Fear and safety for women and girls in the night-time economy: Findings from a Safer Street 4 project in England

Abstract

This article reports on some of the findings from the Safer Street 4 Violence Against Women and Girls research in England’s West Midlands. It investigates women’s and girls’ perceptions of safety in public spaces and night-time economy venues, particularly around licensed premises after dark. Using participatory workshops and observational methods, the study explores reasons for fear, places associated with risk, and factors that foster a sense of security. Findings reveal that safety perceptions are strongly influenced by spatial and temporal contexts, as well as by past experiences—both personal and collective. Historical incidents of crime and sexual exploitation continue to amplify fear and shape behaviour, restricting women’s and girls’ freedom in public spaces. The article concludes that safety is not only about present conditions but also about how past events and ongoing environmental factors control and influence women’s everyday choices, offering recommendations to enhance safety in night-time and public settings.

Keywords

safety of women night-time economy perception of safety VAWG street harassment

Introduction and research context

Safety and violence against women and girls (VAWG) has become a key priority for UK central and local governments, with the College of Policing (2024) describing the scale of offending as an “epidemic.” Despite increased visibility through movements such as #MeToo and the Everyday Sexism Project, only 5% of reported rape cases in the UK result in prosecution and conviction (Victims Commissioner, 2022). VAWG and threats to women’s safety manifest in many forms. Globally, VAWG is intensified by systemic inequalities including racism, identity, disability, and economic disparities (UN Women, 2019a). Efforts to address VAWG occur within patriarchal systems where women’s experiences are ignored or misrepresented (Walby, 1989). High-profile child sexual exploitation cases that occurred in Rotherham, Rochdale, Preston, Derby, Oxford, Middlesbrough and Telford highlight this neglect (Colley, 2019; Home Office, 2018; Independent Inquiry Telford Child Sexual Exploitation (IITCSE), 2022). In Telford, up to 1000 girls were exploited over four decades (IITCSE, 2022; UN Women, 2019b), consistent with the Home Office’s (2014) definition of organised crime and The Police Foundation’s (2017) description of persistent local offending. Beyond organised crime, public harassment—including sexual comments, unwanted contact, and stalking—is widespread (Macmillan et al., 2000), with two-thirds of women aged 16–34 reporting such experiences in a year (Office for National Statistics (ONS), 2023).

Against this background, the spatial and temporal patterns of VAWG became of significant interest. In 2020, the UK government initiated the Safer Street projects to reduce neighbourhood crime levels, reduce incidents of VAWG, and improve public perceptions of the police (Home Office, 2023). In the area in which our study took place, the sexual and economic exploitation of girls and women had occurred principally within the night-time economy (NTE) space, particularly related to taxi firms, nightclubs, and fast-food and takeaway outlets. The local authority concerned had conducted a women and girls’ safety survey (Telford and Wrekin Council, 2021) to understand local women and girls’ perceptions of violence against women and girls within that area. The population survey revealed that most respondents reported feeling unsafe at night, particularly in alleyways and railway stations, and when using public and semi-private transport, such as taxis. This population survey offered the initial scope of the study. The Safer Street 4 project was therefore initiated against this backdrop. The main objectives of the study were to explore reasons for fear, places associated with risk, and factors that foster a sense of security. The intention was to gain a deeper understanding of how local women constructed a sense of safety and whether this enabled them to exercise freedom of movement within the night-time economy. The NTE is commonly associated with commercial activities at night, such as bars, nightclubs, events, and restaurants, where alcohol consumption is prevalent (Haleem et al., 2021) and research regarding women’s fear and safety in the NTE is frequently centred on alcohol consumption (Brooks, 2014; Miller et al., 2012; Sheard, 2011). Sexuality and the risks faced by women in NTE, examined by Nicholls (2017), in bar and club spaces, serve to highlight how women manage risk and regulate their own identities. The gendered nature of unwanted sexual attention in NTE (Gunby et al., 2020; Lewis and McBride, 2025) underscores the importance of addressing women’s safety in these environments while highlighting that research on women’s safety in the NTE is often focused on alcohol and drug use. However, the focus on alcohol and drug use can be excluding. Women’s responses to our participatory scoping work prior to the formal start of this study highlighted the ways in which those perceptions impacted and served to exclude some groups, who explained they also self-excluded themselves from the NTE. Their responses showed that women and girls presented the NTE as involving all their movements in public (e.g. on the street) and semi-public spaces (e.g. in a library or leisure centre¹) from dusk until dawn. Their movement in and around the NTE may be related to work, education, faith, or social gatherings. Our study, therefore, adopted their definition and sought to better capture women’s and girls’ perspectives and their sense of fear and safety in this more inclusive way. This article addresses this gap in the NTE literature utilising a broader definition and drawing on data from five workshops with 55 women who are NTE users and who live and/or work in the study area.

