Africa, there is often little distinction drawn between family and certain community members who consequently care for one another indiscriminately (Chilisa, 2012; Evans and Atim, 2011; Mbiti, 1969). In a study of intergenerational care perceptions among Setswana-speaking older women and middle adolescents in a rural community, generational members cared for one another by providing physical and instrumental care. However, these generational members’ perceptions of being cared for differ: older persons perceived being cared for when they received assistance with household chores and when the younger people obeyed their instructions, while the younger people perceived being cared for when their needs for education were addressed (Roos, Silvestre and De Jager, 2017). This study also confirmed other research that highlighted the presence of a great deal of tension in the relational dynamics between older persons and younger people, with consequent implications for providing and receiving care from the generational other (Mabaso, 2011; Roos, 2016a; Roos et al., 2017; Van der Geest, 2002). The younger generations become discouraged because they constantly have to conform to older persons’ demands (Roos and Wheeler, 2016), while older persons’ discontent is provoked by what they perceive as a lack of respect from younger generations (Mabaso, 2011; Van der Geest, 2002). The question driving this study is: What are the implications of relational interactions for care of older persons in economically deprived contexts through the modus of mobile phones?
In the literature, care is explained as a multi-dimensional construct (Chokwe and Wright, 2012; Ray and Turkel, 2012; Van der Geest, 2002; Yeates, 2011) that is given (downward care) and received (upward care) (Stockdale and Warelow, 2000). Two types of care are considered, namely physical or instrumental (tangible), and emotional (intangible) care (Pratesi, 2011; Van der Geest, 2002; Yeates, 2011). Tangible care refers to assistance with an individual’s physical needs or the offer of tangible support, such as helping with mobile phones (Garcia and Bazo 2001; Muraco and Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2011), whereas intangible care is associated with feelings of empathy, concern, kindness and compassion (Roos et al., 2017; Watson, 2007).
Mobile technology
Mobile technology has been explored as a feasible alternative for addressing the care needs of older persons, both nationally and internationally (Knodel and Chayovan, 2012). In Australia and other European countries, information and communication technologies (ICTs) are already being used as a means of caring for older persons by providing support and giving them a sense of autonomy (Brandt et al., 2009; Feist et al., 2010). Mobile phones have increasingly been involved in the delivery of health interventions. They have been used to monitor symptoms in asthma and heart disease, to remind patients about upcoming events, and for a range of other health problems (Klasnja and Pratt, 2012). ICTs are used to maintain the relationships and strengthen connectivity (Carvalho et al., 2015; Lamont et al., 2017; Stafford and Hillyer, 2012) and can assist older persons who live alone to be safer and healthier (Clark et al., 2015; Lamont et al., 2017; Thupayagale-Tshweneagae et al., 2014).
A relational perspective
Care is regarded as a relational phenomenon which takes place in interpersonal contexts (Haberkern and Szydlik, 2010; Muraco and Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2011; Ochieng, 2011; Vorster et al., 2013). This study is therefore underpinned by Self-Interactional Group Theory (SIGT), which was developed from Interactional Pattern Analysis (Vorster et al., 2013), Relationship Psychology (Stacey, 2000, 2001, 2003) and Systems Theory in Action (Smith-Acuňa, 2011). SIGT explains the relational interactions between people on different levels of analysis, namely the intra-individual, the inter-individual and the group levels (Roos, 2016a). These levels of analysis are interrelated and embedded in broader environments, such as the political, economic, social or technological (Roos, 2016a). The intra-individual level indicates the impact of the interaction, for example the subjective emotions or feelings of the relational experiences of young Setswana-speaking adults with older persons concerning the topic of mobile phones (Vorster et al., 2013). Subjective experiences indicate what transpires on the inter-individual and group levels (Lazarus, 2006). The inter-individual level of analysis consists of (1) the interpersonal context in which the relational interaction takes place; (2) how people define the relationship between them; (3) observable relational qualities that manifest in the relational interaction; (4) needs and social goals expressed in the relational interaction; and (5) reciprocal interactional processes (Roos, 2016a). SIGT provides valuable insights into intergenerational relationships, especially in the context of intergenerational care.
