Video-on-demand series in education programmes to tackle gay male stereotypes in young people

Stereotypes of gay males in television series

Numerous studies have examined the negative effects of gay stereotypes on socialisation and attitudes towards homosexuals in various contexts, notably at schools and in families, which are primary socialisation settings (e.g., Aguirre et al., 2021; Pichardo et al., 2015; Vicente da Cruz, 2019; Vicente-Cruz and Subirana, 2023). Media, including series and television, play a particularly crucial role in perpetuating these perceptions (e.g., Fongkaew et al., 2019; Galdi et al., 2023; van Meer and Pollmann, 2022). Stereotypes are not easy to classify but a simplified perspective might be that they are negative if they are based on distorted LGTBIQ+ elements or create negative feelings in the audience; are positive if they are based on realistic or normalised elements or create positive feelings; and they are neutral if their intention is unclear, among other characteristics (Sánchez-Soriano et al., 2023).

One presumably negative stereotype might be femininity. This trait is commonly ridiculed or parodied when it is associated with male homosexuality (Sink et al., 2018). Other frequent negative stereotypes include manipulative, evil gay characters who have no moral compass in pursuit of their goals, and who have been historically portrayed as psychopaths, rapists or murderers (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023), and tragic narratives of gays who are sick, tormented or unhappy due to their sexual orientation, thus associating homosexuality with punishment (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023). Then there is the hedonistic gay character who is overly concerned with his physical appearance and material elements, often depicted as being obsessed with fashion and art (Khamis and Lambert, 2016). There is also the common portrayal of gay male couples in which one assumes a ‘feminine’ role (delicate, sensitive, etc.) while the other adopts what is socio-culturally viewed as a ‘masculine’ one (rough, virile, etc.). The latter is also associated with homonormativity (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023), whereby gay male characters adopt ‘socially acceptable’ roles so they can be seamlessly integrated into the series’ context. These characters are usually young, slim and Caucasian, are in a monogamous relationship and enjoy comfortable economic and cultural status (Vanlee, 2019). All of the above cases are negative stereotypes because they are based on distorted elements and/or are associated with negative emotions or attitudes.

Numerous studies have reported that although these stereotypes originated from their symbolic use in audiovisual media, they have subsequently had very real and material consequences for the population (O'Shaughnessy et al., 2016). Such a distorted depiction of the LGBTIQA+ community can influence the way people think and behave towards gay males (Gonta et al., 2017), thus reinforcing negative prejudice and reducing empathy with social minorities (Fongkaew et al., 2019; Galdi et al., 2023). Conversely, it has been found that positive portrayals can have beneficial effects by reducing these negative prejudices (Ayoub and Garretson, 2017; Madžarević and Soto-Sanfiel, 2018), while neutral ones may have no direct consequences. Thus, it is clearly important and necessary for the LGBTIQA+ community to be depicted in a non-distorted manner due to the impact that this could have on society's attitudes and views towards them.

The need for education programmes in an institutional setting

Research on the formal education environment argues that school and family are the main contexts where negative attitudes and prejudice towards LGBTIQA+ individuals develop and unfold (e.g., Aguirre et al., 2021; Pichardo et al., 2015). Consequently, numerous studies have examined the benefits of different kinds of education policies and programmes that address discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, finding that they can indeed alleviate negative issues such as victimisation, bullying, poor academic performance and absenteeism among LGBTIQA+ students (Black et al., 2012; Day et al., 2019). Sexual-affective and gender diversity programmes prioritise a range of identities and foster inclusive environments for LGBTIQA+ and non-LGBTIQA+ peers (Phillippi et al., 2021). Diverse curricula also promote acceptance, prepare educators better and mitigate academic disparities, exclusion and marginalisation in schools (Hope and Hall, 2018; Snapp et al., 2015; Soule, 2017).

