Leveraging the Use of Publicly Available Social Media Posts for Sensitive Adolescent Research: Methodological Insights

Abstract

Adolescent research concerning sensitive topics presents unique challenges due to the complexities of navigating ethical considerations and establishing trust within this population. In contrast, this paper proposes a methodology that leverages existing online content produced by adolescents and posted on social media platforms for data collection and qualitative analysis. Drawing upon our previous work with female adolescents who had intimate images disclosed on the internet without their consent and later responded with online videos of the experience, we present these cases as case studies to support our arguments. We report on the following advantages of adolescents using online platforms as a space for self-expression and data collection for research: (i) a safe place to report and share adverse experiences, (ii) the possibility of editing posted videos, and (iii) the authenticity and spontaneity of adolescents. The challenges and limitations, in terms of methodological and ethical issues, are also discussed.

Keywords

adolescence social media sexting virtual platform qualitative methodology

Attempts to conduct research with adolescents relating to sensitive topics have previously included methods such as interviews (Devries et al., 2015), focus groups (Edwards et al., 2016), and consultation workshops (Cody, 2017). These methods are often situated alongside more creative and or within participatory frameworks such as arts-based approaches (Hidalgo-Padilla et al., 2022). However, several factors, such as the presence of the researcher, may influence participants’ behavior, inhibiting the participants’ uncensored dialogue and biasing the data collected (Neelakantan et al., 2023). Coscioni et al. (2017) warn that participants may feel coerced to take part in traditional studies and, thus, respond to the methods used by researchers according to what they feel or believe researchers expect. Depending on the research topic, it can also be challenging to find young people who are willing to talk about negative and traumatic experiences, without augmenting their hurt and pain (Vogel et al., 2020). Therefore, the use of sources autonomously and deliberately produced by adolescents presents a fruitful alternative in addressing these concerns.

Social media offers a platform where young people tend to share freely of themselves and their experiences, and often at a time when they are ready to do so. The public nature of social media platforms provides researchers access to diverse disclosures around issues of importance to adolescents. Furthermore, they provide this access without intruding or detracting from the lives of would-be participants. Therefore, we argue that data collection from existing online content might be a promising strategy in qualitative research surrounding especially sensitive topics with adolescent populations. This approach, while posing important ethical questions, also stands to address many concerns raised with regard to research with young people.

Accordingly, in this paper, we present a methodology that involves the collection of data autonomously produced and posted by adolescents on social media platforms, with particular reference to two empirical studies conducted on adolescents who had intimate text, photographic, and video content non-consensually shared online (Duarte, 2022; Muniz, 2022). We explore the methodological advantages of analysing publicly available social media posts within the context of sensitive topics. The use of this work as a case study substantiates our arguments regarding the efficacy of this methodology in this area. Furthermore, stemming from our experiences with this work, we have identified several advantages of adolescents using online platforms for self-expression and for research data collection, although we acknowledge that there are important limitations and ethical issues that need to be addressed in this area.

The Use of Social Media in Research

Social media are online websites and platforms that enable users to share and exchange content and information with other users. Examples of current platforms include Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, X (formerly Twitter), and YouTube, among others. Whilst they have common elements they often differ in the delivery of the types of content shared, and the terminology used through features including posting, liking, commenting, direct messaging, and sharing to facilitate interactions and communication between users (Boyd & Ellison, 2007; Keep et al., 2019). Social media has become an integral part of modern communication and plays a significant role in information dissemination, cultural trends and shaping social interactions in today’s digital age. This is particularly true for the adolescent population, as the largest age group to use the platforms Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok and YouTube (Vogels & Gelles-Watnick, 2023).

Research has shown that adolescents use these social media to openly share images of themselves (selfies) and content about what they are doing, dance and choreography, and their health and social experiences, amongst others (Dias & Duarte, 2022; Keep et al., 2019; Kofoed & Larsen, 2016; Montes-Vozmediano et al., 2018). Data collection of these publicly available social media posts can be valuable sources of data in exploring issues related to young people (Araújo et al., 2019; Manoel et al., 2020; Salvador et al., 2020). In this modality of data collection, researchers join social media and other virtual spaces (such as online discussion forums) to use existing information previously and publicly posted by users (Salvador et al., 2020). This is an advantage to researchers, particularly those studying specific social groups, since the internet enables the exploration of the daily life of adolescent populations digitally and sometimes in real-time.

