Leadership for Social Justice

Introduction

Trust is an integral part of all successful relationships and the cornerstone for effective school communities (Handford & Leithwood, 2013). Educational leaders play key roles in fostering trusting school environments. Although trust is defined by several characteristics, two significant features are honesty and openness. Principals, in particular, must be honest (have integrity) and open (transparent about decision making and motivations) if they are to effectively address the issues that thwart student success (Jean-Marie & Mansfield, 2013). This is especially critical in the context of addressing issues of race, ethnicity, and class in schools; leadership practice must be guided by social justice and equity (Dantley & Tillman, 2010; Larson & Ovando, 2001; Singleton, 2013). Leithwood & Riehl (2003) found principals to be critical figures in nurturing positive relationships in their respective school communities. In addition, through “courageous conversations,” trustworthy school leaders counteract the harmful impact of society’s “isms,” including racism and classism, which often make their way into the classroom (Jean-Marie & Mansfield, 2013; Singleton, 2013) and work proactively to create socially just school environments (Brown, 2004; Larson & Ovando, 2001; Shields, 2010). The following case examines issues of trust, race, ethnicity, and class, and asks readers to consider how this particular leader promotes (or hinders) equity and social justice in his school community.

Context

The village of Evergreen ¹ is in transition. A quiet suburban neighborhood, Evergreen has historically been composed of a solidly middle-class population residing in primarily single-family homes. The community is more than 50% White, 20% Black, and has a rapidly growing community of Latinos/as making up approximately 29% of the remaining population. Intergenerational families have been the norm in Evergreen, and residents praised the small-town feel. Community members worked hard in blue-collar jobs and in the public sector, and have enjoyed living in the safe, friendly neighborhood. Evergreen was once a close-knit community: Kin and kind were synonymous and residents left their doors unlocked. This feeling of familiarity and trust has dwindled in recent years. Long-standing community members are uneasy with the new faces and the changing demographics, particularly in the schools.

The Evergreen School District (ESD) is relatively small with just three schools: a primary, an elementary, and a middle/high school. In the past 9 years, the number of students receiving free or reduced lunch rose precipitously, and the Latino/a population has also increased significantly (see Table 1). Furthermore, the percentage of students classified as English Language Learners (ELL) rose considerably over the past 9 years. The primary grades, in particular, have experienced a steady increase in the enrollment of students classified as ELL, with this population now representing one third of the entire student body at the local elementary school.

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Table 1.

Notable Student Demographic Shifts in Evergreen School District (%).

	2004	2013
Latino/a students	36	51
Eligible for free/reduced lunch	25	43
ELL (district-wide)	11	17
ELL (primary grades)	13	34

Note. ELL = English language learners.

Responding to the changing demographics of the community, ESD reached out to neighboring districts that, based on standardized assessment data, demonstrated success in educating students who are ELL. Subsequent discussions and site visits led to the introduction of a Spanish–English dual language program beginning in the primary grades. Furthermore, ESD developed and implemented English as a Second Language (ESL) and Sheltered Instruction Observation Protocol (SIOP) programs to support students who are ELL and new to the district. Based on preliminary student data, the three initiatives have proven effective. There is a marked increase on monthly district-mandated reading and mathematics assessments, and student performance on state exams are trending in a positive direction.

Historically, Evergreen’s residents and their children attended the local public schools. However, in recent years, this trend has changed. Increasingly, parents are electing to send their children to private schools. It should be noted that this trend coincides with the aforementioned increase of Latino/a students enrolled in ESD. Although student outcomes have not declined significantly, the perception that the local public schools are no longer as strong as they “used to be” persists due to the recent influx of Latino/a students. Nearly 16% are undocumented and struggle with literacy in their native Spanish language. The percentage of undocumented students in the middle/senior high school is even higher at nearly 40. These older students face significant challenges as many have to work to help support their families.

Simultaneously, the demographics in Evergreen are shifting and the city’s property taxes, among the highest in the region, are on the rise. Several teachers who reside in the surrounding community and attended ESD schools feel this tension quite personally. They complain that they pay an exorbitant amount of taxes and are distressed by the quality of the schools (and children) their tax dollars support. Never was this tension more acutely felt than last spring during the budget vote. To explain, each year, the school district puts forth a budget that requires a favorable vote by the community’s residents. What was once a pro forma vote to pass the budget has transformed into a trial of sorts involving intense scrutiny and debate. At the heart of this conflict are the increasing property taxes of many community members who send their children to private schools. They argue that their tax dollars are being wasted on ESD’s “declining” public schools that their children do not attend. The subtext of this debate, however, is the perception that the schools are ineffective because of the growing immigrant Latino/a population. This contentious debate has pitted neighbor against neighbor, further eroding the trust and relationships in the community.

