Desafíos y Bendiciones

Abstract

Taking a multiperspective approach, seven Latina students, two student services personnel, and one mental health service provider are interviewed to gain different stakeholder perspectives regarding Latina first-generation college educational and coping experiences. Familial involvement and connections with family, peers, and university personnel are critical to the educational coping of Latina first-generation college students. The students provide consejos for other Latina first-generation students to navigate college successfully. Practice implications and directives for future research are provided.

Keywords

first-generation college students Latinas in higher education

Identified as “invisible” within higher education in the educational and psychological literatures (Rodriguez, Guido-DiBrito, Torres, & Talbot, 2000), Latinas face unique challenges and stresses in earning advanced degrees (Gloria, Castellanos, & Orozco, 2005). Although earning more bachelor’s degrees than their male counterparts (Hurtado, Sáenz, Santos, & Cabrera, 2008), the barriers and stresses encountered by Latinas often limit their educational pursuits (Rodriguez et al., 2000, Swartz, 2001). A lack of finances, limited familial support, few mentors, cultural stereotypes, inhospitable campus climates, low expectations, and a sense of being a cultural misfit influence their college navigation (e.g., Cuadraz, 1996; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Martinez, 2003; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Latinas also lack substantial information about the available resources in higher education (Nevarez, 2001) and practical support from their families (Engle, 2007; Tornatzky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002).

Often the first in their families to go to school (known as first-generation college students or FGCS; Engle, 2007; García, 2001; Hurtado et al., 2008), Latina/o students often cannot rely on their families for information needed throughout their educational tenure in higher education (Tym, McMillion, Barone, & Webster, 2004). For example, in a study of 1,050 Latina/o parents in Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York, Tornatzky et al. (2002) reported that parents’ “college knowledge” was low as they did not know basic information about college processes (e.g., which standardized test was needed for college application). Considered “at risk” (DiMaria, 2006), Latina/os who are FGCS frequently enter college less academically prepared (Engle, Bermeo, & O’Brien, 2006) and subsequently marginally qualified or unqualified for admission to 4-year institutions (Choy, 2001), more likely to enroll part-time while working full-time at 2-year colleges and struggle to transition to a 4-year college or university (Tym et al., 2004), twice as likely to leave college without a degree (Chen, 2005), and less likely to continue onto graduate school (Engle, 2007; Hurtado et al., 2008).

With less information, preparation, money, and confidence when entering college, FCGS experience a “culture shock of college” and difficulty of “staying true” (Cushman, 2007). Specific to this process for Latina/o students is the pressure to choose between their home/familial culture and that of the academic setting (Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; Nevarez, 2001). As Latina students “juggle” home and school cultures (Gloria & Robinson-Kurpius, 1996) and/or experience marginalization by these two cultures (González, Jovel, & Stoner, 2004), the need for balance can result in a modifying cultural values (Cushman, 2007) or assimilating to institutional values (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000). Contending with the conflict of one’s personal cultural values and those of the university environment (i.e., cultural incongruity; Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 1996) as well as the tension resulting from this negotiated balance (Cushman, 2007) add to the unique experiences of Latinas who are FGCS.

Past studies that investigated the educational processes of FGCS addressed a variety of issues, including the following: familial relationships and networks (e.g., Saunders & Serna, 2004; Williams & Butler, 2010), attrition (e.g., Ishitani, 2006), cumulative academic achievement (e.g., Strayhorn, 2006), engagement (e.g., Pike & Kuh, 2005), and first-year performance (e.g., Warburton, Burgian, & Nuñez, 2001). In addition, many of the studies investigating FGCS focus on or are largely comprised of community college students. Bui (2002), however, examined the background characteristics, decisions for attending college, and experiences of 207 college students attending four 4-year universities. Findings revealed that FGCS were more likely to pursue a college education to advance their families, have a great fear of failing, and put in more study time than their second-generation college counterparts.