Problem statement
Although research reported on the value of ICTs as a means of addressing the care needs of older persons, these studies did not look at the nature of the relationship between members of different generations (Ouma et al., 2011; Ruxwana et al., 2010; Van Biljon et al., 2013). Very little is known about the relational experiences of members of the younger generation in relation to older persons in conjunction with the topic of mobile phones. The aim of the study is to explore the relational experiences of young Setswana-speaking adults with older persons’ mobile phone use and to obtain a better understanding of implications for care.
Research methodology
Research method and design
A qualitative research method was used to achieve a detailed understanding of young Setswana-speaking adults’ experiences concerning their relational interactions with older persons involving the topic of mobile phones. A descriptive-interpretive approach was followed to obtain detailed data from the participants about their subjective perspectives in relation to older persons around the topic of mobile phones (Thorne et al., 2004).
Research context and participants
Participants were sampled from the Mahikeng Campus of the North-West University in the North West Province of South Africa. The North West Province is considered a rural area, with a mainly Setswana-speaking population and with limited formal care facilities for older adults (Statistics South Africa, 2016). For the study, young adults with an interest in social sciences were purposively selected because they were likely to provide rich information and offer comprehensive insight into relational experiences (Emmel, 2013). Selection criteria therefore included students between the ages of 18 to 25, who were registered in any social science; were Setswana-speaking; interacted with an older person(s) concerning mobile phones; and were able to communicate effectively in English. Fourteen participants took part in the study, nine women and five men, ranging in age from 19 to 25 years (See Table 1).
Participant information and older persons in relation to whom visual constructions were made.
Procedure and ethical considerations
Ethical clearance (ethical number NWU-00053-10-A1) was obtained from the Health Research Ethics Committee in the Faculty of Health Sciences of the North-West University (Potchefstroom campus). Two lecturers of students registered for psychology and social work acted as gatekeepers. They explained the goal of the research and what was expected of the participants before the exercise was conducted and again on the day of data gathering. Only social work students volunteered for the research. Informed consent forms were sent to these voluntary participants two weeks before data gathering. The form made clear that confidentiality could be ensured only partly, because they would be participating in a group. Participants were assured that to ensure anonymity their names would not be published or mentioned to anyone outside the research team.
Data collection
Data were obtained using the Mmogo-method®, a projective visual data-collection method (Roos, 2008). The Mmogo-method® was considered an appropriate method for this study because it provides social researchers with an opportunity to obtain relational meanings from the perspective of different participants, in this instance young Setswana-speaking adults (Mpofu, 2016). The method draws on the principles of projection by using unstructured materials (malleable clay, beads of different colours and sizes, and dried grass stalks) and an open-ended prompt to encourage participants to construct visual representations (Roos, 2012). The manner in which the method is applied enables data to be obtained from individuals in a group setting (Roos, 2016b). Since 2008, it has been used in more than 18 projects ranging from obtaining data about meaning-making of first-time mothers in the third trimester of pregnancy to relational experiences between members of different generations (Grobler and Roos, 2012; Keyter and Roos, 2015; Redelinghuys et al., 2014; Roos et al., 2010; Roos and Ferreira, 2008; Roos and De Jager, 2010; Roos et al., 2014; Roos et al., 2008; Roos and Malan, 2012; Roos and Strong, 2010; Roos and Wheeler, 2016; Stols et al., 2016; Roos, Van Biljon and Carstens, 2017; Roos and Zaaiman, 2017; Shabangu and Roos 2012; Theron 2013; Van Biljon and Roos, 2015).
The Mmogo-method® is usually applied in four phases (Roos, 2016b). Phase 1 sets the research context. The researcher creates a context for optimal engagement by introducing group norms of safety and transparency, meeting the participants and explaining that data collection involves the construction of visual representations following an open-ended prompt. The researcher emphasises the voluntary nature of the research, hence participants can withdraw without prejudice at any time.
