Abstract
The legitimacy of public memory and socially normative standards of civility is questioned through rumors that abound on online social media platforms. On the Net, the proclivity of rumors is particularly prone to acts of bullying and frameworks of hate speech. Legislative attempts to limit rumors operate differently in France and throughout Europe from the United States. This article examines the impact of online rumors, the mob mentality, and the politicization of bullying critics within a cyber culture that operates within the limitations of law.
1. The Operating Strategy of the Wild Web
Popular media has called much of accepted history into question by challenging public memory. For example, there are those who say the Holocaust never happened; there are those who challenge the validity of sexual assault claims whether in the Catholic Church or in the workplace; there are even those who argue that the mass shooting of 26-year-olds at Sandy Hook Elementary was a hoax pointing to a larger conspiracy against gun rights in the United States. 1 In each of these challenges, the legitimacy of public memory and social normativity is questioned through rumors. Rumors are the unsubstantiated claims to truth that harm but are often tempered through publication or verbal refute. Yet, on the Net, the proclivity of rumors is particularly prone to propagation through the privatized world of social media platforms. Through the unregulated proliferation of gossip, opinion, and scuttlebutt, the (world) wide web is transmogrified into the Wild Web in which rumors pullulate and thwart democratic values of communication in a free and democratic society.
Metaphorically, the Net is awash with social media platforms that create the expanse of an open sea environment. 2 The great body of this globally accessible ocean permeates the cyberworld and keeps rumors of the Net ensnared within its unregulatable net(s). Due to the boundless expanse of this open sea, rumors are diluted with the help of powerful search engines that categorize the narrow while removing context. With algorithmic methods that may seek to regulate some content, the reaches of the internet become immense and through this vastness, potentially beyond the reaches of this paper. Yet, the conceptualization of rumor-mongering in spaces that exist virtually have real and tangible consequences that need not include a discussion of the entire scope of the internet. For the narrowed purposes of this paper, the scope of this conceptualized environment is metaphorically defined as the brackish part of the bay as the saltwater mixes with the fresh water to foster harsh conditions as extreme social pressure and inaccuracy leads to difficulties in speaking or presenting the truth. In this most challenging and turbulent environment, rumors abound due to a clear absence of space for detection. The ensuing circulation within the Wild Web where rumors are caught is difficult to trace and furthers the spread of deleterious rumors. While their emissions act to misrepresent fact and invade the Net, the immense pressure of either law or profit at particular depths can perpetuate their detection. As the Trump/Russian scandal as one example shows, these rumors are often intentionally created for political purposes.
“Rumors are lifted in the air and dispersed through social media platforms,” 3 but the inhabitation of the unrestricted space of the Net lies in the hands of different audiences of experienced and inexperienced readers. Initially, silent readers are the ones who listen and decrypt information without becoming entangled in the actions led by the players. They tend to remain outside the Wild Web despite the power of attraction to join and advance rumors. In contrast, active readers always take part in actions that arise from this open environment and reproduce these rumors in other platforms without either verification or reconsideration of the rumors they disseminate. Usually this audience of active readers is attracted immediately and ensnared by the nets of the web, as they can no longer consider other explanations as plausible and plunge directly into paranoia. 4 Consequentially, a kind of supervision of this frontier environment results, for which the Chief Supervisor remains the digital brigade in France and Anti-Defamation League and Southern Poverty Law Center 5 in the United States. These patrolling organizations have missions to welcome, guide, inform Internet users by providing complementary and alternative explanations to the rumors posted online. Their main goal is to recreate a digital and responsible ecosystem in response to this Wild Web with the purpose of challenging the phenomenology of “fake news” (source: Trump tweet). Yet, the method for both approaches is a conflicting reliance upon law. For in France rumors are speech that may be considered illegal as hate speech, but free speech is constitutionally protected in the United States.
2. Binary Framework: F.L.A.M.E. – P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S.
In considering access to rumors on the web, we can further examine the ontological logistics of how such information resonates with such vast and varied epistemological reverberation. This modeling consists of studying the principles of coherence that organize this binary framework of speech by exploring the underlying logic of extracting a method of dissemination and subsequent transmission of knowledge. This combination is linked to empirical studies that consider relevant social, cognitive and spatio-temporal contexts. Furthermore, the proliferation of new means of electronic communication using limited amounts of words has made the spread of rumors even more complex given the (ab)uses of the Net worldwide. A binary framework of two approaches, F.L.A.M.E. and P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S, depicts the resultant uncertainties and possible risks on this Wild Web. The interdependence between these two approaches, F.L.A.M.E. and P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S., does not only screen how rumors emerge, but also accounts for the consequential detriment affecting individuals.