In addressing the perceived barriers and stresses of their higher education experiences, the responses or strategies by which Latinas cope has received relatively little attention. Coping strategies or responses are the cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage internal or external demands that are considered taxing or exceeding one’s resources (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Active coping responses are referred to as problem-focused and avoidant coping is known as emotion-focused coping (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989). Coping responses are interdependent (Guinn & Vincent, 2002) and co-occur in stressful situations (Carver & Scheier, 1994), such as negotiating an unknown university in which Latina students struggle to blend contrasting worlds (Gonzalez et al., 2004).

One of the first to explore coping responses for Latina/o students, Mena, Padilla, and Maldonado (1987) found that late immigrant (i.e., in the United States for 12 or more years) students coped with stress by taking a direct planned action, whereas second- and third-generation students more often coped by talking with others about the problem. Taking a positive, planned approach and talking to others about the problem were also identified as the two most frequently reported coping responses by Mexican American college students in a study of acculturation and acculturative stress (Vázquez & García-Vázquez, 1995). Similarly, Gárcia-Vázquez, Vásquez, and Huang (1998) found that direct and active coping strategies were most often used to alleviate stress, with stress differing by sex for 120 Mexican American college students. The Latinas reported lower levels of stress; however, the authors suggested that they may experience the stresses differently as they frequently are exposed to gender expectations that are negotiated differently than is likely in the case of their male counterparts (e.g., dealing with parents in order to leave home to attend university). In sex-specific studies for Latina/o undergraduates, Gloria and colleagues reported that cultural congruity and emotion-focused coping were most predictive of well-being for Latinos (72% of sample were first-generation college; Gloria, Castellanos, Scull, & Villegas, 2009), whereas cultural congruity and taking a planned active coping response were most predictive of well-being for Latinas (60% of the sample participants were first-generation college students; Gloria et al., 2005).

As such, the guiding purpose of this qualitative study was to examine Latina first-generation college students’ experiences and their subsequent coping of their experiences. In doing so, different stakeholder perspectives (i.e., Latina students, student services personnel, and a mental health provider) were examined to gain a dimensionalized understanding of Latina first-generation college students’ experiences and coping processes. In particular, the student services personnel were selected given their direct contact and role with Latina/o students. The mental health service provider was selected given the cogent argument that university counselors and psychologists are in prime positions to assist Latina/o students with their self-efficacy as students, provide outreach programming and services, facilitate connections to campus and community resources, and understand the campus climate and environment (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000).

Method

Procedure

Through personal connections and a nonparametric sampling method (i.e., snowballing), the study’s participants were recruited from 4-year research institutions. All participants were given a pseudonym, and all personal identifiers were excluded from narratives to ensure participants’ anonymity. The student interviews lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes and were approached as pláticas (friendly and relaxed conversations) to allow for rapport building and the sharing of stories (Sherraden & Barrera, 1995). Given the locations of some of the participants, three of the student interviews were conducted via phone. Notes were taken throughout all pláticas, in particular to capture quotes or phrases, with information filled in immediately after the conversation. The student services personnel interviews were more formal during which the researcher took extensive notes. Quotes were verified with respective participants to ensure accuracy. No incentive was provided.

Latina Student Participants

A total of seven Latina students participated in this study. By ethnicity, five students were of Mexican heritage, one student was biethnic (i.e., of Mexican and Puerto Rican heritage), and one student was biracial (i.e., of Mexican and indigenous heritage). All students were second-generation Latina/o American (i.e., U.S.-born), with exception of one student who was born in Mexico (i.e., first-generation). There were five undergraduates (three juniors and two seniors) and two graduate students (both master’s students). Both graduate students and three of the five undergraduates were the first in their families to attend college (i.e., first-generation college students). All students had entered college directly from high school and were attending a 4-year university.