The study was guided by the following questions: what do women and girls fear in the NTE, their reasons for fear and places associated with risk, and the factors that fostered their sense of security, including what makes them feel safe. Drawing on our empirical findings, we present new evidence on the factors that affect women’s sense of safety in public places from dusk to dawn in the town where they work or live. We demonstrate that perceptions of safety are linked to past experiences, both direct and indirect. We also establish that past incidents of crime in a community, such as child sexual exploitation, intensify fear and undermine a sense of safety, with enduring impacts from historical events and organised crime. This is important for public services seeking to implement policy and practice changes. Finally, we conclude by demonstrating the study’s significance, as our article foregrounds women’s perspectives and experiences within the NTE, understood as public and semi-public spaces used between dusk and dawn.

Safety of women in the night-time economy

The NTE literature is international, criminology-intensive, and principally focused on alcohol, drugs, violence, and disorder in and around licensed premises. The majority of studies are not gender-focused, nor do they capture or seek to capture women’s perspectives for reducing violence in the NTE. Stockwell and Chikritzhs (2009) reported a connection between increased violence and the extended opening hours of NTE venues, while Zhou et al. (2018) evidenced a correlation between the implementation of safety measures and occurrences of violence among patrons in licensed venues situated in the primary entertainment areas in Australia. The use of alcohol and violence is a common theme in the NTE literature. Among those to consider gendered behaviours, LaBrie et al. (2009) engaged female university students in a randomised controlled trial study regarding harm minimisation to see if it was effective in reducing alcohol-related harm against women in NTE. Gómez et al. (2022) also explored alcohol-related sexual violence incidents in the NTE of Spain. They included perspectives of both young women and their concerns about the risk of sexual victimisation. Drawing on qualitative evidence from Newcastle, UK, Nicholls (2017) showed that women are aware of heterosexual harassment in the NTE and are concerned about managing those risks. Gunby et al. (2020) also revealed the unwanted sexual attention British women faced in bars and nightclubs and how they resisted such behaviours. Hobbs et al. (2007) studied female door staff’s experience working in licensed premises and found they regularly encountered violent behaviour and witnessed “public displays of aggression and violent assault on women” (p. 31). The female door staff’s experiences articulated Crenshaw’s (2010) intersectionality lens, illustrating how multiple dimensions of identity and experience shape violence.

Among the limited studies that include a gendered perspective on the NTE, research by Graham et al. (2011) revealed that instances of escalated aggressive behaviour by men towards women often stemmed from social identity concerns in males strongly linked to more severe forms of aggression. Female students’ experiences of sexual violence in NTE in the United Kingdom also add evidence of the gendered nature of NTE (Anitha et al., 2021). And as a whole, evidence suggests that women fear for their safety, and this limits their freedom after dark. Roberts’ (2022) study on women’s movement after dark established that the presence of others significantly contributed to a sense of safety among female students navigating campus environments. According to Vera-Gray (2018), women are always alert to the possibility of harassment in the street, which makes them employ choices that trade “freedom for safety.” She suggested women unconsciously used avoidance to manage fear and risk in public spaces. Similarly, Kavanaugh (2013) in Philadelphia, USA, found women were aware of the risks of NTE participation and considered how to navigate physical and sexual victimisation. And Plyushteva and Boussauw (2020) and Fileborn et al. (2022) explored how safety concerns shaped women’s use of public transport as part of the NTE.