2.1. F.LA.M.E. as the Method of Evaluation
Communication remains the central axis of this theory, as our communicative forms make everything possible. Communication can have both a positive or negative impact on the expansion of transmission as agreement or conflict can arise. In terms of rumors, agreement means that the emergence of free speech is done without any types of aggressions against others, whereas conflict disconnects communication on certain issues based predominantly on emotions, antecedent conditions, perceptions or behaviors. Rumors pervade the Net through virulent e-verbal escalation, with intentions of causing prejudice, harm and/or (in)direct injury to someone else and/or their reputation.
The behavioral derivations from actors durably influence interactions between e-communities. The F.L.A.M.E analyses of Wagner and Marusek enables enhanced screening for how escalation operates in social media. F.L.A.M.E. is a mnemonic, which in its expanded form, denotes F. for Factor, L. for Length, A. for Aggression, M. for Media, and E. for Exposure. This approach offers a view of the whole web environment from many different angles while contemplating a certain vision of the way escalation operates. This framework can undergo certain modifications, as we could add for F. (Factor) its subdivisions (affects, environmental, situational); for A. (Aggression) its subdivisions (i.e. angry, defensive, and dominance); or for M. (Media) its subdivision (social). To summarize, this tool will allow us to better comprehend how e-verbal escalation is gaining ground.
F.L.A.M.E. framework is the backbone in determining how rumors invade communication, leading to violent e-verbal escalation. When conducting analyses, we must therefore enter into a more in-depth analysis of each sign of F.L.A.M.E.
– F. for “Factors.” These factors determine the extent to which the actors, the environment and the situation can influence communication, and lead to escalation. There exists a close connection between human behaviors and violence online owing to the very behavioral traits of each actor, newbies, trolls, or flamers: the affect factor.
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Besides, even if readers (silent or active) play a minor role, they still operate, and modify the communication pattern in one direction or in the other. The situational factor consists in having protective masks to ward off anxiety and/or feelings of inferiority.
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The environmental factors (noise, time, and distance) can no longer hinder the transmission of messages,
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but could cause a breach in the communication process, and increase and/or decrease levels of aggression.
– L. for “Length.” This element is very decisive, in that the length/duration directly impacts communication, and has resonating long-term effects in violent e-verbal escalation.
– A for “Aggression.” Aggression is “a form of physical or verbal behavior leading to self-assertion; it is often angry and destructive and intended to be injurious, physically or emotionally, and aimed at domination of one person by another. It may arise from innate drives and/or be a response to frustration, and may be manifested by overt attacking and destructive behavior, by covert attitudes of hostility and obstructionism, or by a healthy self-expressive drive to mastery.”
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Following this definition, we find variable types of aggression, as follows: Defensive aggression: The person consciously becomes aggressive in order to fight back a potential attack. Dominance aggression: It is more related to the control of dominance over the others, using any types of resources to influence the others. Angry aggression: When a person has been deceived or when wrongful actions have been carried against this person, the so-called person recreates a favorable environment for his/her own benefit.
– M for “Media.” This element deals with the “pestilent invasion” of rumors, without official verification, on social media platforms. 10
– E for “Exposure.” The drives and expression of emotions on social media can lead to even more exposure 11 with increasingly difficulties in tracing back and identifying offenders in a “spatio-temporal empty space,” 12 leading to provocative and traumatic reactions that trigger violent communication. In other words, the higher the communication flux, the higher the risk of violent behaviors.
After examining all the signs of F.L.A.M.E., we can better explain how violent e-verbal communication leads to escalation. Escalation becomes easier to identify as it “occurs when one or more parties in a conflict start to use tactics of increasing harshness against each other: from consultation to threats and, eventually, to violence.” 13 As social media removes any types of barriers, flaming can open up on many (ab)uses.