A well-designed education programme means considering the perspective of the target audience. This is important because, as highlighted by Platero et al. (2023) in the context of LGBTIQA+ issues (in Spain), the adult point of view may significantly differ from those of younger individuals. Furthermore, it may not always be advisable to assume that adults are the best arbiters of what adolescents want (Holloway and Valentine, 2000). Approaches such as experiential learning and constructivism recognise the relevance of education centred on the experiences and ideas of learners, specifically young people (Mohammed and Kinyo, 2020; Morris, 2019). Knowledge is better acquired when it arises from experiences, especially if it challenges the established norms (Morris, 2019); while individual opinions and reflections also act as agents of knowledge (Mohammed and Kinyo, 2020). We hope the findings of this research will contribute additional information to support the development of new programmes on the diversity of gender and sexual identity issues to foster equality, respect and democratic societies in the coming years.

Study objective and research questions

The aim of this study is to explore, from a transcultural perspective, the most recognised stereotypes of gay male individuals among young Spaniards and Mexicans, including those perceived in fictional portrayals, and to use the findings to propose measures for an education programme aimed at reducing them. We explore the phenomenon in two countries that share the Spanish language, and therefore to a certain extent view the same kinds of audiovisual content, and examine the similarities and differences between the respective populations. For these purposes, the following research questions (RQ) are proposed:

- RQ1: What stereotypes of gay males are most commonly identified, and how are they perceived among young people?

Participants

Six FGs were conducted, comprising 26 participants (Age _range 18 to 25; Spain [n = 13] and Mexico [n = 13]). Each country had three different FGs. The socio-demographic characteristics of the samples are shown in Table 1.

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Table 1.

Socio-demographic characteristics of the participants.

	Spain(n = 13)			Mexico(n = 13)
	Gays(n = 4)	LBTQ+(n = 5)	Hetereosexuals(n = 4)	Gays(n = 5)	LBTQ+(n = 4)	Hetereosexuals(n = 4)
Gender and sexual orientation	4 cismales	1 transmale 1 transfemale 1 lesbian transfemale 2 bisexual cisfemales	2 cismale 2 cisfemale	5 cismales	1 lesbian cisfemale 1 bisexual cisfemale 1 non-binary transfemale 1 lesbian-transfemale	2 cismale 2 cisfemale
Age	23–24	20–23	18–23	21–22	18–21	18–20

Note: LBTQ+: Lesbian, bisexual, trans and queer group.

Instruments

To conduct the FGs, a semi-structured script was developed in alignment with the RQs and structured into five blocks:

Block 1 (RQ1): Identification of stereotypes. Questions were asked about preconceived ideas and stereotypes, including their frequency and the contexts in which they were most commonly identified.

Procedure

This research was conducted ethically in accordance with the World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki. Data collection was confidential and was conducted in December 2023. All the analyses were performed in an anonymised database, and a non-probabilistic method was employed. Participants were recruited through various sources, including outreach to LGBTIQA+ associations such as the Observatory against Homophobia of Catalonia, Psychology students from University of Barcelona, as well as the Asociación Plural Ibero. Additionally, individuals that had participated in another previous research study were contacted, both in Spain and Mexico. Participants signed informed consent forms, and the research objectives were explained to them. The FGs were conducted using the Zoom platform, lasted from 1 h and 7 min to 1 h and 28 min (M = 1 h and 21 min), and were recorded with the participants’ consent. Two researchers from the team were present at each of the sessions.

Data analysis

Interviews were transcribed using Microsoft's transcription software. The transcriptions were reviewed by a researcher to ensure that they were faithful reproductions of the audio. After an initial reading by the four authors of the manuscript, coding categories were agreed upon deductively.

Once established, a researcher used Atlas.ti to code the six FGs, using the phases of thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006), and these categories were refined inductively. During this process, the researchers also coded whether when identifying stereotypes, adolescents described them as something positive, negative or neutral (intentionality).