Student Services Personnel and Mental Health Service Provider

Two Latina/o university student services personnel and one non-Latina/o university mental health service provider also participated. The student services personnel included Dr. Esperanza, an academic services director, and Mr. Poder, a Latina/o student academic advisor, each of whom was first in their families to earn a college degree. At the time of the pláticas, both had been in their positions for 6 and 5 years, respectively. Licensed as a psychologist for 10 years and having practiced for 13 years at two different university counseling centers, Dr. Williams had provided services to Latina/o first- and second-plus-generation college students.

Interview Protocol

The pláticas infused personalismo (interactions that reflect personal caring and concern; Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002) by asking about school and family well-being (information that was not included as part of the analyses), which was followed by a short series of questions asking students’ their age, class standing, ethnicity, and whether they were the first in their families to attend college. For the student services personnel, only two general demographic questions were asked: whether in their capacity they worked with Latina/o first-generation college students and how long they had been in their current position. All interviews were conducted in English; however, several students responded in “Spanglish” or Spanish when describing difficult or emotion-laden educational experiences.

Four questions along with follow-up questions for clarification and expansion of information were posed; the questions addressed the following: meanings and experiences of being a first-generation college Latina student, process of deciding to go to college, coping responses to manage educational experiences, and consejos (advice) for other students and recommendations for university personnel. The questions were also modified to suit a specific stakeholder. For example, the Latina students were asked, “What does it mean to you to be a first-generation college student?” whereas the Latina/o student services personnel were asked, “What does it mean for Latinas to be a first-generation college student on this campus?” The psychologist was asked, “What does it mean for you to work with Latina first-generation college students (i.e., what are their general and specific presenting concerns and mental health needs?)?”

Analyses of Interview Data

Ongoing review of the data was carried out after completing sessions with each student participant, in order to determine saturation. As a result, only seven student participants were interviewed. After all interviews were conducted, the narratives were examined for themes and subjected to descriptive analyses based on our implementation of the LeCompte (2000) and LeCompte and Schensul (1999) directives. Specifically, the multistep process of finding items, developing stable item sets (i.e., groups and categories), creating patterns, and assembling patterns or emergent themes was conducted. In addition, emergent themes were similarly identified by stakeholder group and then compared within and across groups. Finally, direct quotes were extracted from the emergent patterns to exemplify the educational experiences and coping processes.

Results

For purpose of clarity, emergent themes are presented for each stakeholder group (i.e., Latina students, student services personnel, and mental health provider). To represent most accurately the processes within each theme, the consistent patterns are described.

Latina Student Themes

Realization of having a unique educational experience as a first-generation college student

Each student indicated that the path to college was difficult, challenging, and required sacrifice; however, the FGCS described the struggle and uncertainty of the educational process whereas the second-generation college Latinas indicated that they did not feel that they had to struggle to get to school. In particular, the second-generation college Latinas indicated that their parents and families assumed that they would go to school and were not questioned in the same manner as they perceived their FGCS counterparts were. Furthermore, the second-generation college Latinas did not describe the ability to go to college with the same degree of reverence. In particular, the first-generation college Latinas described their going to college as a “privilege.” For example, one student stated,

It means a lot for me to be the first in my family to go to college . . . it’s a blessing and opportunity that I am grateful for. It’s something that I don’t take lightly—it’s been a challenge to get here. Although it’s been challenging and rewarding, I become a model to others that they can get here too.

Perception of family as a complex factor in relation to academic persistence considerations

The second emergent theme for the Latina students was the knowledge that family was a complex factor in relation to academic persistence considerations. The first-generation college Latina students’ families questioned their decisions to leave home and family to attend school, and more specifically, each student in this category revealed painful narratives. For example, their parents refused to see them off to school, they were accused of abandoning the family, and their family loyalty was questioned. Only after students reassured their parents and families that they want to go to school for the betterment of the family, the suspicions, fears, and questioning on the part of the other family members evolved into support and pride. It was the Latinas’ ability to take in accusations and questions as concern, care, and support for their well-being that was critical to their staying in school. At the same time, families had limited connection to the students’ school setting (e.g., some families visited only once and other families never visited), were unable to provide information about college demands or advice, and continuously asked their children to return home whenever possible. Two Latinas address this complex dynamic:

I can’t really ask them about classes because they don’t understand the concept of what it is about . . . but I have 100% support from them.