2.2. P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S.—The Consequences of F.L.A.M.E.
The second element of this binary framework, P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S., will increase the analytical capacity of consequences inherent to F.L.A.M.E. The web is often compared to a rhizome because it has neither defined beginning nor end. A rhizome 14 is always the in-between, a kind of void space in which and where everything could happen. But this wide web has an evil twin: the Wild Web. 15 The latter is a mirror image of the wide web, but with only its dark sides. So, P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S. is generally thought to illuminate the deviance factors inherent to the Wild Web.
Like the rhizome, which could be “broken, shattered at a given spot, it will start up again on one of its old lines, or on new lines,” 16 we could easily consider that these multiple entryways 17 will constantly grow, adapt and form new and/or bad connections with a variety of different multiplicities and deviances in this space-in-between leading to infinite numbers of communication nodes. 18 As such, social communication becomes even more anarchistic in nature and grounded in hate.
Therefore, P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S. reveals the noxious consequences of the Wild Web extracted from F.L.A.M.E., and thus results in variable feelings arising from the abuses of social media.
○ P for Paranoia. It is a reminder of people’s fears and of their “self-constructed paranoia” 19 People consider they are persecuted, their environment is insane/unhealthy, and so they tend to escape from this situation by flaming others.
○ R for Racism. This sentiment improves feelings of superiority over a particular race, with the expression of words, behaviors, or violence toward a person because of his/her origin or religion (true or supposed, i.e. imagined on the basis of a person’s physical appearance, skin color, family name, or accent, etc.)
○ E for Execration. This sentiment refers to hate coupled with disgust. It closely relates to an emotional response of rejection, revulsion leading to offensive communication against others.
○ D for Discrimination. This conviction is based on the fact that there exist “unjust or prejudicial treatments of different categories of people, esp. on the grounds of race, age, or sex” (Oxfordictionaries.com).
○ A for Anger. It is a feeling of strong annoyance, vexation against others.
○ T for Terror. It refers to an extreme fear that can lead to violent actions.
○ I for Irritability. Irritability deals with periods of predominantly elevated, expansive, or irritable mood.
○ O for Obscurantism. It is the practice of deliberately stopping ideas and facts from being known. It is the opposite of progress.
○ N for Nervousness. It is a feeling when people are worried and anxious about the state of things.
○ S for Sexism. They are actions based on the belief that one sex is less intelligent, able, and skillful than the other.
This Wild Web is a very complicated pattern of emotional nodes, compared to a “virtual Wild West free from regulation.” 20 In this Wild Web, we can distinguish three types of players:
The least dangerous and certainly the most novices of them is the newbie, who sends messages without having an experienced use of the Wild Web.
The troll is the user who “leaves an intentionally annoying message” on the Wild Web in order “to get attention or cause problem” [oxforddictionary.com].
The flamer, the most dangerous user remains the one who “directs a vitriolic or abusive message at someone on the Web”, and via other social media platforms [oxforddictionary.com].
These players set the tone for the open Net environment, causing problems both on the web and in real life. With its abuse, resulting rumors may disrupt the state of things as they actually exist with the players exposing them to an erroneous, extremist, or noxious reality that could lead to physical threats, demonstrations, and even insurrections in streets, suburbs, cities, and the larger world. The purpose of this theoretical framework is to call attention to the treatment of words and phrases as rumor and (hate) speech in the democratic societies of France and the United States and how such cyber speech is either infective, dangerous as in France, or as extremist viewpoints that carry rights of pronouncement as in the United States.
3. Paradoxical Uses of Speech in Social Media
Speech is the complex articulation of opinion, of fact, of truth, of impossibility. In democratic culture, speech on the Net is provisionally presented as communication involving mass participation and interaction:
The ability of individuals and groups to share their views with others, and build on the ideas of others, and the promotion and dissemination of knowledge and opinion. All these values remain as important in a world of blogs, search engines, and social software. 21
In a positivist sense, speech carries legal protections such as the freedom of expression relating to acts of speech. Yet, speech is often more than communication. For example, act of expression “includes displays of symbols, failures to display them, demonstrations, many musical performances, and some bombings, assassinations, and self-immolations.” 22 In its theory of “free speech,” these acts should address “a large audience, and express propositions or attitudes thought to have a certain generality of interest.” 23 “Since acts of expression can be both violent and arbitrarily destructive, it seems unlikely that anyone would maintain that as a class, they were immune from legal restrictions.” 24 Legal restrictions may take the form of imposition of criminal sanctions, or of the general recognition of the courts of the right of persons affected by the acts. 25
In a traditionalist sense, speech is a fluid communication of ideas that are expressed, change, and often morph through altered meaning and context. Ideas are fluid and morph depending upon received responses which perpetuate the evolving communication. Yet, through the context of the web, speech remains static and ever present, often in ways that harm through its permanence. As an example, the online social medium Twitter not only provides freedom of speech to its users but also amplifies hate speech with the re-tweeting facility 26 for ideas that remain as initially presented.