Safety in the night-time economy (NTE) is therefore a multidimensional concept encompassing both objective crime risks and subjective perceptions of security (Brands and Schwanen, 2014; Bromley et al., 2000; Dubey et al., 2025). The authors argue that safety is relational, embodied, and tied to affective atmospheres in nightlife districts. Perceived risks associated with dark alleys or aggressive behaviour influence perceptions of safety. Fear is a cumulative process that evolves over time, shaped by various social and personal experiences (Koskela and Pain, 2000). Moreno et al. (2022) found that fear of abuse in public spaces is a significant concern for European women. Even without direct experiences of harassment, the perceived risk of insecurity serves as a fear factor (Hawken et al., 2020). Media representations further exacerbate this fear, as the depiction of crime disproportionately increases fear among women (Bjornstrom et al., 2010; Jeffries, 2013). The relationship between fear of crime and media use is well-documented in the literature. Rosenberger et al. (2023) confirmed that media consumption, both through social media and traditional press, directly correlates with a heightened fear of crime among women.

We address gaps within the literature and discuss how our study articulates the construction of women’s sense of safety within the NTE and outline how their perspectives enable us to understand the forms that fear takes. Our article foregrounds women’s perspectives and experiences with the NTE, understood as public and semi-public spaces used between dusk and dawn.

Methodology

A mixed-methods approach using diverse data collection tools is regarded as an effective method for studies of the NTE (Bharucha and Khatri, 2018; Philpot et al., 2019), as this approach allows researchers to leverage the strengths of different data collection methods, providing a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the complex NTE environment. Following the accepted data collection methods of other NTE researchers, a mixed-methods approach was adopted, including a systematic review; an empirical, qualitative inquiry including workshops and observations; secondary data collection for identifying best policing practices and the examination of two population surveys pre- (2021) and post-project (2023) for this Safer Street 4 project. This article focuses on the findings from the qualitative participatory workshops. The results from the systematic review and other methods are published separately.

This study received ethical approval from the University of Wolverhampton. Ethical standards were maintained throughout the research process, ensuring the protection of participants’ rights, maintaining confidentiality, and safeguarding their identities. Qualitative methods were appropriate for gaining an in-depth understanding of women’s experiences with the NTE (Gómez et al., 2022; Kavanaugh, 2013). As a result of early participatory work such as informal consultation with communities, we adopted a broader view of the NTE to maximise understanding of all women’s experiences, whether going to and from work or education, to the gym or swimming pool, mosque/faith centre, out for dinner or the cinema, to the pub or a club after dusk and before dawn (Arnull et al., 2024).

Our inclusion criteria for the qualitative methods included women and girls who lived or worked in the study area. Due to the nature of the study, participants opted into the workshops rather than being individually invited in advance and the venues in Telford were accessed via a range of local and community-based gatekeepers. The venues then granted us prior permission to be on their premises at agreed-upon dates and times, during which we approached potential workshop participants to obtain informed consent; at all times, people could, and did, decline to take part.

Five workshops were organised in a range of premises. Workshops provided opportunities for participants to interact through semi-structured questions and prompts facilitated by academic researchers. Active participation and co-creation were key to these workshops. Unlike a focus group, this approach enabled participants to take ownership of the discussion and add information unprompted. A total of 55 participants of diverse ages and backgrounds took part. No demographic data were collected during the workshop. Most workshops were held at night and involved NTE users. For example, pubs were visited on Friday evenings and used as venues for participatory workshops, other venues included sports facilities, a library and an observation of a teacher-led discussion in a school. Before the workshop began, study information and consent forms were provided to potential participants, and written consent was obtained; for the teacher-led discussion, the teacher liaised with parents and obtained parental consent. Participants all lived and/or worked locally. One group of women who participated in a workshop in a pub said they worked as retail assistants in local shops, and another workshop was conducted with female police officers during the day (to maximise their availability) and which a policing gatekeeper facilitated; the women then gave individual, informed consent to us directly. This workshop focused on the women police officers’ own experiences as individual women users of the NTE, in exactly the same way as the other workshops. But it also provided an important opportunity for the research team to see women actively reflect on their intersecting, gendered identities (Crenshaw, 2010). This helped the research team to understand their perspectives on how men responded to them as women in the NTE, even when they were on duty as uniformed police officers. These gendered experiences evidenced harassment within their job roles from local men as members of the public that were similar in impact to those described by the women who took part in another workshop where they self-identified as retail assistants; these findings are discussed in a forthcoming paper.