As explained in the theoretical framework, stereotypes in general can be perceived as positive, negative or neutral (see e.g., Sánchez-Soriano, 2023). In this research, we take a further step by introducing the ‘intentionality’ category, which describes how the participants perceived the stereotype. In other words, stereotypes identified as feminine or masculine (or others) could sometimes carry positive, negative or neutral connotations. Furthermore, instances were observed where the participants used words negatively at one moment and positively at another, such as the use of the word ‘gay’ as both an insult and a positive affirmation of identity. We therefore decided to create a label to specify whether the identified categories involved negative, positive or neutral intentionality.

The coding was performed three more times (once by each author of this manuscript), ultimately leading to 130 individual codes grouped into 24 general categories. We then conducted a thematic analysis of the qualitative responses, which was complemented by examining the association between the adolescents’ identified stereotypes and their intentionality, as shown in a network graph developed using the R igraph package (Csardi and Nepusz, 2006).

Identified stereotypes

Figure 1 depicts a network graph illustrating the stereotypes identified by all the participants and their intentions. Darker text denotes participant intentionality (positive, negative or neutral), and lighter text represents the primary identified stereotypes. Each line corresponds to one observation.

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Figure 1.

Intentionality and stereotypes.

The ‘feminine gay’ stereotype stands out, which is sometimes categorised not only as a positive but also neutral, and occasionally negative intention. Positive stereotypes include traits such as being outgoing, stylish or kind, and those related to friendship. The inclination to link positive feminine qualities such as joy, personal care, fashion and tolerance with gay males can lead to unquestioned acceptance (Vicente da Cruz, 2019), given that they can serve as simplified markers of social identity. We also observed the assignment of positive masculine traits such as extroversion, leadership and financial success, which reflect entrenched notions of status and abilities associated with masculinity, partially challenging gender norms and generating tension in less tolerant societies (Anderson, 2011). This association also relates to homonormativity, where gay males adopt or are assigned roles associated with heterosexuality so as to integrate into society (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023).

In this research, most traits perceived as neutral are also occasionally categorised as negative or positive. Negative stereotypes involve associations with perversion (e.g., STI vectors, promiscuous) or being perceived as threatening. This reflects deep-rooted prejudices surrounding masculinity and sexuality (e.g., Anderson, 2011; Sánchez-Soriano, 2023). Terms such as ‘perverted’, ‘party-goer’, ‘promiscuous’ and ‘sexually active’ perpetuate preconceived and stigmatising ideas linked to gay identity (McLaughlin and Rodríguez, 2017). These stereotypes do not accurately reflect the reality of gay males, hence, the importance of challenging them in order to construct a more precise and respectful understanding of homosexual identity.

A more specific analysis of the FGs is shown in Figure 2. The first column shows the FGs in Spain, while the second pertains to those in Mexico. The first row shows gay FGs, the second LBTQ+ ones and the third shows heterosexual FGs. In the case of gays in Spain, a clear distinction is observed between stereotypes considered positive or negative. Negative stereotypes include the perception of gays as perverted, having few physical abilities or being labelled ‘marica’ (‘poof, fag’). On the other hand, positive stereotypes are related to personality traits or qualities associated with friendship. Characterisations such as ‘party goer’ or ‘sensitive’ have been identified as both positive and negative. In the Mexican gay group, similar traits, both positive and negative, are observed. However, the neutral idea emerges that they are highly expressive, and also that their overall appearance is similar to cisheterosexual individuals.

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Figure 2.

Intentionality and stereotypes by focus group.

In the LBTQ+ groups, negative stereotypes focus on sexual activity, while positive ones are linked to socialisation and gender expression, which are sometimes perceived as neutral. Similar to the Mexican gay FG, the idea emerges that they appear cisheterosexual, with the positive addition of valuing self-care. In Mexico, positive traits for gays include sharing common interests, being leaders and being kind, while negative stereotypes again relate to sexuality, as well as the way they speak.