On the Wild Web, there is a shift in speech through social media platforms (Twitter, Facebook, text messages) that challenge traditionalist legal understandings of speech as the basis for the exchange of ideas. Speech is modified for purposes of longevity that harm through its perpetual presence. Social media are used to generate and spread good or bad information among connected users. Even if the number of wrongful activities is less important in terms of quantity, consequences can be higher in terms of pervasion on the Net, insofar as the aim is to cause direct, indirect or collateral damages to others. What remains compels a distinction in what might be considered protected speech, as rumor, once fleeting, is solidified and legitimized through its recurrence on social media. Rumor presents a shift in free speech in social media from ideas that could otherwise morph through dialogue and exchange to ideas that are the foundation for hate speech insofar as truth is manipulated for audiences at hand who receive and perpetuate these ideas.
Despite the shift in speech on social media, there remain limits as to the extent from which speech is hate speech and no longer enjoys protections as free speech. Whether as legislation that restricts speech as “hate speech” in order to ensure dignity, respect, and equality or as web-based regulatory bodies on social media platforms (Twitter, Facebook, Instagram) that attempt to hinder and prevent the reposting of violence or violent speech, the audience for any form of speech remains vital. For as Victor Hugo once said, “freedom begins where ignorance ends,” 27 and “there is only one necessity, the truth; that is why there is only one force, the law.” 28 Therefore, audience is a key consideration of the limitations of speech as the Net, in supporting communication, also promotes the longevity of those conversations while paradoxically revealing their temporal limitations as statements uttered: “The gross inequality among communicators in the marketplace of ideas and the inclination of people to believe messages that are already dominant socially or that serve unconscious, irrational needs.” 29
In this way, the fundamental concept of Freedom of Speech has been substantially modified and reshaped with the use of digital technologies, which lead to mass participation and interactions. 30 Traditionalist knowledge, such as that from U.S. Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, acknowledged the role of audience and expressed faith in the “marketplace of ideas” from whence hate could be filtered out and dismissed by a democratic polity careful to socially restrict ignorance: “In a democratic culture, people are free to appropriate elements of culture that lay to hand, criticize them, build upon them, and create something new that is added to the mix of culture and its resources.” 31
In this way, speech on the internet, regardless of how crass or inflammatory, is nonetheless protected as free speech in the United States. On the web, those who create audience through their speech do not necessarily adhere to platform rules that often based upon the whims of private entities in contrast to more publicly governed venues of communication. In the examples that follow, the limits on hate speech from Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram seemingly perpetuate caution, but are effectively empty in their policing against forms of hate speech appearing on the Wild Web of their sites and domains: Facebook—Policy rationale: “We do not allow hate speech on Facebook because it creates an environment of intimidation and exclusion and in some cases may promote real-world violence. We define hate speech as a direct attack on people based on what we call protected characteristics – race, ethnicity, national origin, religious affiliation, sexual orientation, caste, sex, gender, gender identity and serious disease or disability. We also provide some protections for immigration status. We define ‘attack’ as violent or dehumanizing speech, statements of inferiority, or call for exclusion or segregation.” (https://www.facebook.com/communitystandards/hate_speech) Twitter—Hateful conduct policy: “You may not promote violence against or directly attack or threaten other people on the basis of race, national origin, sexual orientation, gender, gender identity, religious affiliation, age, disability, or serious disease. We also do not allow accounts whose primary purpose is inciting harm towards others on the basis of these categories. Hateful imagery and display names: you may not use hateful images or symbols in your profile image or profile header. You also may not use your username, display name, or profile bio to engage in abusive behavior, such as targeted harassment or expressing hat towards a person, group, or protected category.” (https://help.twitter.com/en/rules-and-policies/hateful-conduct-policy) Instagram—Respect other members of the Instagram community: “We want to foster a positive, diverse community. We remove content that contains credible threats or hate speech, content that targets private individuals to degrade or shame them, personal information meant to blackmail or harass someone, and repeated unwanted messages. We do generally allow stronger conversation around people who are featured in the news or have a large public audience due to their profession or chosen activities.” (https://help.instagram.com/477434105621119)
In thinking further about such policies as legislatively intended for public consumption, hate speech could be considered as a cousin of free speech. Indeed, “hate speech creates a situation to test the limits of free speech,” 32 and so, has real and devastating effects on peoples’ lives. Hate speech is harmful and divisive for communities and hampers social action in fighting discrimination. France is among the many countries that criminalize hate speech.