On average, 10–12 women participated in each workshop. Workshops lasted 40 minutes to 1 hour. Data were recorded using multiple audio recorders to avoid missing conversations where environments were noisy. Recorded data were transcribed, and the research team cleaned duplications before analysing text data. A thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) was used to analyse the qualitative data collected from the workshops. Three team members followed the first three of six stage processes individually, including familiarising with the transcribed data, generating initial codes and allocating them to potential themes. Later stages of thematic analysis were undertaken collectively by the same researchers, in which themes generated by individual researchers were reviewed, and the data selected for each theme were agreed upon and finalised. The combination of individual and collective analysis increased the rigour of the data analysis (Nowell et al., 2017).

Observations are also useful for qualitative data collection in the NTE (Bharucha and Khatri, 2018; Hobbs et al., 2007). Hence, this method was included as part of our qualitative inquiry. Members of the research team were accompanied by NTE Task Force officers from the Council on three observational visits in and around the local area after dusk and before dawn. These observations allowed the researchers to understand the context of the NTE in the study area. Two researchers also undertook an observation of a teacher-led discussion in a school in which she utilised the research questions. This was audio recorded, and notes were taken.

Findings and discussion

The ideas of safety and fear in NTE were complex, influenced by various factors that shaped how safe or fearful women felt. In this section, we discuss four of the eight principal themes that emerged from this study and analysis. The four principal themes (some with relevant sub-themes) are perceptions of safety, forms of fear, the impact of the media, and the reporting of harassment. Taken together, we suggest these four shaped how women and girls constructed a sense of safety in NTE. The other themes on environment, education, gender and appearance, and strategies for feeling safe form part of a different article.

In addition, we briefly discuss the Independent Inquiry into Telford Child Sexual Exploitation (IITCSE, 2022) along with the empirical findings because these historical events continued to reverberate throughout our workshops and shaped the discussions that took place.

Perceptions of safety

We found women’s perceptions of safety were underpinned by four subthemes: trust, particularly that organisations entrusted to do so, can and will keep women and girls safe; previous experiences of personal harassment or violence; public and semi-public transport as NTE users, specifically taxis; and visibility factors such as lighting.

Trust

We identified trust issues as detrimental to women and girls’ perceptions of safety and crucial for decision-making regarding participation in the NTE and night-time movement. According to our respondents, the perception of safety in leisure venues such as pubs, clubs and restaurants was directly linked with trust. The lack of trust arose from a perception that public organisations entrusted with keeping women and girls safe repeatedly failed to do so. Respondents referred to a recent incident of rape in a local restaurant and highlighted that the restaurant did not close after the incident but continued to serve food until the early hours of the morning, while the police were present, and investigations were ongoing:

They didn’t close the restaurant event after that rape took place, kept serving food. (Participant in workshop 1)

For research participants, this example highlighted a perceived and embedded disrespect for women and a disregard for violence against them, which meant they could not trust organisations and professionals in the NTE to respect them or keep them safe. A lack of trust was also clear from the below comment:

(name of) nightclub they search you, they search your bags, they search your clothes and still they’re things online where girls go in there, and she has, like, red marks (on her) arm. And things were slipping their drinks. (Participant in workshop 1)

Yeah, there’s a guy as well that comes around. He’s been stalking girls. I think Telford is really getting bad—there’s not enough protectionism. (Participant in workshop 1)

Research respondents, when discussing recent events, also reflected back on historic incidents in which police and social workers in the local area failed to listen to the concerns raised by women and girls (IITCSE, 2022). They said these directly influenced their views on current events, despite not having personally experienced grooming and exploitation by organised criminal groups. This was evident in less explicit remarks, in which a participant stated that their sense of safety is influenced by a combination of human interaction and societal factors, reflecting how past incidents impact different communities within the local area:

Intimidation is probably like a keyword. Whether that’s from people that we interact with kind of actions or whether that’s society that’s made us feel intimidated rather than the people in Telford. (Participant in workshop 3)

Previous experience

Past experiences of harassment emerged as a critical factor shaping women’s fear and mobility within the NTE. In the participatory workshops, all but one participant reported experiencing some form of harassment, ranging from verbal abuse and ‘catcalling’ to physical intrusions such as grabbing, grinding and unwanted touching. These behaviours were described as commonplace and normalised, as one participant explained:

And this man went like this on me like on my side, right on my side. He didn’t say excuse me, just started rubbing my side, touching me. Just kind of went and did that. That’s really, really common or like, yeah. And there was literally no reason for them to touch you at all. They can, and . . . they do. And it’s, I don’t know why. It’s like they just feel entitled to be able to. Like I said, hand on the hips, hand on the back, hand on the shoulders . . . (Participant in workshop 5)

Another participant reflected on the persistence of harassment during social outings:

I myself, on a night out recently, absolutely experienced harassment from men and it does feel like you say no to one, and then they just keep coming in. (Participant in workshop 4)

Such encounters were not confined to NTE venues but extended to other crowded settings, as illustrated by a participant’s account of being forcibly held during a football-related event:

I mean, one incident I was at, going to a football game and the (pub) . . . it was very crowded. Some random guy just grabbed onto my hand, started spinning me around so that I couldn’t leave it, like it was quite impossible. Quite vulnerable . . . (Participant in workshop 5)

These narratives also described how previous experiences fed into and created lasting fear for some women, and that this might then limit their freedom of movement and participation in everyday and leisure activities, such as walking, cycling, or dining out after dark. These findings align with established research showing that past experiences of harassment influence perceived risk and avoidance behaviours, especially among women (Hawken et al., 2020; Koskela and Pain, 2000). The cumulative effect of these experiences is to perpetuate gendered inequalities in access to public spaces and this can thereby contribute to an environment of insecurity within the NTE for women and girls.

Using taxis as a mode of transport in the NTE

The use of taxis within the NTE emerged as a significant concern among participants, with perceptions of safety notably lower than those for other transport modes within the local area. Distrust of taxi firms and drivers was a recurring theme, as illustrated by statements such as:

I would rather walk home on my own than get in a taxi. (Participant in workshop 3)

and

There’s no safe taxi driver here. (Participant in workshop 1)

This distrust is not merely anecdotal but deeply rooted in historical and structural factors. The IITCSE (2022) highlighted the role of taxi firms in criminal activities that were organised and included the grooming and exploitation of women and girls, dedicating an entire chapter to taxis and their intersection with nightlife venues and takeaway outlets. These findings left a lasting imprint on community perceptions, as evidenced by participants’ comments:

There is a big history with taxis in Telford. I would never take a taxi alone. (Participant in workshop 4)

Participants also linked their concerns to changes in taxi firm ownership, which eroded the sense of familiarity and informal social accountability traditionally associated with smaller, locally operated services:

I think when it’s a big taxi firm, like we’ve got now, it’s more concerning for me because it’s usually the driver is more anonymous, you don’t know who’s going to turn up. And I think that makes you worry. (Participant in workshop 3)

These narratives underscore the interplay between social trust and perceived safety. The fear women and girls have of using taxis as a means of public transport also aligns with other international studies (Ceccato et al., 2020; Fileborn et al., 2022; Plyushteva and Boussauw, 2020) where female participants expressed a sense of heightened vulnerability that echoed some of the other literature on gender and safety (e.g. Bromley et al., 2000; Vera-Gray and Kelly, 2020). The persistence of fear in this local area, despite regulatory changes, also served to illustrate how historic harms shape contemporary risk perceptions.