In Phase 2, the construction phase, participants are asked to arrange themselves into groups of no more than 10. In this particular study, two groups were formed and each participant was provided with a container, which held a set of the unstructured materials including a round piece of cloth. The researchers asked participants to construct a visual representation with the materials in response to an open-ended prompt which in this instance was: Please build something (using the materials in front of you) that will tell us about your experiences in relation to older persons involving mobile phones.
In Phase 3, the discussion phase, participants explain what they have created. The process begins with a participant who volunteers to start the discussion, explaining what he or she has constructed. This is followed by the researcher’s asking funnelling questions, such as: In reflecting on what you have made, can you explore what has contributed to or limited your relational experiences? In this study, Participant 14 explained that she had made a representation of her phone with sticks pointing in different directions (Figure 2). The sticks, she states, symbolise the confusion some older persons experience in relation to their mobile phones and technology in general, and the cloth, serving as a veil (Figure 1), expresses her view that older persons are in the dark about things in general.

Covered visual representation.

Uncovered mobile phone with sticks.
After P14 had explained her visual representation to the rest of the group, participants were invited to join the discussion, confirming her perspective or offering a different view. The following dialogue serves as an example: P14: They (older persons) just want to receive a message. R(esearcher): Is it also like this for the rest of the group? P13: For me it’s even worse. R: Even worse? P13: Yes, my granny can only press the yes button to answer the phone, just to talk and call. My mom can only check messages and make calls. She can’t even send messages. She has to ask someone to do it for her.
Data analysis
The six-step method of analysis proposed by Roos and Redelinghuys (2016) was followed to analyse the visual data, in combination with text obtained from the Mmogo-method®. In Step 1, the production context in which the data were collected was described (see background). In Step 2, the researcher adopted an emphatic position towards the data and refrained from reading meanings into them unless indicated by the participants. In Step 3, the literal observations of the visual elements were described. In Step 4, the symbolic meaning participants attached to their visual representations were added. Step 5 incorporated the context participants introduced to position their visual representations, and the meaning they assigned. In Step 6, the research team conducted an interpretive analysis to analyse the data in order to identify knowledge that could be transferred to other contexts (Roos and Redelinghuys, 2016). An example of the analysis conducted of the visual representation of P8 is presented in Table 2.
Example of analysis of visual representation of P8.

Younger and older person and emotions.
The textual data were analysed using thematic analysis (Clarke and Braun, 2013). The researcher became familiar with the data by reading and re-reading the transcriptions of the audio-recorded data, following which codes were generated. The audio-recorded data were searched for themes relevant to the research question.
The researchers adopted three perspectives in analysing and reporting findings. First, the visual and textual analyses were conducted separately, with researchers looking for meaning in the data to answer the research question. Second, by using their methodological skills and expert knowledge of relational interactions from an interactional approach, researchers interpreted the findings and identified themes beyond the descriptive level of understanding. Third, the integrated, written report focused on a general interpretation that highlights transferable knowledge (Roos and Baart, 2016).
Trustworthiness
Crystallisation involves obtaining different viewpoints in the collection of data to limit bias (Ellingson, 2009). This principle was applied by using different data sources (visual and textual data) and two groups of participants. During the application of the Mmogo-method® member checking was applied by constantly verifying the information obtained with the participants, which allowed them to ask questions and have the opportunity to give and receive feedback (Tracy, 2010). Peer review was applied when the researcher and an independent researcher discussed the themes and consensus was obtained. The data were coded and recoded, thus contributing further to the dependability of the research project (Krefting, 1991). The research context and participants were described in detail in order to determine how transferable the findings were (Ellingson, 2009; Tracy, 2010).
Findings
The study reported three themes from young adults’ experiences of mobile phone use in relation to older persons. The first reflects older persons’ needs for assistance with their mobile phones, mainly to make social contact, and how young adults respond to the expressed needs. A second theme reports on the reciprocal interactions between older persons and young adults that consist of impact and reactions, and the third highlights how a struggle for control is played out between older persons and young adults in their relational interactions involving the topic of mobile phones.