The European Court of Human Rights adopted a definition on hate speech as “all forms of expression which spread, incite, promote or justify racial hatred, xenophobia, anti-Semitism or other forms of hatred based on intolerance, including intolerance expressed by aggressive nationalism and ethnocentrism, discrimination and hostility towards minorities, migrants and people of immigrant origin.” 33
Article 19 from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any networks and regardless of frontiers.”
Article 29(2) of the UDHR states that “In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.”
Article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1965 and implemented in 1969, contains extensive prohibitions against hate speech, including the declaration that “all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred [and] incitement to racial discrimination” are “offense[s] punishable by law.”
The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which was proclaimed in 2000 and became legally binding with the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, sets out the range of political, civil, economic, and social rights of all European citizens and residents of the EU. Although Article 11 of the EU Charter asserts that “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of expression,” Article 1 states that “[h]uman dignity is inviolable” and “must be respected and protected.” The dignity of persons is taken to be not only a fundamental right, but the basis for other fundamental rights. Article 54 provides that “[n]othing in this Charter shall be interpreted as implying any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms recognized in this Charter.”
Yet, in contrast to European doctrine, the unwillingness to restrict hate speech is supported by the language of the United States Constitution through the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances,” hate speech is neither regulatable nor defined. In the United States, hate speech is considered free speech insofar as hateful ideas cannot be subject to censorship simply because they are ideas rather than actions. Although speech can come in many communicative forms (verbal, nonverbal, trademark, collective protest), the protection of speech includes the protection of viewpoint and words associated with that viewpoint, even if grossly unpopular (Snyder v. Phelps).
In a democratic polity, the (un)popularity of speech is intended to guard against hate insofar as Holmes’ idea of a “marketplace of ideas” is intended to keep unpopular viewpoints in a marginalized state and do not gain popularity. In this positivist framework, a democratic polity should be able to discern and spurn hateful viewpoints in popular discourse. Even when hate speech can be framed as inciting violence, the Constitution cannot discriminate against viewpoints of the minority through regulation that might regulate what would otherwise be considered hate speech (such as burning a cross or publishing hateful words). 34 In this way, the paradox of the American model is that hate speech is protected as free speech rather than as potential violence or as a possible threat to democratic civility. Again, in the democratic polity of the United States, unpopular ideas are expected to be ignored, as suggested by Holmes’ view of the “marketplace of ideas” in which a capitalist framework of mainstream ideas marginalizes the inciteful, even the potentially harmful. Through this legal perspective, speech is just speech, or words and expressions convey ideas rather than actual violence. Where violence is criminalized, hate speech is merely speech and therefore constitutionally allowed.
4. Mass Participation and the Complexity of Freedom of Speech
In recent cases, the development of social media interactions to individual posts on Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, etc. has led to growing concerns about the manner in which this mass participation has engendered a systematic shift in the concept of freedom of speech and the way audiences comprehend, accept, and/or deny this due natural right. Indeed, electronic exchanges are rapidly growing across national boundaries, traversing the original roots that were thought for such posts. Besides as the Internet has removed any barriers with rather two contradictory ideas that are anonymization and mass aggregation, more frictions have arisen. Like the rhizome theory, every root, every connection, and every individual may view online messages in the way they think right, while removing its spatiotemporal context, and so interpreting it in other directions. The manner in which these social media platforms were built may no longer lead to a quality of exchange but rather to a lack of integrity and protection for their users, who are of different origin, religion, age, sex, and educational, legal, or political backgrounds. So, in the absence of temporally disciplined moderations, 35 social media platforms grow even more complex with a failure to appropriately control the so-called hot reactions on the Wild/wide Web across many platforms. When this happens, confidence in the Web may be shaken irreparably causing anger, fury, or even revenge from part of their users against the others, while creating a solidarity chain of protection for the ones who originally posted the messages online.