Phelps-Ward & Laura (2016), for example, carried out a study using existing posts on the internet as a strategy for data collection. Their study aimed to investigate YouTube videos produced by black female adolescents who kept their hair natural. The researchers selected videos with content related to the adolescents’ hair, covering topics such as daily hair care, self-love, and other narratives that the authors considered to be contrary to the dominant speech and standard imposed by society. The authors found that the video platform served as a home-like place for adolescents. In this environment, they talked freely about hair-related themes (hair care routine, products, and hairstyle). They felt safe to talk about self-love and self-care, as well as their adverse experiences, such as repression, bullying, depression, and other subjects, usually connected to their experiences as black female adolescents with natural hair (Phelps-Ward & Laura, 2016).

Similarly, Levinson et al. (2020) investigated how the comments made by YouTube users constituted a possible source of social and community support for adolescents and young people from sexual and gender minorities. This data is extremely relevant, as adolescents and young people among sexual and gender minorities are exposed to marginalization processes and often have limited family and social support in community spaces (Souza et al., 2021). YouTube served as a valuable tool for data collection and the comments section under the videos enabled researchers to study the subjects commonly addressed by this group.

Importantly, collecting data from publicly available social media posts have allowed researchers to analyze the impact of adverse experiences on adolescents’ lives (e.g., racial prejudice) and the resources available for coping (e.g., affective and social support networks). Bousso et al. (2014), who collected data from Facebook posts, pointed out that sharing adverse experiences in a digital environment has the potential for mobilizing coping strategies, as well as boosting the expression of constrained feelings and/or feelings that were not shared in other settings. In these cases, there is no risk of adolescents feeling coerced when talking about situations they have not yet dealt with since they selected the subject and chose to share their views in a public space.

Studies such as these suggest that social media can, in some cases, work as a safe environment for adolescents to talk about their life experiences, and as a space for interchange and peer identification (Baams et al., 2011; Nolan et al., 2017). For Santos et al. (2020), it is in the virtual setting that many adolescents feel comfortable expressing their ideas and feelings, especially because the fear of judgment is minimized and there is a process of self-regulation, self-determination, and reflexivity (Pessoa et al., 2019) concerning the themes and details they share.

The possibility of sharing psychological or social content in different ways allows adolescents to choose what they are comfortable with, connect more with their reality, and are consonant with their individual preferences. The study conducted by Wallström et al. (2021) aimed to investigate the experiences of adolescents who were admitted to psychiatric care units. The researchers drew their data from texts shared by the adolescents on blogs. The use of textual resources enabled shy adolescents and/or adolescents who had difficulty recording videos to report their experiences in a way and in an environment they felt comfortable with. Moreover, because the texts were posted anonymously, it was possible to preserve their image and identity, if they wanted (Vermeulen et al., 2018).

Collection and analysis of public social media posts make it possible to reach a more heterogeneous sample of participants, given that in traditional data collection methods adolescents may refuse to participate or may feel inhibited, resulting in data that is not sufficiently authentic (Fan et al., 2025; Jungselius, 2024; Kim et al., 2024). Autonomously posted content make it possible to access adolescents with a wider range of profiles (van der Wal et al., 2024). Furthermore, some of the logistical challenges of regular qualitative data collection, such as time incompatibility between researchers and participants, transportation, and shyness, are eliminated (Warraitch et al., 2024).

Sexting and Non-Consensual Disclosure of Intimate Images

‘Sexting’ is the digital exchange of sexual text messages, images, and videos (Cardoso et al., 2019a). Beyond conservative and moralistic narratives, this practice, when consensual, may be a form of exploring one’s sexuality (Klettke et al., 2014) mediated by technology. The practice of sexting itself is not problematic (Manoel et al., 2020). There are, however, severe risk factors associated with it (Cardoso et al., 2019b), such as third parties disclosing and sharing intimate content without the subject’s permission. Terms such as ‘revenge porn’ and ‘slut-shaming’ are commonly used to allude to situations where people have had their intimate images disclosed without their consent. The act and related terms are used in an attempt at revenge through a defamatory campaign against the victim (Gonçalves & Almeida, 2018). Non-consensual disclosure of intimate images constitutes a risk factor in the victims’ life and may cause several negative outcomes relating to the social, psychological, and financial aspects of people’s lives (Manoel et al., 2020; Ruiz et al., 2017). With regard to adolescents, death by suicide is also a consequence (Jaycox et al., 2024).