The findings about relational experience is presented from the perspective of a specific group of young Setswana-speaking adults in relation to older people’s mobile phone usage and should not be regarded as a reflection of the actual capabilities of older persons or generalised to all intergenerational interactions concerning the topic of mobile phones. Table 3 presents a summary of the themes and sub-themes obtained from the data. Due to the discursive nature of the Mmogo-method® it is not always possible to link comments specifically to the relevant participant. In those cases participants were coded as YA (young adult), thus protecting their identities.
Young adults’ experiences regarding mobile phone use in relation to older persons.
Older persons’ needs and young adults’ reactions
It appeared that older persons required instrumental support from young adults in relation to their mobile phones, primarily for making contact with people, to which the young adults responded.
Older persons need help with basic phone functions. Some older persons, according to the young adults, needed assistance to perform basic functions with their mobile phones: “You have to help them with sending a message, maybe reading an SMS for them” [P14, female]. According to P5 [female], her grandmother does not understand anything to do with cell phones, and P11 [female] stated that even though her grandfather “has three cell phones he doesn’t understand any of them”. In some instances the older persons preferred the younger people to handle the mobile phones on their behalf when receiving a call: “When it rings while I am with her, I would take it and give it to her and she wouldn’t even take it.” [P8, female] (Table 2).
It appeared that older persons requested help from the younger people to use their mobile phones as a medium for making contact with others. From the analysis in Table 2, it seemed that the need to master the device was secondary to the need for personal contact. This was also confirmed by P1 [male], who said that his help was requested by an older person to recharge the airtime in order for him to call his “first son or second son”.
Young adults provide instrumental support. Mostly, young adults reported that they helped older persons with the mobile phone’s basic functions. Some young adults set up the phone so that it was simpler to use: “I stored all his sons’ numbers with a ‘please call me’ so he could just press the green button so it would send a call back” [P4, male].
When older persons were physically challenged, some of the young people devised a plan to enable the mobile phone to be used. This is illustrated in the visual representation in Figure 4, which shows a mobile phone slotted into a small purse with a long strap. P13 [female] explained that they got her grandmother the small purse for the phone to hang around her neck so that she could hear when it rang, because “she’s an older person and has hearing problems”.

A mobile phone kept in a small purse.
Impact and reaction
Impact refers to the subjective emotional experience resulting from relational interactions between people, which elicit a reaction from the participating other.
From the perspective of young adults. P3 [female] said that she had had a “nice experience” with the older person she helped: ‘I felt good because she started talking to me and I was like, okay, I was able to do this for her and she is grateful, so I felt good too because I was able to make her happy, and she started talking to me about things back then and the old phone.’
In contrast, when young adults experienced dismay from the interaction with older persons, they resorted to punishing the older persons: ‘Sometimes he will be using the words that I can’t stand them (he will be swearing at me) … then I will be locking the phone and leave’ [P4, male]. When the younger person eventually decided to assist the older person, he dialled an incorrect number to get even.
From the perspective of older persons. A young participant described the response of an older person who was probably reacting to being perceived as incompetent by a young person. The younger participants tended to present older persons’ mobile phone use and capabilities (see Table 2) as inferior, to which older persons were likely to react. One participant recalled that an older person had protested: “You are taking me as if I am a stupid person. You think I don’t know these things?”
By contrast, a young person who was patient, avoided quarrelling and helped older persons whenever they needed it, was perceived to be approachable for assistance: “I don’t argue too much with her … I was like patient with her and would show her every time” [P2, male].
Control in the relationship
In this study, some older persons moved for control in relation to younger people in regard to mobile phones when, for example, they instructed the younger people to “stand up and leave that thing!” [P10, male]. Their reason for wanting young adults to put their phones away was that their phones “get tired” [P12, female] or so that they could help with household chores P1 [female]. This instruction should be obeyed, according to P13 [female]: “You just have to do it”.