When there were cultural events at school, I would push my family to come and visit. They would talk with other families about the experiences and feel better about what was happening. The feelings of me leaving, abandoning them, turned to pride and feelings of accomplishment.

Intentional need for negotiation of school–family balance

A closely-related but different theme was negotiating family responsibilities and requests with academic requirements. The Latina FGCS identified the critical need for balance of family and school, particularly when families would ask them to maintain consistent contact (e.g., phone calls that ranged from twice a week to multiple daily calls, returning home every weekend). Although the second-generation college Latinas addressed similar experiences, they were able to remind their parent(s) about the needed time for academics, after which pressures to return home would lessen somewhat. Several students addressed the stress and pressure associated with having to perform for both home and school. One first-generation college Latina poignantly stated, “I’m the one who makes them proud. It’s an honor, but it’s pressure. Gosh, I gotta make them proud.”

As part of balancing family and school, each Latina indicated that she saw herself as a role model for other family (e.g., siblings, cousins) and community members. As much as the Latinas were pursuing their individual educational aspirations, they were equally acting on behalf of their families by introducing opportunities and providing avenues for others—a simultaneously stressful yet critical and rewarding process. For example, one student stated,

I think I am opening the door for my [younger] sisters to consider college. My parents call me and ask me questions about how to fill out the paperwork for financial aid. You know it’s something when my sisters wear my college t-shirts.

Importance of individual initiative on behalf of one’s family

Finally, the last theme that emerged was that of the Latinas having strong individual initiative and motivation to achieve on behalf of the family. Each reported the difficult decision to leave their families to go to school, and they were immediately aware of their need to find the information, people, and services once on campus. Although many of the women were emotional as they spoke of leaving and missing their family, they were strong in their convictions that they wanted to achieve and complete their educational goals for their families. The issue of initiative was particularly salient for the graduate students who twice contended and negotiated their family’s pressure to return home and help the family. Despite the personal (e.g., emotionally feeling distant from family and/or siblings) and physical (e.g., being away from family) challenges, the Latinas indicated that negotiating the expectations of the university, their family, and individual initiatives on behalf of the family, though not an easy task, was “doable” and weighed on their sense of balance and wellness.

Student services personnel themes

Both Dr. Esperanza and Mr. Poder identified the different experiences and subsequent needs of Latina/o first-generation college students from Latina/o second-plus-generation college students. First, these differences were reflected in the ways that Latina/o parents and families hold expectations about their children going to school, assumptions about what is required of their children once at school, and the extent to which parent and families expected the students to return home. For example, Dr. Esperanza and Mr. Poder indicated how parents of Latina/o FGCS expected their children to come home on weekends and as often as possible, without necessarily knowing their needs and academic responsibilities as students (e.g., time to study or to write a paper). For Latina/o second-plus-generation students, they revealed that their parents still want and ask them to return home but their parents understand more clearly when they do not come home because of academics. Similarly, the student services personnel identified how FGCS would often send home portions of their monies (e.g., from financial aid or work) to help out their families with rent or other financial obligations. Although second-generation students may have also struggled with monies for school, their financial aid monies were more likely to stay with the students to cover educational costs.