Sexting is not uncommon, with the rate of adolescents involved in sexting ranging from 7% to 27% (Cooper et al., 2016). In a study of 3,223 Spanish adolescents (Gámez-Guadix et al., 2017), 10.8% of participants revealed that they had engaged in sexting behaviors. Regarding gender differences in sexting, research outcomes have been inconclusive (Cardoso et al., 2019b; Englander & McCoy, 2018; Klettke et al., 2014). However, it seems that females are the most likely victims of non-consensual disclosure of intimate images and that the negative repercussions affect them more significantly (Gonçalves & Almeida, 2018; Morelli et al., 2016).

The practice of sexting is highly linked to technological advances and the diversification of the digital tools available, such as websites, social media, and other information technologies (Manoel, 2020). Baumgartner et al. (2014) suggest that there is a possible correlation between the frequency of the use of the internet and sexting. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was an exponential increase in the use of social technologies in education, labor, and social interaction setting, and researchers found an increase in sexting and non-consensual disclosure of intimate images (Lordello et al., 2021; Thomas et al., 2021). Given the psychological and social repercussions in the lives of adolescents who had intimate images disclosed without consent, and the rise in the number of victims during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is important for the scientific community to devote effort to understanding this contemporary social phenomenon.

However, studies with adolescents concerning sexting are not easily conducted. There is an underreporting of cases because many victims are not able to reach appropriate support networks or make a complaint (UNICEF, 2019). In addition, conventional data collection through interviews, questionnaires, or scales, may not accurately reveal the victims’ perceptions and subjective experiences, since adolescents may feel ashamed or insecure about sharing their experiences with researchers (Patrocino & Bevilacqua, 2021), who usually do not have the immediate social and affective bonds with the adolescents.

When researching sensitive issues with adolescents, they are vulnerable to the dangers of psychological distress, re-victimization, stigma, confidentiality breaches, and ethical considerations, and as such, their experiences often remain marginalised due to the challenges of collecting their voices (Neelakantan et al., 2023; Rodriguez, 2018). By employing methodologies that analyse publicly available social media posts researchers can extract invaluable insights into the lived experiences, perceptions and challenges faced by adolescents in navigating these issues and may overcome many of the challenges outlined thus far. Therefore, the need for a paper reporting on analysing publicly available social media posts in the context of sensitive topics concerning adolescent populations is paramount.

Our Study

The reflections and analyses presented in this article are based on the research of Duarte (2022) and Muniz (2022), two graduate students from Brazil, conducted under the supervision of the first author. The objective of these studies was to examine the motivations behind sexting practices and the impacts - social, psychological, and relational - of the non-consensual dissemination of intimate images involving female adolescents. These studies employed a qualitative, exploratory–descriptive approach with a cross-sectional design. Following the recommendations of Sui et al. (2022), the methodology relied on data collected through a digital platform, namely YouTube. This type of investigative strategy (where data collection involves the gathering and systematization of content available on digital platforms) has been referred to by some scholars as Netnography (Kozinets & Gretzel, 2023). These approaches are grounded in the epistemological principles of traditional ethnography; however, they place particular emphasis on analyzing the behaviors, patterns, interactions, values, and perceptions expressed by individuals, groups, and communities within virtual environments (Wang et al., 2025).

Netnography is particularly valuable for qualitative research because it allows scholars to explore social and cultural dynamics within online contexts. While it draws on traditional ethnographic techniques—such as observation, participation, and interpretation—its emphasis lies in examining data from digital environments, including social media platforms, forums, online groups, and virtual communities. As a research strategy, netnography encompasses several methodological steps, such as identifying relevant online spaces, observing interactions, interpreting emergent meanings, and, when appropriate, engaging with community members. In the present study, however, we limited our approach to collecting available data from a multimedia platform, without active participation in the online community. This approach can also be considered innovative because it allows researchers to examine real, naturally occurring interactions that are not influenced by the data-collection process. The content is produced independently by users and later analyzed by the research team without external interference, reducing the potential biases that may arise when participants are invited to engage in structured data-collection protocols Kozinets & Gretzel (2023); Paoli & D’Auria (2021).