Lighting

Lighting emerged as a critical determinant of perceived safety, with poorly lit environments consistently associated with heightened fear and avoidance behaviours, whereas well-illuminated areas conveyed reassurance and a sense of security. One participant highlighted the anxiety triggered by malfunctioning streetlights:

I get so scared because lights on there, but they don’t work. (Participant in workshop 5)

Similarly, inadequate lighting in car parks was identified as a deterrent to undertaking routine activities such as attending evening exercise classes:

From Wilkos car park to here and I feel nervous, yeah, and I don’t want to feel like that. (Participant in workshop 3)

These findings align with previous studies that emphasise the role of visibility and illumination in shaping perceptions of safety, particularly for women and girls (Ceccato and Nalla, 2020; Jorgensen et al., 2013). Well-lit spaces not only enhance visibility but also increase the likelihood of passive surveillance and the presence of others, both of which are strongly correlated with reduced fear of crime and greater confidence in public spaces.

The sub-themes help to evidence how perceptions of safety are articulated through women’s trust in others, the perceived visibility of trustworthy individuals, and trust (or distrust) in public organisations, taxis, and other businesses within the NTE; taken together, they shape gendered perceptions of a place as safe or unsafe. Historic events undertaken by organised, criminal adults can be seen in our study to continue to impact women and girls’ perceptions of safety in the local area. Past experience, whether personal or vicarious, plays a significant role in undermining trust in local organisations entrusted with the safety of women and girls. Their responses, or perceived failures to respond appropriately, are interpreted and re-interpreted with reference to the past.

Forms of fear

Fear emerged as a salient theme in participants’ accounts, shaped by sub-themes including encounters with “older” men, concerns about grooming and exploitation, and the influence of alcohol. While visibility and the presence of others were generally associated with feelings of safety, participants emphasised that crowded environments could paradoxically heighten anxiety as men encroached upon their personal space. Fear was thus anticipatory, rooted in unease about potential threats and reflecting the uncertain nature of public spaces. This anticipatory fear prompted behavioural adaptations such as heightened vigilance, scanning surroundings and repeatedly checking behind—strategies participants collectively described as a “conscious effort.” Notably, this practice was perceived as widespread among women and girls, irrespective of time or location:

If it’s a female behind me, I am not bothered. If it’s a bloke I feel uncomfortable, especially when they are like getting towards your personal space. (Participant in workshop 4)

Personally, if I’m walking alone, I’m always checking behind me, even if I don’t hear or see anything. It’s always a conscious effort. (Participant in workshop 3)

The other sub-themes discussed below are critical to the shaping of forms of fear.

Older men as a gendered threat in NTE settings

An emergent theme in this study was the perceived threat posed by older men, which participants consistently identified as a source of fear and discomfort in both daytime and NTE contexts. Although age was not explicitly probed in the research design, references to older men arose organically across all workshops, underscoring the salience of this issue. Participants described older men as more likely to engage in intrusive and predatory behaviours, including catcalling, unsolicited comments, physical contact and invasion of personal space during activities such as walking, using public transport, dining out or attending nightclubs. As one participant noted,

I think especially comments you get from the old generation, if you’re on a night out. (Participant in workshop 1)

while another emphasized,

They’re trying . . . like if you’re dancing, for example, they’re trying to get in. And that’s older men, not young men. (Participant in workshop 1)

These behaviours were perceived as ambiguous yet threatening—sometimes dismissed as irritating but often experienced as frightening and predatory. Participants linked such conduct to historic patterns of grooming and sexual exploitation in the local area, which revealed the role of adult men in exploiting young women in nightlife venues. Women reported ongoing concerns about men occupying VIP areas in clubs, offering free drinks, and using status to persuade younger women, reinforcing perceptions of risk and institutional inaction:

There’s a guy . . . he’s been banned . . . he’s been stalking girls. (Participant in workshop 5)

While previous inquiries highlighted racialised dimensions of exploitation (IITCSE, 2022), participants in this study did not attribute these behaviours to a specific ethnic group. Instead, they associated older men with entrenched misogynistic norms and hyper-masculine behaviours, echoing findings from other research on aggression and entitlement in nightlife spaces (Graham et al., 2011). This aligns with broader literature on gendered geographies of fear, which emphasises how encounters with men—particularly strangers—shape women’s mobility and sense of security in public spaces (Macmillan et al., 2000; Marselle et al., 2012). Importantly, participants distinguished these risks from those posed by younger men, suggesting that age intersects with gender to produce unique forms of vulnerability in NTE settings.