In the Spanish heterosexual FG, positive stereotypes include those identifying with the group, cisheteronormative expression and being out-going. The expression of femininity and sensitivity is sometimes associated with positive, neutral or negative intentions. The idea of perversion is associated with negative intentionality, except for promiscuity, which is perceived as neutral. In the Mexican heterosexual FG, positive traits include being stylish, not sharing common traits, and being extroverted. Being out-going also emerges as a neutral intention. Femininity is perceived as ranging from neutral to negative, with negative stereotypes linked to gay promiscuity, exceptions like effeminacy, having little education or being sensitive.

Stereotypes in gay characters

So far, we have focused on the stereotypes that young people may identify in general. Now turning specifically to current representations in VoD fiction, all of the participants stated that most of the identified stereotypes are unrealistic, as confirmed by recent research (van Meer and Pollmann, 2022). However, a more critical view was observed on the part of LGBTIQA+ participants, as already reported by research differentiating between cisheterosexuals and LGBTIQA+ (Sánchez-Soriano et al., 2023). The LBTQ+ participants affirmed that current representations, in addition to being stereotyped, usually use gay characters in a complementary manner. They observed that some fiction include gay characters merely to fulfil the ‘quota’ and appeal to that particular audience. Such commercially strategic use of gay characters by production companies is what is popularly known as pinkwashing (Sánchez-Soriano and García-Jiménez, 2020) and suggests that gay characters are not developed in a narratively complex manner.

The LBTQ+ participants also noted that stereotypes are often reinforced in order to highlight the presence of these characters. They would rather see fewer negative stereotypes but did appreciate the greater presence of gay characters on TV screens. In contrast, the cisheterosexual participants perceive this increased presence as ‘forced inclusion’, highlighting differing audience perceptions based on sexual orientation (Sánchez-Soriano et al., 2023). Indeed, the Spanish heterosexual FG remarked that although several of the discussed stereotypes of gay males do exist in actual fact, they are so simplistic that they only represent a small part of the community and ignore the majority:

There will be people who feel represented by this image (femininity, risky sexual practices, etc.) because they see themselves, but there will be many others who do not. That's why it would be good to diversify the representation of gay people (P5, 23, Spain, heterosexual cisfemale).

The gay groups felt that the narratives reduce gay characters to a very specific type of person and way of behaving, which has real implications for the way society views and acts towards gay males (Fongkaew et al., 2019; Gonta et al., 2017). The Mexican gay FG considered that these stereotypical representations make it difficult for the audience to identify with these characters, as they are not true to reality: ‘I realise I don't know anyone like that. I don't see that here in my life, in my environment, even though I know a lot of LGBT people…’ (P1, 21, Mexico, Gay, cismale). As a result, the Spanish gay FG claimed that this has negative repercussions on the self-identification of the gay viewers themselves: ‘I thought, I'm gay and I should like this, but I don't. I don't like clothes, I don't care. But gay people like clothes, shopping, etc. It's like having a crisis’ (P3, 23, Spain, gay). However, there are also implications for other identities and orientations, as this can reinforce negative prejudice (Galdi et al., 2023) or diminish negative prejudice reduction strategies, such as persuasion (Chen et al., 2023).

Finally, examples of series that were considered positive, and that could be useful in education programmes, included the comedy The Office (2005), the science fiction series Sense8 (2015) and the drama Pose (2018). The two gay groups viewed the series Heartstopper (2022) as one of the most realistic portrayals, and the one with which they could most identify (Moyer-Gusé et al., 2018). However, here again we find a difference, as the cissexual participants, in contrast, viewed Heartstopper's diversity as an example of ‘exaggeration’ and ‘forced inclusion’.

Meanwhile, the LGBTQ+ groups mentioned series such as Elite (2018) and Gossip Girl (2007) as examples of misrepresentation, because they uphold recurring, reductionist stereotypes of gay characters, such as manipulation, promiscuity, associations with drugs (McLaughlin and Rodríguez, 2017), homonormative behaviour (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023) and being passionate about fashion and art (Khamis and Lambert, 2016).