The data for the studies conducted by Duarte (2022) and Muniz (2022) were collected from videos in which adolescents autonomously and deliberately shared accounts of their experiences with the non-consensual dissemination of intimate images. Videos were selected and included in the analysis according to the following inclusion criteria: (1) accounts of cases involving threats or actual non-consensual dissemination of intimate images; (2) videos produced by female adolescents and deliberately published by them on YouTube; (3) Brazilian and/or North American participants (due to one of the researchers involved in data collection being Brazilian and residing in the United States at the time of the fieldwork).

During the first semester of 2022, the collection and archiving of the videos were carried out using the following keywords in both Portuguese and English within the search field: “NUDES,” “LEAK” (and related terms such as “LEAKED”), “INTIMATE PHOTOS,” “REVENGE PORN,” “THREAT,” and “SEXTING: IT HAPPENED TO ME.” The ‘Recommended Videos’ function was also employed, yielding content related to the searches conducted by the research team. In total, sixteen videos were selected: nine featuring North American adolescents and seven featuring Brazilian adolescents.

The ethical dimensions of research involving human and animal subjects in Brazil, the country of origin of the lead researchers in this investigation, are regulated by the National Health Council (Conselho Nacional de Saúde – CNS). Universities and research institutions maintain specific committees that evaluate proposed studies nationwide, based on ethical parameters and good research practices established by the CNS (Brasil, 2012, 2016). Prior to commencing the study, the researchers consulted a local Research Ethics Committee and were informed that, because the materials were made available on a publicly accessible platform, formal approval from the committee was not required. This consultation took place in 2022, prior to the data collection, at a time when discussions on research grounded in Netnography were still limited. The research team chose to structure the ethical procedures in a manner analogous to those commonly employed in studies involving adolescents in face-to-face settings. For example, to protect the participants’ identities, all data potentially capable of identifying the adolescents were omitted from the transcriptions (e.g., names, cities, and personal references).

All statements made by the adolescents in the videos were fully transcribed to enable systematic categorization and qualitative analysis. Transcriptions originally in Portuguese were entirely translated into English to facilitate data analysis by researchers of different nationalities. The videos had an average duration of 11 minutes, and the data were analyzed using Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2022). Nevertheless, as noted above, this article aims to examine the methodological and ethical strengths and limitations inherent in studies of this nature, which are discussed in the following sections.

A Safe Place for Reporting and Sharing Adverse Experiences

Through recording and sharing videos on online platforms, adolescents have access to a place to talk about the adverse experiences they faced, which could not happen in other places. In addition to the physical setting where adolescents recorded the videos (as discussed below), the video platform itself becomes an environment in which these young women felt safe to expose their life story, including topics that are difficult to discuss (Phelps-Ward & Laura, 2016). In one video, for example, an adolescent underscores the importance of sharing on her YouTube channel a video of her talking about how it felt having images exposed on the internet:

In the beginning of the year, I knew what I wanted to prioritize, committing myself to a YouTube channel […] but I had to accept the fact that I could not do that. I couldn’t start this journey with you if I'm vulnerable, if I’m not one hundred percent myself. I honestly cannot do that if I don’t share this story and own it.

In addition, by recording videos, the adolescents have, for the first time, a place to talk about these painful experiences, and be heard. One adolescent reported in her video that after six years, this was the first time she was publicly talking about having her intimate images exposed on the internet without her consent:

Hi, guys. Today I’m making a video that is, actually, very difficult to make. It is about something that happened to me about six years ago […] when something like that happens to you [having intimate images exposed on the internet], it is very difficult wanting to expose yourself, it is very difficult wanting to be the center of attention, wanting people talking about you, wanting to be part of the show […] but well, here I am and here are my thoughts about something I’ve never addressed in public before.

Addressing adverse experiences a long time after they took place may result from the lack of opportunities to access therapeutic spaces and the absence of a supportive and protective network (UNICEF, 2019; Veru et al., 2022). It may also be a sign that the adolescent did not feel ready to touch on the subject before. Data collection using materials autonomously produced and posted by adolescents ensures that the researcher will not put the participant in a position of re-victimization, in which the adolescent feels coerced to talk about material she cannot yet deal with. Simultaneously, it augments data quality, as the material has been well considered ahead of its production, and the producer is more comfortable discussing the topic.