A second theme that Dr. Esperanza and Mr. Poder indicated was that families need earlier and more consistent and comprehensive college information. First and foremost, they indicated how parents needed information in an understandable format and language (i.e., Spanish) and presented in a context and setting that is comfortable and culturally contextualized. Dr. Esperanza and Mr. Poder both indicated that the information should come from a trusted individual or individuals with whom families have established personalismo (interactions of rapport and concern), confianza (trust and confidence), and an ongoing relationship. Mr. Poder reflected these issues as he stated,

Families of these students need to be prepared for the experience—they need to know just as much as the students about classes, dorms. They need to know what it takes for their sons and daughters to succeed and to hear it from someone they trust.

Third, establishment of connections with university programming (e.g., tutoring services, cultural centers), faculty, staff, and peers was central to Latina/o students’ experiences and coping responses to their educational experiences. Through these connections, they spoke first-hand about how Latina/o FGCS formed networks of individuals from whom they could gain support, find refuge, and feel viewed and validated as students and as Latina/os on campus.

The fourth emergent theme was the differentiation of coping responses and approaches of Latina/o FGCS. For example, Dr. Esperanza in her responses addressed equally the needs and responses of Latinos and Latinas, whereas Mr. Poder spoke primarily about Latino needs and responses. Overall, Latinos were described as less willing to share their experiences; however, Mr. Poder indicated that when a culturally-intentioned space was created to address their educational concerns and processes, Latino male students would organically address how cultural values and current stereotypes of machismo affected their educational pursuits. Having a safe place to address these issues without reproach or stereotype was critical to their sense of confidence and belonging.

Dr. Esperanza indicated that she was more likely to hear Latino male students use negative coping behaviors and use later- and less-organized coping responses. That is, she perceived Latinos to wait longer before seeking help for their concerns, by which time their needs and concerns were more intense and required substantive intervention rather than prevention. In contrast, she perceived Latinas as having more strategic and active coping responses to manage their educational difficulties. For example, she indicated Latinas are more likely than Latinos to seek out peers and mobilize their support systems to gain the support and validation needed.

Finally, both student services personnel spoke of their own experiences as first-generation college students, which served as a referent point for their work with Latina/o FGCS. Acknowledging their status as role models and persons with whom the FGCS could relate and emulate, in particular served as a source of strength when students were questioning their capabilities, both Dr. Esperanza and Mr. Poder were primary players in their Latina/o FGCS’ educational journeys. Dr. Esperanza captures this theme in her statement:

I’m a gateway for my community so that [Latina/o] parents can feel affiliated . . . so that they feel comfortable when their children come to college. Many [parents] feel comfortable to call me and ask questions about what is needed for their son’s or daughter’s schooling. Talking with the families are not typical everyday experiences that other administrators find themselves doing, yet critical to support our [Latina/o] students.

Mental Health Service Provider Themes

Maintaining a strict concern for client confidentiality, Dr. Williams spoke from his previous work with Latinas who were first- and second-plus-generation college students without providing specific examples. Dr. Williams provided a general conceptualization of how as a White male he has worked with Latina FGCS while simultaneously providing specific information for other service providers and university personnel to consider.

Addressing the primary presenting issues of Latina FGCS, Dr. Williams identified five primary and often-interrelated concerns. Dr. Williams was cautious to identify that not all Latina FGCS face these concerns and that the degree of such experiences varies. Often the first time that students are away from home for any substantial amount of time, Dr. Williams indicated that students typically are “homesick” or have difficulty being physically away from family. Having to rely on their families as a primary means of social support, students are challenged to connect with other systems of social support. Students are often unfamiliar with the available campus resources, which limits their ability to make connections. At the same time, when students do connect or affiliate with campus support systems (e.g., student organizations, academic clubs), they continue to struggle with a sense of isolation as they are not always reflected in classes, on campus in general, or with university staff and faculty. Dr. Williams identified that having staff of similar background is important for students; furthermore, having same-race/ethnicity faculty who are succeeding has a powerful and salient impact on the students’ sense of personal and academic self-efficacy as well as overall well-being; thus, it is encouraging for students to see other Latina/os succeed. Finally, an area of common concern is what he called the “educational experience divide.” This divide occurs as families may not understand or have limited familiarity with the educational and academic experiences that the Latina FGCS had to contend with while they are unable to explain their experiences such that they are understood fully. Summarizing these themes, he indicated,