After the budget failed to pass during the first round, a re-vote was scheduled to occur in the following month. During this time, an active Latino parent in the Parent Teacher Association, along with the principal of the middle/senior high school and several Black and Latino/a teachers, visited the local Roman Catholic Church after a Sunday mass held in Spanish, to speak with the Latino/a community members about the importance of voting in support of the tax increases. In tandem, online debates in the comments section of a local newspaper revealed just how deeply polarized the Evergreen community was on this issue. Many opponents of the tax increase were White middle-class parents of children who attend private schools. They passionately argued that they should not have to pay to educate other people’s children. Several questioned why they should be responsible for taking care of children whose parents were indifferent to their well-being. After a successful re-vote, the district earned a reprieve. Nevertheless, it is clear that opponents of the recent tax increase were mobilizing and that the next budget vote will be even more contentious.

Case Narrative

Forest Middle/Senior High School is located in the village of Evergreen, a rapidly changing community located in a northeastern suburban area, just a half-hour south of a major urban center. Founded in 1910, the municipality was once home to a vibrant and cohesive Italian American community. In the 1970s and 1980s, Evergreen’s demographics began to shift. Upwardly mobile Black families in search of better lives and schools for their children began buying property in the area. More recently, the community is in the midst of another shift in demographics due to a large influx of Central American immigrants, many of who are undocumented. The racially and economically diverse community is again changing and many of its residents fear for the worst. In fact, some have attributed the decline of the once prized Forest Middle/Senior High School to Evergreen’s newest immigrant residents and the unstable leadership in recent years.

Michael D’Angelo, a White male, was the principal of Forest Middle/Senior High School for more than 20 years. In 2009, he decided to leave Forest to lead a suburban high school in another district, further south. Nearing retirement age, most believed D’Angelo wanted a shorter commute as he neared the end of his career. However, some believed that D’Angelo was not interested in addressing some of the challenges that were starting to arise related to Evergreen’s changing cultural landscape. After his departure, a beloved retired principal, Joyce Kingsley, a White woman, replaced D’Angelo while a nation-wide search was conducted. At the end of the year, Susan Rogers, a White woman, was hired to fill the position. A principal with more than 10 years of administrative experience in another state, Rogers was considered to be a good fit for the school.

Whereas D’Angelo proposed few reforms during his long tenure, Rogers did the exact opposite and proposed sweeping changes in her first months at Forest. These changes included altering teaching assignments, implementing an advisory system, and requiring teachers to engage in grade-level inquiry teams. A few teachers welcomed the changes, but many were angered by Rogers’ insular leadership style. Consequently, her governance was met with fierce resistance. The unhappy teachers complained to anyone who would listen and flooded district officials as well as their union representative with angry emails. By the end of her first school year, Rogers was asked to resign.

This was the environment that Brendon Mazino walked into when he assumed the principalship at Forest Middle/Senior High School in 2011. Mazino, a White male in his mid-30s, grew up in a similar suburban community and was an assistant principal in a nearby urban middle school for the previous 5 years. He considered himself to be a reflective practitioner and was pursuing a doctorate in educational leadership. As such, he was immersed in current education research literature and, on occasion, shared trending articles with his colleagues. In his former role, Mazino faced similar challenges but had limited authority to implement the changes he believed would lead to improved student outcomes. Hence, he was eager to take the helm at Forest and to implement the initiatives he believed would increase student achievement. In contrast, many community members—internally and externally—believed that Forest Middle/Senior High School was on the decline as graduation rates decreased by 9 percentage points (from 95%) over the past 6 years. Mazino, however, believed he could make a difference in the lives of the students at Forest Middle/Senior High School and was eager to lead this charge.

During his first year, Mazino knew he had to tread carefully. He was aware of the community’s shifting demographics, both internally and externally, and the problems his immediate predecessor encountered when she introduced too many reforms too soon. He was savvy enough to read the writing on the wall: 85% of the teaching staff was composed of the “old guard” and many were resistant to change. These teachers were predominantly White, of Italian or Irish decent, with more than 20 years of teaching experience under their belts. Furthermore, many held key positions in the school and surrounding community. Among them were department chairs, union officials, and board members for the local Roman Catholic Church. Most importantly, these teachers began their careers at Forest when the school was predominantly White, and seemed challenged by teaching a more linguistically, ethnically, and racially diverse student body. It was this group of teachers who had been the most vocal in their resistance to the prior principal’s changes and who were wary of Mazino’s leadership.