Through videos, adolescents also have the opportunity to express their version of the facts. Taking into account that many social spaces and even victim protection mechanisms may be prone to moralistic and patriarchal values, adolescents who have their initimate photographs shared publicly are often judged, disqualified and blamed, even in spaces that should offer them protection (Gonçalves & Almeida, 2018). Therefore, through videos, adolescents reserve the right to tell their own stories in ways they consider most appropriate and representative of their experiences. This is explained by two participants in our study:

Today the storytime is not something fun. It is a serious situation that happened to me, which I really want to share with you. […] bringing it up [having your intimate images exposed on the internet] […] is very hard, because it really changed my life. And it is not only coming up and kind of letting more people know about it, but instead of letting more people to find out, I’m giving the source to the whole world.

Today let’s talk about when I was exposed to. I know, yes, kind of “shit, she was exposed” [referring to herself in the third person], kind of “she has nudes out there”, […] but then I’m telling my side of the story.

It is noticeable that these adolescents used online platforms as a means of externalizing adverse experiences, of shifting blame from themselves. Additionally, this is done in a virtual environment has been established as a safe and welcoming space for them. If a team of researchers had approached them to talk about these experiences, it is possible that they would have felt uncomfortable and would not have been able to express how they felt about it as accurately and authentically as they have done in the self-directed online space.

Possibility of Editing Posted Videos

An additional advantage in collecting data from videos shared on social media is the opportunity to edit the content before posting it. In this way, it is possible for the adolescents themselves to autonomously choose what information they consider to be more important to share with other people. They also have the option to exclude content that was recorded and of not sharing themes that they later judge to be inappropriate or that they do not feel comfortable sharing. In a video, one adolescent reported:

That’s it. This is the video today, hugs and kisses. See you next week, right? That’s all I wanted to say, guys. Just that, right? [laughing] The video is gonna be about 40 minutes. But that’s it.

Despite having mentioned that the video would be approximately 40 minutes, after editing, the adolescent posted a video of about 15 minutes. Furthermore, it was possible to notice cuts in the footage, resulting from editing. Other participants interrupted their recordings, particularly when the subject was uncomfortable or difficult to report. In one video, an adolescent, visibly upset, stopped the recording when she started to report how she found out that her photographs had been disclosed without her consent:

Then, I remember I was on the phone with my best friend […] she said: “Girl, these boys are online, they are on Facebook, and all they do is to expose girls” […] I started to be afraid because I thought: “Oh my god!”. I never thought that they would do that to me, but I […] “Just let me know and report it, you know, right?” […] And then she refreshed the page [on Facebook] and there she was […] she took a deep breath and I freaked out, because I knew she saw me there… This is so crazy, I’m about to cry [at this point the adolescent interrupts the recording].

Moreover, editing enabled the adolescents to complement or add to the content that they reported on. One participant, for example, spoke about the experience of being expelled from the cheerleader team after having her photographs circulated on the internet. She recorded the following message and added it to one of her existing videos:

So, I forgot to say it because I’m not a pro [professional] YouTuber: but because I was expelled from the school cheerleader team, I couldn’t try for over a year. So, it ruined the joy of school for me […] I also had my cheerleader team… They found out and that really wrecked everything around me, and I had problems, and it was really shit.

In another video, in which the adolescent recounted her aggressor’s justification for disclosing her intimate images, she subsequently added:

When I told my sister [about the intimate images disclosed] she texted him [the boy who disclosed it]. She blackmailed him and said: “Why would you do that to my sister?” […] And he tried to say that I mocked his “buds” [friends] […] Yes, everything happened because he thought I was making fun of them, no one was poking fun of that man. […] I forgot to say it on the video, but I’m telling you: that’s the most stupid excuse I’ve ever heard [recorded message and interrupted video].

By editing their videos, participants can utilize a range of visual and audio resources to convey their experiences. For example, in several videos, adolescents switch to black-and-white screens when describing moments they perceive as mistakes or wrongdoing, when diverging from the main content, or when they are visibly upset, thereby effectively signaling the emotional weight or significance of these moments. Adolescents also incorporate images or other video content into their own videos. One of the adolescents, for example, incorporated into her own video photographs of a Canadian adolescent who died by suicide after having her intimate images disclosed. The adolescents also use background music. In one video, before sharing their story about intimate images disclosed without consent, the adolescent played a song while sentences from other adolescents appeared on the screen, for example:

I was afraid, really afraid of my extremely conservative family finding out. Afraid of the proportions it could reach (Ana, 18 years).