Suggestions for improvement and prejudice reduction

The participants made some proposals for the construction of good narratives. First, the Spanish heterosexual FG mentioned that representations of these characters can be made more varied and diverse by eliminating simple, reductionist constructs that do not reflect most gay males (van Meer and Pollmann, 2022). Second, the Mexican gay FG suggested there should be more representations that depart from traditional stereotypes, such as comedic associations between gayness and femininity (Sink et al., 2018) or slim, muscular gay characters that are commonly associated with homonormativity (Vanlee, 2019). The LGBTQ+ groups also called for a wider variety of ethnic cultures other than Western Caucasian: ‘They are usually extremely hegemonic, they are all the same, they are all very muscular. Real people would have different bodies, different heights, different races, different careers, or different professions’ (P3, 21, Mexico, gay).

The Spanish gay FG also reflected on the inclusion of stable, long-lasting gay relationships, as opposed to those based on promiscuity or hypersexuality (McLaughlin and Rodríguez, 2017). An example that one participant mentioned is ‘a storyline in which a couple is trying to adopt a child and the kind of marital problems that can arise as a result of this, what beautiful moments this situation could bring’ (P4, 23, Spain, gay).

Other stereotypes discussed by the Spanish gay group were characters with a passion for fashion and body care (Khamis and Lambert, 2016) or tragic stories linking homosexuality with unhappy lives or viruses such as HIV, which are more typical of earlier decades, particularly the 1980s (McLaughlin and Rodriguez, 2017). As one participant said:

This representation often goes hand in hand with tragic stories of gay characters who have suffered abuse, bullying or who have had problems with STDs… All these things have been seen in films, television and series and I think it's time to turn the page because we are not only that (P4, 23, Spain, gay).

Most participants, both Mexicans and Spanish, also mentioned the need for these characters not to be introduced solely as a marketing or pinkwashing ploy (Sánchez-Soriano and García-Jiménez, 2020); the LGBTQ+ groups proposed that they should deal with issues related to the LGBTIQA+ community; the Mexican gay FG mentioned the need to ‘not exaggerate’ gay characteristics, which leads to extravagant narrative constructions (Sink et al., 2018); the gay groups recommended the inclusion of a greater variety of genres in representations of male homosexuality, and not only drama or comedy (Parseiman, 2019); and all groups proposed that these characters’ narratives should not focus solely on their sexual orientation, a typically recurring element in television fiction, with storylines such as those about ‘coming out’ (Sánchez-Soriano et al., 2023), and should instead present other issues such as work and friendship. Finally, only the Spanish gay FG, and not the Mexican or other groups, proposed that these characters’ narratives should not only be developed in association with other gay characters, which distances them from integration with other identities and orientations and, therefore, from social reality (Sánchez-Soriano, 2023).

Once again, we observe a critical attitude in all groups, but to a greater extent in the LGBTQ+ than in the heterosexual ones. However, most suggestions are consistent between the LBTQ+, gay and heterosexual groups, both Spanish and Mexican.

Implementation of an education programme

In the previous section, we discussed the potential of VoD fiction for education programmes, highlighting key elements for consideration. During the FGs, the participants reflected on examples of series that were considered positive and that could be useful in education programmes. Hence, in this section, we focus on the formal aspects that these education programmes should encompass in the FG participants’ opinion.

Some studies have shown that formal education programmes have different benefits for students and academic staff, such as improving the school climate; integrating students who identify as LGBTIQA+; reducing prejudices and negative attitudes; and increasing positive visibility of LGBTIQA+; realities (Baams et al., 2017; McGlashan and Fitzpatrick, 2017). The participants considered that education institutions and academic staff play a crucial role in generating knowledge and pedagogical training related to sexual-affective diversity. They mainly refer to their lack of action and training in response to homophobic situations, as well as the absence of role models who can discuss gay realities and listen to students’ concerns. These issues align with what Aguirre et al. (2021) pointed out regarding the roles of schools and teaching figures in creating safe spaces for LGBTIQA+ children. As one participant says, ‘a good start would be for teachers to have a corrective and active attitude towards students. For example, if you're in the playground and hear a student calling another “marica” (“poof, fag”), instead of ignoring it because they're playing, take action and explain both the present and long-term consequences for this child’ (P5, 23, Spain, heterosexual, cisfemale).