If young adults did not comply with the older persons’ requests or instructions, they expected to face several consequences. On an individual level, they would be labelled disrespectful, which in this particular socio-cultural community is regarded as a dishonour: “You’ll be regarded as the child who is disrespectful to her adults” [P14, female]. The younger people’s “disobedience” would be subjected to punishment over a long time, even extending over years: “If you don’t obey your elders you will be followed with bad lucks [sic] and bad things will be happening to you and then you cannot ask why is that thing being happening for years and years and years and years and years” [P5, female]. Disobeying older persons regarding the use of their mobile phones might also result in challenging the social norm of giving and receiving reciprocal care between different generational members: “If I don’t do it she won’t do anything for me too” [P13, female]. The grandmother would withhold her help if not offered help from the young person’s side.
Young adults moved for control to use the air time of older people, which is evident in the following dialogue: R: Tell me how do you feel about this interaction with your grandmother? P14: Well for me it’s fun, because I know that I can use her airtime. She will not know. I can ask her to buy airtime and use it to call my friends. She will not care, as long as she call [sic] somebody and make sure that she reach that person that is fine for her. R: So do you use her phone to call your friends or does she put airtime on your phone for you? P14: Well, she will ask me to buy airtime and then she will call only for a little while. I’ll just use it to call my friends. (Laughter all round.) R: Can you all relate to that? All participants: Yes R: Do you all do that? All participants: Yes.
Discussion
In this particular sample, some of the older persons needed help to perform basic phone functions. Following Vygotsky’s idea of internalisation, it is possible that the older persons to whom the young adults in this study referred had not previously been exposed to external activities related to mobile phones (Damianova and Sullivan, 2011). Due to a lack of exposure, the group of Setswana-speaking older persons, like many other indigenous groups in rural South Africa, may have needed to master mobile phones, but were unable to do so. Consequently they did not develop the skills to combine component actions to “form a new chain of component functions for a new functional system of an activity” (Salonen, 2013: 622) in order to use mobile phones competently.
Regardless of how older persons perceive the mobile phone, some still avoid using it (Hill et al., 2015; James, 2014). Fletcher and Jensen (2015) described this as an acceptance barrier. Many older persons to whom the young adults referred in this study have limited knowledge of the functions of mobile phones (Fernández-Ardèvol and Ivan, 2013; Porter et al., 2015). They therefore rely on the younger people to provide assistance, mainly to make social contact, to which the young adults respond in a helpful manner.
However, it seems that the nature of the relational interactions between older persons and young adults mitigates or limits the support process. According to SIGT, interpersonal interactions are circular processes consisting of subjective impact and corresponding reactions from those who are interacting (Roos, 2016a; Vorster et al., 2013). Focus or punctuation on a specific level of analysis is therefore required (Vorster, 2011). If the discussion is punctuated on the intra-individual level, the subjective experiences (emotions) of the young adults give an indication of what is transpiring on an inter-individual level, with specific reference to tangible and intangible care needs.
If the subjective impact, from the perspective of young adults, is considered, the findings of this study confirm that pleasant subjective emotions are associated with unconditional support and helpful reactions. The positive impact which occurs as a result of the relational interactions between the older persons and the young adults generates positive emotions on which the younger people can draw to inform their memory of the previous engagement as well as their future relational interactions with older persons. These expanded thought patterns provide a wider range of possibilities for action and extend resources (Fredrickson, 2013). For example, in this study, some of the young adults even develop creative ways to support older persons with age-declining difficulties to enable them to hear their phones ring. Positive emotions thus have the potential to mediate tangible and intangible care actions and counteract challenges associated with age-declining abilities or learning to use new technology (Ochieng, 2011). By contrast, the findings also confirmed that when the subjective impact of an action is associated with an unpleasant emotion, such as dismay, there is a corresponding and subsequent expected reaction, which in this study was punishment. Focusing on the older persons’ dismissal or rejection of the actions of young adults (as recalled by the young adults) involving mobile phone usage, this could be a possible indication of the subjective impact of feeling incompetent or embarrassed.