Even old friends came to talk to me as if they wanted to help me. But then it always ended with an invitation to have sex (Cecília, 18 years).

Problems kept growing; I didn’t have peace anymore (Vitória, 19 years).

Choosing, through video editing, which aspects of their narratives they would or would not publicly expose and how this content would be shared with the audience positions adolescents as agents and managers of their own narratives (Marcilio et al., 2019). In conventional research, particularly using a single interview, researchers determine the subjects to be addressed and may inhibit participants from reporting experiences that are more significant to them (Manoel et al., 2020). Furthermore, participants are not free to choose additional resources that could help them to tell their story, or to choose what to include or exclude from the interview.

This approach also differs from other techniques, such as Photovoice (Wang & Burris, 1997). In Photovoice-based research, the research team typically encourages participants to document their contexts and experiences by capturing photographs or recording videos of their daily routines (Liebenberg, 2018). Participants are often provided with guidance or prompts to facilitate the capture of content that aligns with the research objectives (Katz et al., 2024; McKee et al., 2024). In our experience with adolescents who spontaneously recorded their videos, it was notable that both the content and structure were entirely designed by the participants themselves, reflecting a high degree of autonomy and agency in shaping how they chose to represent their experiences. This indicates a high degree of autonomy, spontaneity, and agency (Thoits, 2006), enabling participants to convey their perspectives without external guidance or influence, and fostering authentic representations of their lived experiences. Such an approach not only empowers adolescents to take ownership of their narratives but also provides researchers with insights that may be more authentic and reflective of the participants’ lived experiences, minimizing the risk of reactivity or coercion inherent in more structured data collection methods.

The Authenticity and Spontaneity of Adolescents

Data collection through videos previously posted by adolescents provides a unique opportunity for participants to express themselves with greater authenticity. In this study, the term “authenticity” does not imply that the content represents an objective or complete truth. Instead, authenticity refers to the spontaneity and unprompted nature of the participants’ self-expressed narratives. The videos analyzed were voluntarily created and shared by the adolescents, independently of any research-driven request, protocol, or interview setting. This unmediated expression allows us to access narratives that emerge on the participants’ own terms, providing insights that are not influenced by direct researcher intervention. By emphasizing this understanding of authenticity, we aim to highlight the value of naturally occurring, participant-generated content as a source of qualitative data.

Unlike traditional research methods, where researchers typically control the environment and decide how information is gathered, this approach allows adolescents to choose the context in which they share their experiences. This autonomy enables them to present themselves in a way that feels natural and true to their everyday lives. Recording videos in familiar spaces (such as their bedrooms, living rooms, or personal outdoor areas) creates a sense of comfort and safety, which reduces the pressures often present in formal research settings. As a result, adolescents are more likely to reveal genuine thoughts, emotions, and behaviors, rather than rehearsed or socially expected responses. In the videos, it is possible to notice how adolescents feel comfortable to share their space with the audience watching them:

I’m here again. Since I said, every Thursday I would post a video… Every Thursday or Friday, guys… Depending on my schedule, because I’m going to the gym, right? Then there’s no time to edit the video. Anyway, my room’s a mess, huh?! Please just skip this part, because… When isn’t it a mess, huh? Isn’t that? [laughing]

What’s up, guys? Everything all right? Yes… I’m here again for another regular video. The light in my room is ok, and my room is still the same room. Image and sound are also the same. That’s a lie! Have you seen that I bought everything? I told you I’d invest, and I did it, did you see? A promise is a promise! Now you’re watching me in Full HD […] But I’m not putting any makeup on to post videos, because I’m lazy.

It is also evident that recording videos in a familiar environment allows adolescents to feel safe and comfortable, creating a protective space even when addressing difficult or sensitive subjects. This sense of security may facilitate greater openness and spontaneity in their narratives. For example, in one video, before beginning her account of how it felt to have her intimate images disclosed online, an adolescent remarks on the presence of a dog that accompanies her throughout the recording, providing a subtle source of comfort. In another video, a visibly upset adolescent hugs a toy while offering advice to her followers, using the object as an emotional anchor. These behaviors illustrate how familiar surroundings and personal objects can serve as coping mechanisms (Støre et al., 2025), enabling adolescents to navigate and express complex emotions while maintaining agency and control over their storytelling.