Grooming and exploitation

Grooming and sexual exploitation within Night-Time Economy (NTE) venues emerged as a significant concern among participants, who described such practices as pervasive and largely unchallenged:

A restaurant . . . like some sort of take away food. Yeah. And so that’s where the grooming happened. (Participant in workshop 5)

The fear associated with grooming extended beyond individual experiences, shaping broader community anxieties and parental restrictions on women’s mobility. This was compounded by race-based political agitation from far-right groups, which participants identified as amplifying local tensions and framing fear in minority ethnic communities. As one participant explained, “Tommy Robinson . . . My parents would not let me go up town at all that day” (Participant in workshop 5).

Such dynamics illustrate how gendered and racialised narratives intersect to constrain women’s participation in public life, reinforcing patterns of exclusion and vulnerability and align with research on the spatiality of sexual exploitation and the role of nightlife venues as sites of risk (IITCSE, 2022; Marselle et al., 2012). They also resonate with scholarship on gendered notions of fear and safety, which emphasises how structural inequalities and cultural norms perpetuate insecurity in urban leisure environments (Macmillan et al., 2000). Addressing these concerns requires a multi-layered approach that combines situational crime prevention with strategies to challenge misogynistic behaviours and mitigate the racialised framing of safety discourses.

Alcohol

Alcohol consumption has been, as we have described, a defining feature of the NTE in past discourse (Miller et al., 2012; Sheard, 2011). Our participants noted how this can be exclusionary and highlighted the dual role of alcohol as both a facilitator of leisure and a catalyst for gendered safety concerns. Women reported that alcohol frequently blurred social boundaries, enabling male colleagues, friends, and strangers to “cross the line of decency” during nights out:

When we work, you know they (male colleagues) do not cross that line, right? Alcohol is involved in a night out, (and) sometimes that line is blurred . . . (Participant in workshop 1)

Further illustration of how intoxication amplifies gendered entitlement and sexual aggression came from women who were police officers who described misogynistic verbal abuse during interventions in nightlife settings when they were in uniform, such as: “The strippers are here” (Participant in workshop 4).

Many women emphasised the futility of reasoning with intoxicated individuals:

You can tell them time and time again, but . . . it is not going to go through to them because they’re drunk. (Participant in Workshop 4)

Similarly, female pub owners recounted adopting proactive strategies to identify harassment and maintain safe environments, underscoring the gendered labour involved in mitigating alcohol-related risks:

In here we have some very strong beers . . . but it’s not the right environment. (Participant in Workshop 3)

Participants consistently linked alcohol to unpredictable male behaviour—manifested through shouting, invading personal space, unwanted touching, and assault and how this extended beyond licensed venues onto streets, transport hubs, and other public spaces. Our findings show how alcohol may intensify hyper-masculine behaviours and contribute to spatial and temporal patterns of fear (Graham et al., 2011; Vera-Gray, 2018; Yesberg et al., 2023). Women in our study described a pervasive “conscious effort” to monitor their surroundings and anticipate experiences of harassment within a localised context that had included grooming and exploitation. While fear of VAWG in public spaces is documented, our findings emphasise that local socio-cultural contexts can significantly shape how fear is constructed and navigated within the NTE.

Media influence on perceptions of safety

Media—both traditional and digital—plays a role in shaping perceptions of safety. Prior research demonstrates that increased media consumption, combined with the rapid dissemination of local, national and international incidents, amplifies awareness of risk and fear (Hollis et al., 2017; Prieto Curiel et al., 2020). This dynamic was evident in our workshops, where participants referenced recent incidents of rape and violence that were widely circulated on social media but absent from mainstream news coverage:

Another one at night club here in Wellington, two rapes. And stabbing as well, that is in the evening. (Participant in workshop 1)

Participants described how platforms such as Facebook and TikTok serve as primary sources of information about harassment and assault:

If you go on Facebook, there’s so many stories about women and girls being locked in taxis and been threatened. (Participant in workshop 2)

I always see it on TikTok. That’s the place where I see everything. (Participant in workshop 5)

While respondents acknowledged that not all reports shared online were accurate, they emphasised the far-reaching influence of these narratives:

If you get the wrong case in the news . . . you still hear them quite frequently. So, I think that very much influences women’s ideas about moving around. (Participant in workshop 4)

These findings illustrate how media can collapse spatial and temporal boundaries. This can make distant or historic events feel relevant and current in a way that may intensify fear (Vincent, 2021). Our data suggests women adopt individual coping mechanisms and highlight that alongside their strategies, there is scope for media to play a constructive role in promoting safety without sensationalising risk. In addition, public bodies and educational institutions could offer digital literacy initiatives that empower women to critically engage with online content.