First-generation students are more vulnerable—not knowing what to expect, not sure how the systems work, often not knowing the resources, or how to approach professors for help. They are often overwhelmed by being in classes with 400 students. With continuing generations, they get this information over the dinner table for years, and there’s more likely an expectation that they will go to school. For first-generation students, because the expectation is not always there [to go to school] they have to have a stronger drive and motivation. If they drop out it’s not that they have failed, because they often feel that they have achieved by simply meeting the expectations that were set for them by being the first in their family to attend college.

Dr. Williams identified common personal and psychological concerns experienced by Latina FGCS. Again cautious to state that not all Latina FGCS had to contend with the previously discussed challenges, he identified these issues on the basis of his composite work with Latina clients who are FGCS. Many had to contend with depressed mood and a sense of isolation. Being away from family and having limited support and reflection, students often have difficulty managing these feelings. As one of few Latina/o students on a predominantly White college campus, they often feel different from their White peers and feel that they “stand out” as one of only a few Latina/os on campus or an “outsider” to their educational experiences. Students subsequently question whether something is wrong with them or internalize feelings of “differentness” as some deficiency or deviance on their part. As Latina FGCS, as well as other Latina/o students who find themselves one of few on a predominantly White university campus, they may have internalized self-doubt and questions about their decision to go to school, their capabilities, and “whether it was worth it.” Oftentimes, issues of low-self esteem and self-efficacy emerge from such self-doubt and second-guessing oneself. Finally, Latina FGCS often are overwhelmed and stressed trying to balance home and school demands, which at times leads to distraction and limited focus on studies, poor academic performance, and/or thinking about giving up, that is, to drop out of or stop going to school. As a result, student counseling centers must provide outreach programming to connect to students and make them aware of the services available. Outreach is particularly relevant as several of the FGCS Latina undergraduates were unaware that a university counseling center existed on campus.

Discussion

Focusing on the educational experiences and coping processes of first-generation college Latina students, this study took a multiperspective examination of different stakeholders (i.e., Latina students, Latina/o student services personnel, and a mental health service provider who works with Latina/o students). Using a plática approach to the interviews (Sherraden & Barrera, 1995), four emergent themes were revealed for the Latina students. Synthesizing the emergent themes from all the stakeholders, a core overarching theme was the fundamental and complex role that family plays for Latina first-generation college students (FGCS). Although the core value of familismo (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002) varies by acculturation, generation, identity, and a host of other moderating variables, it is demonstrated as a profound sense of solidarity, loyalty, reciprocity, interdependence, and collaboration (Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004b) in which family members are socialized such that group needs take precedence over individual needs. As a result, family often provides physical, emotional, and social support, given its durability and flexibility to include new members for many Latina/o students (Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004a). Given the intensity of familial interactions and socialized relationships, family has been evidenced to influence the motivation of Latina/o students to pursue higher education (Arellano & Padilla, 1996; Torres & Solberg, 2001). As a result, when students leave their homes and families, the importance of maintaining connections to families is frequently important for Latina/o students (Saunders & Serna, 2004). Although families may be non-supportive or even “obstructionist” (Padron, 1992, p. 73), as they often ask students to return home as often as possible, which can result in additional educational stresses (Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004a). Thus, finding venues to keep Latina/o families involved in their children’s education is vital to a better understanding on the part of the parents about the needs and responsibilities of their children while in college. Challenging the notion that parents should have limited involvement in their student’s higher education experiences, the findings of this study show that family is critical to Latina FGCS overall academic success and coping. Finally, the need to expand the definition and operationalization of family is similarly needed for all Latina students (Segura-Herrera, 2006). Working to create informal and formal opportunities in which Latina/o students can connect to create a new family at one’s university or “academic family” of student peers and faculty mentors draws from frequently emphasized values (e.g., comunidad) and cultural interactional style (e.g., personalismo) of many Latina/o students (Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004a; Hernandez, 2000; Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Ultimately, this study calls for exploring the ways how the dimensionality of familial involvement or familía is critical for student services personnel and mental health service providers to perform their roles effectively.