The literature has highlighted a positive impact of the presence of LGBTIQA+ individuals in schools to reduce prejudice and negative attitudes towards diverse identities and orientations (e.g., Francisco et al., 2022; Vicente-Cruz and Subirana, 2023). One participant's perspective further supports this notion: ‘Perhaps finding ways for children to understand that gay people are individuals and not stereotypes. This would depend on someone working there who is comfortable with their sexuality being known’ (P2, 21, Mexico, lesbian, trans-female).

Another point of agreement among the FGs is related to the stage of the education process when they believe LGBTIQA+ programmes should be introduced. The results of the discussions suggest that the basic levels (e.g., primary and secondary) are the most ideal for introducing curricula about identities and orientations beyond cisheteronormativity. These are ages when children spend most of their day at school, so attitudes towards LGBTIQA+ individuals are influenced by the information they receive from that context (Scandurra et al., 2017). However, the participants have identified various barriers to the implementation of programmes related to the LGTBIQA+ topic. Among the primary challenges are family, school, politics and religiosity, as will be further discussed below.

One of the preferred formats to have emerged from the discussions in both countries is audiovisual content, which is recognised as one of the main generators of role models in general, but especially for young audiences (Sánchez-Soriano et al., 2023). The preference for media content, and specifically videos, is expressed in different FGs (e.g., ‘I imagine it (the programme) to be quite dynamic, with videos’. P1, 21, Mexico, gay; ‘With high school students, I'd like the content to be highly visual’, P5, 23, Spain, heterosexual cisfemale.). Explanatory videos addressing diversity could be an efficient tool to reduce prejudice not only against gay males but also in a much broader variety of dimensions, such as the family context (e.g., ‘P1, 21, Mexico, gay’) and regarding gender roles (e.g., P1, 23, Spain, gay). Media developed or selected from readily available VoD (see previous section for discussion) could be useful as solid foundational material to work on in educational programmes. Workshops, group discussions and specialised books were other formats that were proposed for the design of education programmes from an LGBTIQA+ perspective.

Regarding subjects and academic transversality, there is a disparity of opinions between the groups in each country. In Spain, the need was emphasised to create new and exclusive disciplines around sexuality and LGBTIQA+ identities. In contrast, the results in Mexico leaned towards improving and reinforcing existing subjects with more up-to-date terms and information regarding sexual orientation and gender identity, specifically referring to disciplines in the fields of biology and what are known in Mexico as ‘civic and ethic studies’.

The participants identified certain barriers that could hinder the implementation of more diverse training programmes. Those from both countries believe that families and academic institutions pose an obstacle to the creation and implementation of these programmes due to their attachment to more traditional socio-cultural values, such as binary gender norms and heteronormative teaching. This is a major barrier considering that, as research in psychology and pedagogy has highlighted, the family is the primary source of learning in early development, with lasting effects into adulthood. Moreover, schools play a significant role as the secondary contributor to knowledge, influencing the reassessment or reinforcement of attitudes such as prejudice and stereotypes formed within the family (Mitchell, 2019; Raabe and Beelmann, 2011).

In addition to the above, the discussions in Mexico specifically emphasised the issue of religion as a significant impediment to the development of an inclusive and plural curriculum. Interviewees from this country emphasised that religious currents not only have a significant influence on Mexican society but also exert a certain degree of academic control in education centres founded by ecclesiastical organisations. ‘Everyone normally goes to church during their upbringing, even in the academic sphere. We have institutions that go hand in hand with religion’ (P1, 21, Mexico, gay). The literature has shown that religious attachment in Mexico is decisive in the formation of public opinion regarding sexuality, gender identity, binarism and homosexuality, even among younger generations (e.g., Bárcenas, 2019).