However, some of the newer, progressive teachers could be considered Mazino’s allies. A diverse team, these teachers were generally eager to try new initiatives and implement new programs aimed to increase student achievement. This group included the few Black and Latino/a faculty members, as well as a handful of senior teachers. Many of the teachers in this group began their teaching careers in diverse, urban settings. While they too struggled to address the needs of Forest’s diverse student body, they understood that the school and the district needed to make significant changes to help all students reach their highest potential. Mazino recognized that these two factions were polarized as he often felt an undercurrent of tension between them during faculty meetings wherein heated debates often ensued.

Within his first 2 years at Forest, Mazino worked to implement changes he hoped would address some of the academic concerns that were most pressing and would yield the first of hopefully many successful initiatives. First, he reconfigured the advisory system his predecessor unsuccessfully tried to implement. As part of the new system, teachers would serve as advisors to a group of 15 to 18 students, meeting with them 3 times per week at 50-min intervals. The overall goal of this initiative was to foster meaningful connections among students and faculty. Second, Mazino created Professional Learning Communities to adhere to the state’s shift to Common Core State Standards. He also changed the Thursday schedule so that faculty members could meet for longer periods of time to create interdisciplinary lesson plans and to discuss the needs of particular students. Finally, in conjunction with the district, Mazino invited a well-known scholar to conduct professional development seminars that addressed the declining achievement of Black, Latino/a, and students who were ELLs. Although the plans were ambitious, Mazino’s strategy was to highlight the needs of changing student body without directly addressing the problematic dispositions of many of his teachers. For example, while he hoped the professional development seminars were leading to critical conversations among staff about identity and cultural mismatch, he was hesitant to initiate these conversations himself. He recalled his predecessor’s fate and was wary of testing the limits of an already uneasy staff.

Not surprisingly, these initiatives were met with mixed emotions. Some of the teachers recognized the need for critical dialogue about race, culture, and class, and were encouraged by the speaker’s frank talks that addressed many long-held deficit perspectives at Forest. Conversely, most of the Black and Latino/a faculty felt Mazino was not doing enough to change the “business as usual” culture at Forest. In their view, it was Mazino’s responsibility to build on the professional development seminars by leading difficult conversations. In contrast, a few teachers felt Forest’s real problems were being overlooked, and they grumbled among themselves. In fact, they believed that the Latino/a students and parents were the problem and wondered why Mazino did not arrive at a similar conclusion.

To complicate matters, Race to the Top (RTT) accountability policies were beginning to cause anxiety among many of the teachers at Forest. They were concerned about their ratings and appeared to resent the school’s changing demographics and culture. Some complained about the “new” students’ inability to do well on state-wide assessments and argued that they should not be penalized for the shortcomings of these students. Many of the same teachers were often overheard reminiscing about the “old” Forest and how the current students were “different.” Although using seemingly race-neutral terms (e.g., “new,” “old,” and “different”), their meaning was unmistakably clear. They criticized the Latino/a students’ poor English language skills and took the stance that their parents simply did not care about them. Far from seeing the diversification of the student body at Forest as an asset to the school and the surrounding community, these veteran faculty members viewed the Latino/a students from a deficit framework. They failed to capitalize on their rich cultural legacies and practices. Rather than considering how dominant cultural and school norms might impede parental involvement, fault was placed squarely on the shoulders of Latino/a parents. Not surprisingly, Latino/a parents and their children were distrustful of many of the Forest teachers as it was clear that the teachers did not seem to have the community’s best interest at heart. Furthermore, these attitudes also fomented a culture of distrust among the Black and Latino/a teachers, many of whom identified with the same parents and children who were being criticized by the White teachers.

When he first arrived at Forest, Mazino frequently reminded himself that he had to wait until he earned tenure to really begin to implement the changes he felt were necessary to turn the school around. However, now that he had tenure, he was no longer so certain that he had more freedom to challenge long-standing traditions and deeply held beliefs at Forest. In some ways, it seemed that the stakes were just as high; he had a young family to support as well as professional aspirations. In addition to the teachers’ complaints, two critical incidents stood out from the past year that caused him to reflect on his leadership. He wondered, “What do I need to do to build trust in our school community? How far am I willing to go?”