Although family played a seminal role in the personal, social, and cultural development of Latinas’ educational lives, family alone is not sufficient to provide support needed for Latina/o undergraduates (Rodriguez et al., 2003). The accessibility to similar race and culture peer groups has been found to help students make sense of their educational environment and to develop survival skills (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). For example, research with a large sample of Latina/o undergraduates (228 Mexican and 110 Central American) revealed that support from friends had stronger predictive ability than did family support in explaining perceived psychological well-being (Rodriguez, Mira, Morris, & Cardoza, 2003). In addition, connection to a university family, who are often comprised of student peers, faculty, and university staff, is central to Latina/o students’ sense of self-efficacy and ability to succeed (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007; Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000; Hernandez, 2000). As indicated by Komives and Woodard (2001), individual attention and relationship is one of the most powerful influences on student persistence processes. Individuals who reflect Latinas as cultural beings and ultimately provide access and knowledge of resources are essential to Latina students’ educational successes. In effect, the creation of new and maintenance of old networks allows first-generation students to negotiate educational challenges and difficulties (Saunders & Serna, 2004).

Consejos from Latina first-generation college students

In addition to sharing their educational experiences, the Latinas provided consejos (advice) for other Latina FGCS considering college and for university personnel to ensure Latina FGCS success. Central to the consejos (advice) was emphasizing the importance of following and taking cues from the active, self-initiated, and motivated approaches that the Latina first-generation college students used to manage their educational experiences while in college or university. Consistent with the findings from past research that show Latina students utilized planned and active coping responses (e.g., Garcia-Vázquez et al., 1998; Gloria et al., 2005), the Latinas suggested that others take initiative to “research the campus” and “find out what it has to offer.” Knowing that campus systems typically do not seek out students, they suggested that students spend time and energy to seek out mentorship and community. Although resources may be available, they indicated that it was ultimately the students’ responsibility to take advantage of their campus resources, a recommendation consistent with the strategy of actively taking initiative. The Latinas also identified that joining student organizations (both ethnic-specific and general organizations) was a powerful way to get involved and connect with others. Through these connections, students suggest searching out those key individuals (staff, faculty, and students) with whom they feel most comfortable and can look to as role models and mentors. Finally, several Latinas suggested that others ask about additional funding sources beyond financial aid.

Central to each of the Latinas’ suggestions was the commitment to provide services, subsequent allocation of resources to fund the services, and accountability for implementation of services. For example, the Latinas recommended that universities make available more bridge programs for high school students, a process that should start as early as ninth grade, to ensure college readiness (Tym et al., 2004). Several of the students indicated that they were unable to participate in a summer bridge program because of space issues. In addition to bringing students onto campus early to socialize them to the academic setting and responsibilities, it was suggested that financial support and programming be implemented to bring Latina/o families onto campuses and to “send the campus home.” That is, relay more understandable (e.g., materials in Spanish, information in lay terms) college knowledge to Latina/o families, earlier and more regularly. It was suggested that informational sessions, campus tours, and advertisement of services occur throughout the semester as opposed to just the beginning-of-the-year fairs and orientation sessions—a time during which the students identified being overwhelmed with information and not yet having fully processed the meaning of attending college. Furthermore, the scope and depth of feelings associated with having left their families, being one of few Latina/os on campus, and searching out new communities and safe and culturally meaningful spaces were diversions to integrating new information. Similarly, the Latinas suggested that all academic departments and offices have up-to-date information about services provided on campus and in the local community as a starting point to get students connected to services.