Another interesting finding is how the struggle for control plays out around the relational interactions concerning mobile phones. People move for control in every relational interaction and the relationship can either be complementary, parallel, or symmetrically defined (Roos, 2016a; Vorster et al, 2013; Watzlawick et al., 2011). Previous research indicated that both from older and younger people’s perspectives a complementarily-defined relationship with the older persons in the leading position and the younger people in a following position is confirmed and socio-culturally supported (Bohman et al., 2009; Roos, 2011; Roos, 2016a). However, various internal and external dynamics have challenged this relational definition of Setswana-speaking people in rural South Africa, as elsewhere (Roos, 2016a). In this particular context, a symmetrical struggle seems to play out when the older persons move for control in their relational interactions with young adults in mobile phone usage, yet paradoxically they are dependent on the latter. For their part the young adults attempt to gain control by stealing older persons’ airtime, immobilising their phones, or ignoring their requests for assistance. The mobile phone and airtime become a kind of currency for which the struggle is played out daily (Porter et al., 2015).
These attempts to gain and maintain control are worrying because the provision of care by young adults and acceptance of care by older persons can be seriously affected by a struggle for control in intergenerational relationships (see Vorster et al., 2013). It is important to note that participants in the study are social work students who, in accordance with its selection criteria, are expected to possess a heightened sense of connection and the necessary characteristics that go with the territory, such as empathy and flexibility. The findings would give cause for concern should other, less people-centred, young adults experience the same frustrating impact in the relational interactions with, and consequently for, the care needs of the older persons.
Limitations and recommendations
In this study, the relational experiences of young adults only were considered. It might be interesting to involve two generational groups together. By using the Intergenerational Group Reflecting Technique (Roos, 2011), both generations could discover that they have specific, although different needs, and long for their fulfilment. Furthermore, it would be interesting to investigate what each generational group believes the strengths of the other generational group to be. Future research into effective intergenerational caring relations could focus on the importance of dialogue and exchange as a route to mutual recognition and cooperation. This study could potentially provide a starting point.
Conclusion
Implications for care involving mobile phones is relevant for social workers on three levels. First, from the perspective of older persons, introducing a technological modus does not necessarily imply the automatic autonomic acceptance by the older persons. Second, the interface between mobile technology and care introduced in intergenerational relations is accompanied by ‘baggage’ that is carried into their relationships by both generational members. Existing tensions between generational members is replayed in an interpersonal context in which mobile technology is introduced. It is suggested that when engaging with older persons and young adults on the topic of mobile phones a mechanism should be found for renegotiating pre-existing relationships in a more positive fashion. By means of constructive dialogue the culturally and historically constructed nature of mutual (mis)understandings in relation to care giving and care expectations can be acknowledged. We know that a positive impact has an accumulative effect that sets off further positive emotions, leading to vigorous upward spirals of well-being. It also appears to mitigate subjective negative experiences of ineffective interpersonal actions (Fredrickson, 2013; Garland et al., 2010). Third, in an interpersonal context in which care is needed and offered, the caring relationship could easily be defined as complementary, with the carer in the one-up and the care receiver in the submissive position. Many social workers will operate in intergenerational relationships and across cultural boundaries. Therefore, the situated nature of caring relationships should be recognised. In order to allow the support process to develop, they should adopt the perspective of the care recipient and not act on needs they may have identified from their own perspective. In training social work students it is recommended that the curriculum should include person-centred interviewing skills and an experiential learning space should be created in which students can obtain feedback on their preferred interpersonal styles. This could be beneficial to their careers as healthcare professionals promoting optimal human interaction.
Footnotes
Authors’ note
Celesté Robertson is affiliated to Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work is based upon research supported by the National Research Foundation. Any opinion, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and therefore the NRF do no accept any liability in regard thereto.