I’m sorry Cody is here [referring to the dog that was by her side throughout the video], but bringing it up again now is very hard, because it really changed my life.

Well, what I’m telling you now, if you are the kind of person that is willing to send this type of [intimate] image, please, be careful. Please make sure you trust this person. Please make sure you talk to them about it and […] Maybe you should not show your face in the photos, you know? No face, no history [at this point, the adolescent hugs a toy] I just… This is a warning story.

In many videos adolescents are doing their daily activities while telling their story, as if there is comfort or safety in the routine. In one, an adolescent appears hungry and so she eats while recording the video. In another video, a different girl says that she will make a “3 in 1” video on her YouTube channel, while she talks about the experience of having been exposed on the internet (“storytime”), she will make a “get ready with me” video (the term used for videos where girls film themselves doing their hair or putting on makeup) and will install a lace wig in her hair (“lace wig install”):

I’m telling you the story behind, how I acted when… When it happened [when the photos were disclosed] and how I’m acting now, right?! […] I’ll do that while I’m eating, because I’m hungry, but… Um, this is a big bite [referring to the food].

Hi, we’re making an [lace] install video on top of making a getting ready with me and a storytime video […] That’s 3 in 1. Getting ready with me, I’ll do my hair, I’ll dress, and put some makeup on, because I’m going out tonight and I’ll give, bitches, a story of how I was exposed.

We notice that, once they are in a comfortable and safe environment, adolescents feel free to act spontaneously during the videos, to the extent of making fun while recording. They manage to merge subjects that are not necessarily related to their painful experiences. In addition, the adolescents make use of informal language, slang and swear words while recording the videos. This suggests that adolescents feel safe and free to express themselves in a way they feel comfortable, reflecting the spontaneity of their video recordings. This might not be possible in conventional research setting, where participants may feel inhibited and behave as they think researchers expect them to.

In summary, as with the studies by Muniz (2022) and Duarte (2022), we found that: (i) adolescents shared their narratives in a way that they experienced appropriate and comfortable to the extent that some said it was the first time they were able to address the subject publicly; (ii) the fact that the adolescents had the opportunity of editing the videos, sometimes over extended time, allows them to reflect on the content they made and share what they actually want, exerting their agency; and (iii) the fact they recorded the videos where they chose and felt comfortable allows for their spontaneity and authenticity, key requirements in qualitative research.

We conclude, therefore, that materials and videos produced and shared by adolescents on virtual platforms can offer a form of authenticity that is often difficult to capture through traditional interviews. Moreover, the process of creating and sharing these videos provides adolescents—particularly those who have experienced victimization—with a meaningful opportunity to exercise agency. This agency is reflected not only in their ability to choose what to disclose and how to present it, but also in the control they exert over the narrative structure, visual and audio elements, and the overall framing of their experiences. By making these creative choices, adolescents can assert ownership over their stories, resist external interpretations, and communicate their perspectives on their own terms. Such processes can contribute to empowerment, allowing young people to reclaim a sense of control over experiences that may have been traumatic or disempowering, and offering researchers a window into the ways adolescents negotiate identity, resilience, and self-expression in digital spaces. Furthermore, the notion of ‘authenticity,’ as applied in this paper to the analysis of self-produced videos, warrants careful consideration. While these videos can provide valuable insights into adolescents’ experiences, it is important not to assume that they represent an objective ‘truth.’ Rather, they reflect the adolescents’ perspectives as expressed within contexts and formats they have chosen, which may differ from accounts elicited in more formal research settings.

Limitations and Ethical Dilemmas

Although we have argued that the use of videos autonomously produced and posted online by vulnerable adolescents can be a valuable source of data for research, particularly on sensitive topics, there are some caveats and limitations to this approach im terms of methodological and ethical issues.

This data collection method does not actively engage participants in exploring or understanding their experiences of the phenomenon, nor its impact on them. Instead, it relies solely on the content that participants choose to post, offering no opportunity for follow-up questions or in-depth exploration. As a result, researchers may obtain limited contextual information, potentially constraining the depth of analysis and the ability to fully interpret participants’ perspectives.

Additionally, there are limitations inherent to the video platform itself. The available tools for searching, filtering, and organizing videos are often limited, which can constrain the comprehensiveness and precision of data collection. Critical contextual information about the adolescents, such as sociodemographic characteristics or publication dates, is frequently difficult or impossible to obtain.