Finally, the Latinas recommended programming that focused on connecting incoming Latina FGCS with others like them. Suggestions were for pairing of students and psychoeducational support groups from which Latinas could garner support and validation for their educational experiences and for themselves as cultural beings, a format in which cultural values are integrated and celebrated (Gloria, 1999). Connecting with other Latinas who had made it through a semester or more of college was suggested as a needed resource, a key aspect of establishing new network systems once on campus (Saunders & Serna, 2004). Several of the Latinas suggested that individual and group connections would allow programming to move beyond stereotypes and assumptions about Latina/os to genuine and culturally-steeped issues and concerns.

Limitations and Directions for Future Studies

As in any study, the limitations warrant address while providing direction for continued investigation. First, given the nonrandom sampling method and cross-sectional approach of this project, generalizability is limited (Heppner, Kivlighan, & Wampold, 1992). A longitudinal study that would follow Latina students from their junior year of high school through their final year of undergraduate study would contextualize the students’ “in-the-moment” experiences and not rely on reporting of past events. Also related to issues of generalizability is that the Latina students were upper-division students (second-semester juniors and seniors). The degree to which differences between lower- and upper-division Latina FGCS may have emerged is questioned, particularly as research has indicated that upper-division students tend to have more negative perceptions of the university environment and perceptions of educational barriers (Gloria, Castellanos, Segura-Herrera, & Mayorga, 2010; Gloria et al., 2005). Tracking students over time or at minimum having a range of both lower- and upper-division students’ experiences would delineate different milestones and critical incidents for Latina students across their educational experiences. Additional research would do well to investigate more fully the similarities and differences between undergraduate and graduate training experiences. Furthermore, by having a longitudinal study or one in which different student statuses are represented (i.e., lower and upper division, undergraduate and graduate) researchers could identify the critical coping incidents in which Latina first-generation students seek out peer group connections and faculty mentorship.

Next, although the criteria for the sample was more general for Latina/os of all ethnicities, all of the student participants were Mexican or of Mexican heritage. More important, however, the study did not assess how the participants’ self-identified, limiting our ability to focus on the findings for Mexican Americans only. Because Mexican Americans (a) comprise the largest of the different Latina/o ethnicities (Ennis, Ríos-Vargas, & Albert, 2011), (b) have the lowest college graduation rate when compared to other Latina/o groups (Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004a), and (c) differ culturally, socially, and politically from other Latina/o ethnic groups (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002), these findings should be generalized with caution to Latinas of other ethnic backgrounds. Although not originally intended as a study of Mexican American FGCS, the study’s findings may be better identified as reflective of this student community. The study’s findings underscore the importance of having both socioracial and ethnic-specific examinations for Latinas as well as other racial and ethnic minority student groups.

Finally, the parents, families, or even communities of the Latina FGCS were not included as stakeholders in this study. Inclusion of these additional stakeholder perspectives could have provided a cultural context and wrapping of the students’ perspectives as to how they negotiated their home and school responsibilities. Although many of the FGCS cannot rely on their parents or families for information needed throughout their higher-education tenure (Hsaio, 2002), they could still have lent insight into the need for parents and families to be involved with and be supportive of their FGCS personally and culturally (Tornatzky et al., 2002).

Conclusion

This study elucidates the educational processes of first-generation college Latina students attending a 4-year research institution. In particular, the study lends insight into the university experiences of students who are often overlooked in the psychological and educational literatures. It is clear that involving familia within the educational processes for students and facilitating their creation of an academic family (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007) for themselves with peers and university personnel is critical to the process of Latina FGCS success. As university officials are increasingly accountable to varied stakeholder groups for student persistence, this study included different voices and perspectives to understand more fully the challenges, concerns, and resources needed to facilitate the educational successes and well-being of first-generation college Latinas at 4-year institutions.

Footnotes

The phrase desafios y bendiciones in the article title translates to challenges and blessings.

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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