4.1. Harassment in Pack or Digital Raid
Consider this example: In France, a teenager of 15 years old posted on Twitter a rather small message of five words on a Gully TV game show (InZeBoite), which ends with a final test in a black box. The teenager tweeted “Lol full of people InZeBoite” linking it to a picture showing a huge crowd gathering at the pilgrimage to Mecca (Saudi Arabia) with a visual representation in the middle, which the youngster assimilated to the black box of this TV game show. His account was open to the public and anyone could have access to it. Even though the message did not seem to convey any sorts of abuse as specified in the Twitter Help Center, reactions snowballed with the message being pasted, copied, and posted to other social media platforms, and so preventing its complete deletion from the Net. As a result, he underwent a virulent online lynching with the reception of many insults, death threats at the speed of light, and even the name of his high school was disclosed. The youngster apologized in a chilling message on Twitter “I didn’t know it was going to grow that big, so I’m sorry, let me live,” but the unleashing of hatred did not stop there. Nevertheless, in response to this outburst of violence against a minor, a surge of solidarity was formed around him under the hashtag #JeSoutiensHugo. Hugo’s post and the reactions to it have led to the formation of a chain of solidarity from not only lambda citizens, politicians, but also from the Minister of Justice who indicated that cyber harassment “in pack” was punishable by law. Article 222-33-2-2 of the Criminal Code, 36 created by Law 2014-873 of 4 August 2014 and then reinforced by Law n°2018-703 of 3 August 2018, 37 provides that:
The act of harassing a person by repeated comments or behaviors that have as their purpose or effect a deterioration in their living conditions resulting in an impairment of their physical or mental health shall be punishable by one year’s imprisonment and a fine of €15,000 when these acts have caused a total incapacity to work of less than or equal to eight days, or have not caused any incapacity to work. The offence is also constituted:
When such statements or conducts are imposed on the same victim by several persons, in a concerted manner or at the instigation of one of them, even though each of these persons has not acted repeatedly;
When such comments or conducts are imposed on the same victim, successively, by several persons who, even in the absence of consultation, know that such comments or conducts constitute a repetition.
The acts mentioned in the first to fourth paragraphs shall be punishable by two years’ imprisonment and a fine of €30,000:
1° When they have caused a total incapacity for work of more than eight days;
2° When they were committed on a minor under fifteen years of age;
3° When they have been committed against a person whose particular vulnerability, due to age, disease, infirmity, physical or psychological disability or pregnancy, is apparent or known to their perpetrator;
4° When they have been committed by the use of an online communication service to the public or by means of a digital or electronic medium;
5° When a minor was present and attended.
The acts mentioned in the first to fourth paragraphs shall be punishable by three years’ imprisonment and a fine of €45,000 when committed in two of the circumstances mentioned in 1° to 5°.
To combat “harassment in pack” on the Net, the law of 3 August 2018 now allows all participants in an act of cyber bullying to be sentenced, even if it only concerns a few emails or tweets, a few Facebook statuses, or even a few messages on a forum. As such the following elements should appear to define “harassment in pack” or “digital raid”:
– When these comments or behaviors are imposed on the same victim by several persons, in a concerted manner or at the instigation of one of them, even though each of these persons has not acted repeatedly;
– When these comments or behaviors are imposed on the same victim, successively, by several people who, even in the absence of consultation, know that these comments or behaviors constitute a repetition.
Digital raid also appears in another case in France with “La Ligue du LOL,” from the name of a closed Facebook group, created by the journalist Vincent Glad. A handful of personalities from the small Parisian media scene, as well as some communicators, gathered in this group. Together and separately, they targeted feminist activists, women journalists and homosexual colleagues in 2009. On the agenda of this group were degrading photomontages, repeated humiliations, and telephone hoaxes. Since the promulgation of the Law of 3 August 2018 (known as the Schiappa Law 38 ) strengthening the fight against gender-based and sexual violence, it is now possible to prosecute an Internet user for a single offensive tweet. With this Act, it is enough to take part in a slander campaign against a person, even by means of a single message, to be liable to prosecution. In the context of “La Ligue du LOL,” the reported facts date back less than 10 years. However, the limitation period for harassment is set at six years, and so “La Ligue du LOL” could have not been prosecuted for these actions under the new Schiappa Law.