The authenticity of the data may be compromised on platforms with large audiences, where metrics such as views, likes, and comments can influence content monetization. This environment may encourage clickbait, sensationalized videos, or even fabricated accounts, potentially undermining the reliability and interpretability of the collected data.

Even though the internet has reached many populations worldwide, particularly adolescents and young people, access to digital technologies remains uneven. Individuals living in conditions of extreme poverty often face significant barriers, including lack of smartphones, poor internet connectivity, and limited or unreliable access to electricity. Consequently, this digital divide may inadvertently exclude the most vulnerable adolescents - those who can only be reached through in-person methods - thereby limiting the representativeness and inclusivity of research conducted solely via online platforms.

Although utilizing data created and produced by adolescents themselves can promote participant agency and provide insights that may be difficult to obtain through traditional interviews, it also raises significant ethical considerations. In this approach, researchers are analyzing and drawing on young people’s data without their explicit consent or active participation. While legally and ethically permissible because the data are publicly available, once the researcher engages with these videos as research material, the data effectively become an object of study, and the creator loses control over its use and interpretation. In this sense, the hierarchical dynamics that have been critiqued in traditional research methods—where the researcher makes all decisions and the participant has limited influence—may be inadvertently reproduced, even in studies using publicly available media. Therefore, careful ethical reflection is necessary when conducting research on publicly accessible online data (Townsend & Wallace, 2017), including considerations of privacy, participant autonomy, and potential harms.

Only publicly available data can be collected and analyzed, meaning that videos set to private or restricted access are necessarily excluded. This limitation constrains the comprehensiveness of the findings, as private posts may contain additional insights that are not accessible to researchers. Consequently, relying solely on publicly available material may result in an incomplete understanding of adolescents’ experiences and perspectives, potentially omitting important aspects of their narratives that could enrich the study’s conclusions.

Conclusion

This article aimed to present the methodology involving the collection of data autonomously made available by adolescents on social media. We presented studies that suggest that the use of content produced and posted by adolescents on digital platforms constitutes a promising and fruitful strategy, as supported by our own previous work. The reliability of collecting publicly available social media posts for analysis of sensitive topics in adolescents is important for three main reasons. First, it allowed adolescents to share their stories in a way that seemed to be more suitable and convenient for them. Adolescents were able to exercise in agency in telling those parts of the story that were important to them. In this regard, despite the lack of in-depth investigations, we suggest that these spaces may be protective and perhaps even therapeutic. Second, adolescents have the opportunity to view and edit their videos before posting, which allows them to reflect on the content they produced and shape and share what they want to. Through purposeful storytelling, they exert self-determination and agency. Third, recording the videos where they chose and feeling comfortable in those spaces enabled spontaneity and authenticity, fundamental requirements for qualitative research.

Additional advantages, such as the low cost and optimization of the research schedule, could not be using publicly available social media posts is a data collection and analysis option that may be applied to some conditions, though it does not enable the capture of subjective and social experiences from all adolescents in all contexts. While it require further examination, it is a promising research approach that could prove helpful in a range of studies with adolescents.

Finally, as research methodologies evolve alongside digital technologies, it is imperative that Research Ethics Committees (RECs) adapt their evaluative frameworks to accommodate emerging approaches, including the method described and discussed in this paper. These methods, which rely on the study of publicly accessible online content, present ethical considerations that differ from traditional face-to-face research but nonetheless require careful oversight. While existing guidelines primarily address in-person interactions with vulnerable populations, the digital environment introduces unique challenges, such as the potential for indirect identification, data permanence, and varying expectations of privacy among participants. By incorporating these considerations into their review processes, RECs can provide guidance that both upholds rigorous ethical standards and recognizes the validity and value of contemporary research practices. Such proactive engagement ensures that studies involving adolescents or other sensitive populations in online settings are conducted responsibly, respecting participants’ rights while enabling researchers to explore novel avenues of inquiry.

Footnotes

ORCID iDs

Alex Sandro Gomes Pessoa

Haryadny K. Macedo Muniz

Adrian D. van Breda

Krestina Amon

Andrew J. Campbell

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This paper is part of a project that has received funding from The São Paulo Research Foundation – FAPESP [Grant agreement No. 2023/11879-5].

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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