Critical Incident 1

Forest’s varsity boys’ soccer team was in the midst of a successful season. They were undefeated and predicted to win at the state and regional championships. As they headed into the playoff season, they began preparing for the huge pep rally that was to be held in their honor at the school. The team members, who, with the exception of one White student, were all Latinos/as, carefully crafted signs portraying their native countries’ flags. The placards were vibrant. Mexican, Honduran, and Guatemalan flags were proudly decorated and raised during the pep rally. These signs included phrases such as “¡Viva Forest!” and other inspirational phrases written in students’ native tongue. Mr. Echevarria, a Latino ESL teacher and a 10-year veteran at Forest, who was familiar with the culture of the school, encouraged students to also include American flags on their signs. Otherwise, he was concerned faculty members who often expressed frustration about the growing Latino/a student population would criticize the team. Just as he feared, after the pep rally, Mr. Echevarria learned that some of his colleagues were overheard complaining about the signs. Specifically, they believed that the signs should have been written in English and should not have depicted students’ native flags as they are now “American” and should speak (write) English only.

Unfortunately, the tension did not end at the pep rally. At the end of the tough season, the soccer team advanced to the semi-finals. Moreover, throughout the season, the soccer team faced tough crowds as they played predominantly White schools in other suburban areas. Crowds and opposing teams often used ethnic slurs and jeered Forest players during the games. Never in a million years did the students think they would face the same kind of racism from their own teachers, by whom they felt betrayed. During their final home game, some of the Forest’s faculty members were heard chanting, “Arizona! Arizona!” These were the same teachers who criticized the team for their pep rally signs and who were known for supporting that state’s controversial anti-immigration policies. The students’ family members who were in attendance at the game interpreted the teachers’ behavior as confirmation that the school was not a safe space for them. After the game, details about what transpired during the game spread around the school like a wildfire. Many of the Black and Latino/a teachers shared the students’ and families’ feelings of betrayal, especially Mr. Echevarria.

Mr. Echevarria was so upset that he voiced his concerns to Mr. Mazino. He shared how the same teachers who took offense to the signage during the pep rally were heard chanting “Arizona! Arizona!” along with the competition at the final home game. Echevarria argued, “These kids have it hard enough as it is! How are they supposed to want to come to school and do well if their own teachers don’t feel like they belong here!” Mazino agreed and promised to address the teachers Mr. Echeverria named in his report. Mazino assured him, stating, “Absolutely. You’re absolutely right. I’m already planning to have a conversation with them to let them know that their behavior is unacceptable and it won’t be tolerated here at Forest.”

Mr. Echevarria left Mazino’s office feeling relieved as he was promised the issue would be addressed. However, as weeks went by with no public mention of the incident, Echevarria became enraged once again. Mazino promised he would address the incident, which he deemed racially motivated, but Mr. Echevarria was no longer trusted that he (Mazino) would keep his promise. In fact, Mazino had called the teachers in question to office and informed them that their behavior was inappropriate. Although they argued that they had a right to express their opinions, Mazino made it clear to the teachers that if they chose to attend school-sponsored events, they should support the students charged to their care.

Mr. Echevarria was unaware that this meeting had taken place. Although he acknowledged that Mazino might have addressed the incident privately, he was frustrated and questioned the impact Mazino’s “quiet” conversations could possibly have on the broader challenges of racism and classism that were rampant at Forest. He wanted him to address these issues head on and in a public manner. Many Black and Latino/a faculty members as well as students shared Mr. Echevarria’s concerns. They wondered, if Mazino would not stand up for what was right, could he be trusted to have their best interests at heart?

Critical Incident 2

Steven Gregor, a veteran White English teacher at Forest, was known to have very conservative views. Yet, he is affable, funny, and well-liked, even by those who do not share his political views. While Gregor has been known to make questionable comments about different ethnic groups, all of his students, many of whom are Black or Latino/a, consistently pass the state’s English Language Arts exam. In sum, Mr. Gregor is widely considered to be a highly effective teacher, even by those who take issue with his ideological stances.

In the past, when rumors spread about something Gregor said, people tended to shake their heads and shrug their shoulders as if to say, “You know that Gregor.” His off-color jokes were legendary. Most recently, frustrated by his students’ failure to submit their homework in a timely manner, Gregor angrily lectured about poor academic outcomes among Black and Latino/a youth. He angrily yelled at his freshmen class, “This is why you people don’t graduate from high school! If I were teaching in an all-White school, I wouldn’t have this problem!” Many students felt hurt and belittled by what they felt were racist comments. They went to the principal, Mr. Mazino, with their complaints. They asked him how they could be expected to learn if their own teacher had such little faith and trust in their intellectual abilities and life outcomes.