4.2. Is Speech Public or Private?
Bullying is a technique of the mob to garner support for hateful ideas. As described in the previous example, the role of audience is key in terms of the (un)intentional fervor resulting from rumor. Yet, in the United States, online rumor and associated response serve as the source of political power with an active audience intentionally stirred up as the key ingredient in political power and maneuvering. 39 Through the online platform of Twitter, the most glaring and incessantly relentless acts of online hate speech in the United States are tweets authored by President Donald Trump. Amidst a feral slew of hateful (and racist, sexist, discriminatory) remarks and rumors (including but not limited to, Obama not actually born in the United States, rigging of the 2016 election, farce of global warming), Trump perpetuates virulent insinuations intended to damage and harm his critics. However, rather than hate speech, Trump views these tweets and retweets as his individually protected freedom of speech. With a Twitter following of over 61 million people, 40 Trump asserts his tweets to be his personal right under the First Amendment and dismisses statements to the contrary that consider his tweets to be instead official statements coming out of the Office of the President of the United States, 41 and has blocked those who critique him. Yet, in response to this action, United States District Judge Naomi Reice Buchwald decided Twitter was an interactive space and designated public forum and that Trump, as POTUS, could not block other Twitter users. 42 As a public forum, the effect that Trump’s speech has on his followers and those who pay attention though other media reprints of those tweets, is a form of communication that fails to be marginalized despite Holmes’ assurances.
Even in the recent Supreme Court case Matal v. Tam (2017), Holmes’ positivist view of the marketplace of ideas persists in misleading ways. 43 In a recent case of hate speech involving a racially disparaging trademark, the U.S. Supreme Court asserted “The Government has an interest in preventing speech expressing ideas that offend. And, as we have explained, that idea strikes at the heart of the First Amendment. Speech that demeans on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, religion, age, disability, or any other similar ground is hateful; but the proudest boast of our free speech jurisprudence is that we protect the freedom to express ‘the thought that we hate’. United States v. Schwimmer, 279 U. S. 644, 655 (1929) (Holmes, J., dissenting). The second interest asserted is protecting the “orderly flow of commerce” (Matal v. Tam (2017)). This latter statement echoes a 2019 proposed law in France (not the United States) that seeks to punish online platforms rather than individual users for the publication of hate speech. 44 Commercial avenues for speech challenge the internet as public forum. Yet as French law professor Anne-Sophie Choné-Grimaldi writes, “But as far we know, in the street, those who are punished are the people who make insults or any other type of illegal speech, not those who manage the road.” 45 In this way, the virtual communication that exists through privately owned platforms should cause hesitation in the protection of all speech in the current American model, particularly as rumors arise from the depths and return to the deep without defeat or contested substantiation for alternate views of truth.
5. The Plague With Variable Geometry
In conclusion, the binary framework, F.L.A.M.E. – P.R.E.D.A.T.I.O.N.S., is extracted from the plague of social media and their many actors and answers neither why nor how rumors persist; instead it allows us to see speech that exists in a democracy as unique according to a virtual venue. As La Fontaine originally stated in his fable, “depending on whether you are powerful or miserable, court judgment will make you white or black.” 46 Here, social media platforms and accompanying speech is transmogrified into a new type of judicial proceeding closely related to popular retaliation of private web platforms rather than legal due process afforded individuals. Just as La Fontaine in his time denounced the causes of the “evil” in this fable, the plague in our contemporary world is transformed into living, terrifying and terrorizing social networks at will, like an epidemic difficult to contain without considering any of the circumstances inherent in its appearance. The plague—as in the days of La Fontaine—is a frequent evil to which irrational remedies are given, and which plunges Internet users into a worrying world, another calamity that can prove to be just as dangerous, poisonous as would be criminal acts actually committed against their original perpetrators. Even if this plague, this evil of the century is of variable geometry, its punishment/sanction is in opposition between “the just, the fair” and “the deceitfulness and the meanness.” When even the ideas are marketed, the market place’s ideas as values of democratic speech are called into question.
Footnotes
1.
2.
S. Marusek and A. Wagner, “#MeToo: A Tentacular Movement of Positionality and Legal Powers,” International Journal of Legal Discourse 4 (2019), 3.
3.
Marusek and Wagner, “#MeToo,” 10.
4.
A. Wagner and S. Marusek, “A Cacophony of Speech, Law, and Persona: Battling the Vortex of #MeToo in France and the U.S.,” Journal of Civil Law Studies 12. (forthcoming)
5.
J. S. Henry, “Beyond Free Speech: Novel Approaches to Hate on the Internet in the United States,” Information & Communications Technology Law 18 (2009), 235–51.
6.
A. Wagner, “E-Victimization and E-Predation Theory as the Dominant Aggressive Communication: The Case of Cyber Bullying,” Social Semiotics 29 (2019), 309.
7.
Wagner, “E-Victimization,” 307.
8.
Wagner, “E-Victimization,” 306.
9.
M. Miller-Keane and M. O’Tool, Encyclopedia and Dictionary of Medicine, Nursing, and Allied Health. (7th edn). (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2003).
10.
Marusek and Wagner, “#MeToo,” 1.
11.
Wagner and Marusek, “A Cacophony of Speech.”
12.
A. Wagner, “E-Victimization,” 305.
13.
A. Buyse, “Words of Violence: Fear Speech, or How Violent Conflict Escalation Relates to the Freedom of Expression,” Human Rights Quarterly 36 (2014), 781.
14.
G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis, 1987).
15.
Marusek and Wagner, “#MeToo.”
16.
Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, p. 9.
17.
Ibid., p. 12.
18.
A. Wagner, “Structuralist Semiotics of Law,” in Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy (M. Sellers and S. Kirste, eds) (Dordrecht: Springer, 2008).
19.
Wagner and Marusek, “A Cacophony of Speech.”
20.
J. Russomanno, “Facebook threats: The Missed Opportunity of Elonis v. United States,” Communication Law & Policy 21 (2016), 3.
21.
J. M. Balkin, “The Future of Free Expression in a Digital Age,” Pepperdine Law Review 36 (2009), 427.
22.
T. Scanlon, “A Theory of Freedom of Expression,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 1 (Winter 1972), 206.
23.
Scanlon, “A Theory,” 206.
24.
Ibid., 207.
25.
Ibid., 209.
26.
27.
V. Hugo, La légende des siècles de Victor Hugo (Paris: Gallimard, 2002).
28.
V. Hugo, Actes et Paroles de Victor Hugo 1875 (Paris: Independently Published, 2017), p. 123.
29.
K. Greenawalt, “Free Speech Justifications,” Columbia Law Review 89 (1989), 134.
30.
J. M. Balkin, “Digital Speech and Democratic Culture: A Theory of Freedom of Expression for the Information Society,” New York Law Review 79 (2004), 1–54.
31.
Balkin, “Digital Speech,” 4.
32.
N. Chetty and A. Sreejith, “Hate Speech Review in the Context of Online Social Networks,” Aggression and Violent Behavior 40 (2018), 108.
34.
C. Carlson, “Censoring Hate Speech in U.S. Social Media Content: Understanding the User’s Perspective,” Communication Law Review 17 (2017), 24–45.
35.
36.
Article 222-33-2-2, Available at: https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/affichCodeArticle.do?idArticle=LEGIARTI000029334247&cidTexte=LEGITEXT000006070719
37.
Law n°2018-708, Available at: https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000037284450&categorieLien=id
38.
On May 17, 2017, Marlène Schiappa was appointed Secretary of State for Equality between Women and Men and the Fight against Discrimination.
39.
Itai Himelboim, Stephen McCreery and Marc Smith, “Birds of a Feather Tweet Together: Integrating Network and Content Analyses to Examine Cross-Ideology Exposure on Twitter,” Journal of Computer-Media Communication 18 (2013), 154–74.
41.
42.
In Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University et al. v. Donald J. Trump (2017), Buchwald writes “This case requires us to consider whether a public official may, consistent with the First Amendment, ‘block’ a person from his Twitter account in response to the political views that person has expressed, and whether the analysis differs because that public official is the President of the United States. The answer to both questions is no.”
43.
D.E. Ho and F. Schauer, “Testing the Marketplace of Ideas,” New York University Law Review 90 (2015), 1160–228.