Not surprisingly, word about the incident spread among the school’s community. Many shook their heads and shrugged. Others, mainly the Black and Latino/a faculty members, were outraged. Several of these teachers, including Mr. Echeverria, went to Mazino to express their anger and concern over the incident. Once more, Mazino reassured them, agreeing that Gregor’s behavior was inappropriate and that it would be addressed. The teachers were encouraged by this show of support.

In the ensuing days, rumor spread that Mazino had met with Gregor, but there was no confirmation. Gregor was tenured and a 17-year veteran at Forest. Everyone knew that Mazino could not really take any substantive action against him, and many believed this incident would probably happen again. In fact, Mazino met with Gregor and recommended that he attend sensitivity training. Gregor insisted that his meaning was misconstrued and that he had not said anything that was untrue. He declined the recommendation, and given his tenure status, there was nothing more Mazino could do.

Once again, Mazino never addressed the issue publicly. Eventually, the tensions seemed to subside and everything went back to a normalcy—or so it appeared. Not surprisingly, there was a lingering hostile air in the school community. For Echevarria and many of the Black and Latino/a teachers and students, the radio silence on the issue underscored Mazino’s unwillingness to publicly address the undercurrent of racism and classism among the faculty. Although Mazino might have been powerless to compel Gregor to attend sensitivity training, he did have the power to initiate a dialogue within the school community to surface and address the racial and class tensions, which he failed to do. Once more, the faculty’s trust in Mazino was shaken. Furthermore, students and parents who did not understand the rules of tenure and seniority interpreted his failure to discipline Gregor as another sign that Mazino was not a trusted ally.

Teaching Notes

This case highlights the challenges faced by Brendan Mazino, the White male principal of Forest Middle/Senior High School. The school is located in a community that is rapidly changing with tensions abound, both internally and externally. In the surrounding community, White middle-class families are opting to send their children to private schools. They complain deafeningly about the increasing property taxes and believe that the less affluent community members, primarily the Blacks and Latinos/as, are the recipients of their hard-earned tax dollars. Furthermore, they are actively advocating for the community to vote “No” on tax increases and for state takeover of the school district. The tension at the community level sets the stage for the problems highlighted in this case that are occurring at the school level.

The critical incidents highlight the challenges Mazino must face. His immediate predecessor was asked to resign after only 1 year because she proposed too many changes too soon in her tenure. Wary of meeting the same fate, in his first 2 years at Forest, Mazino failed to directly address the blatant racism and classism he encountered. Now that he has earned tenure, he is unsure of how to proceed. In private conversations with faculty members who are sympathetic to the concerns of the Black and Latino/a students, Mazino has affirmed their beliefs that race and class issues are the underlying causes of the tension. Time and time again, however, he has failed to be transparent in addressing the undercurrent of racism and prejudice, and many of his teachers and students are beginning to lose their trust in him and in each other. Now, at the start of the new school year, Mazino has a choice. He can either continue to deal with problems as he has in the past, quietly and with personal conversations, or he can publically address these challenges.

As López (2003), Theoharis (2009), and Alemán (2009) have all argued, school leaders must understand the political context and the roles that race, ethnicity, and class play in creating unrest. The debate within the broader Evergreen community is framed in the context of tax increases, but the rhetoric exposes that the opposition is about far more than money. At the heart of the debate is who has access to resources. Furthermore, the coded language of what makes the school “good” or “bad” belies negative perceptions of non-White and low-income families and their children. Indeed, this case highlights how macro politics directly and indirectly affects how members of the school community work and interact with one another. Within the school, the sentiments are similar but a bit more muted.

Rather than confront these issues head on, Mazino tries to show solidarity with Black and Latino/a teachers and students via private conversations (with the offending teachers as well as with those who were the victims); however, socially just leadership calls for public dialogue and deconstruction, as well as transparency (Theoharis, 2009). Dantley and Tillman (2010) note, “Social justice demands deconstructing those realities in order to disclose the multiple ways schools and their leadership reproduce marginalizing and inequitable treatment of individuals because their identities are outside the celebrated dominant culture” (p. 22). Socially just leadership acknowledges the role of institutionalized racism, and situates the incidents within broader frameworks and contexts (Alemán, 2009; Dantley & Tillman, 2010). Trust, which undergirds socially just leadership, cannot be gained absent a direct and public focus on the existence and impact of structural racism.

The following discussion questions and prompts can be used to guide small group discussions, individual and/or small group projects, and role-playing activities. As highlighted in the case and the teaching notes, trust undergirds social justice leadership and should be emphasized in the resulting activities and discussions.