Non-reporting of harassment

The Crime Survey for England and Wales highlights a persistent gap between recorded sexual offences and the estimated prevalence of victimisation (Government Equalities Office, 2021). This discrepancy was mirrored in our findings as none of the women participating in the workshops had reported the harassment they experienced. Participants reflected on their reluctance to engage with formal reporting mechanisms, emphasising a desire to prioritise personal safety and avoid further distress:

So what you want the outcome to be is you should just get out safely and not have the other hassle and the easiest way to do that is just to remove yourself. (Participant in workshop 1)

Women’s narratives revealed a nuanced understanding of behavioural dynamics in public spaces, shaped by societal norms that normalise misogynistic conduct within patriarchal systems. This led women to self-monitor and weigh the potential social consequences of challenging harassment:

It’s about your own behaviour when you’re doing nothing, but you’re thinking what will other people think about what I’m doing. (Participant in workshop 4)

Another participant noted the ambiguity of boundaries:

It depends on the level . . . It’s when that oversteps the mark and becomes something more. (Participant in workshop 3)

These attitudes were expressed within the local context of the historic neglect of sexual exploitation and documented systemic failures and victim-blaming practices (Arnull et al., 2025; IITCSE, 2022). The absence of police action and institutional accountability not only emboldened perpetrators but also eroded trust in authorities. Our findings thereby align with broader research on how structural barriers to justice and the normalisation of gendered violence in public spaces may intersect (Vera-Grey, 2018; Yesberg et al., 2023). This underscores the need for more culturally sensitive interventions that rebuild trust and challenge the entrenched norms of victim-blaming.

Conclusion

Our study demonstrates that women’s safety in the NTE is shaped by a complex interplay of structural, social and environmental factors, with trust emerging as a central determinant of participation and mobility. Women’s perceptions of safety were deeply influenced by the historic failure of local institutions, such as police and social services, to respond adequately to sexual exploitation and harassment. This created a legacy of distrust that persists today.

Past experiences of harassment reported by nearly all participants compounded a sense of insecurity and reinforced anticipatory fear and avoidance behaviours that limited women’s freedom of movement and leisure participation after dark. Fear was not confined to particular venues but extended to public transport, streets, and other semi-public spaces, and this illustrated how gendered vulnerabilities permeated the NTE. Environmental factors such as poor lighting and men’s behaviour intensified these concerns. Women described adopting constant vigilance—what they termed “conscious effort”—as a coping strategy, reflecting the normalisation of fear in their everyday routines.

The media amplification of sexual violence may lead to a perceived collapse of spatial and temporal boundaries that serve to heighten perceptions of risk, even when incidents occurred elsewhere or were historic. This dynamic underscored how the local context of the historic neglect of sexual exploitation and documented systemic failures and victim-blaming practices shaped women’s current decisions to self-limit their access to the NTE and to not report the harassment they experienced when accessing the NTE. Non-reporting was thereby linked to personal strategies for minimising harm and structural barriers rooted in institutional neglect and victim-blaming practices.

This research fills a gap in the NTE literature by positioning women’s voices and experiences at the centre—a perspective largely absent from criminology-focused literature. While prior studies emphasise alcohol, disorder and situational crime prevention, our findings reveal that trust, historical context and gendered social norms are equally pivotal in shaping perceptions of safety. By foregrounding women’s lived realities, we demonstrate that fear in the NTE is a response to immediate threat and a cumulative process informed by past harms, cultural narratives and systemic failures. Our work advances theoretical debates on the gendered characteristics of fear and offers practical insights for policy, highlighting the need for multi-layered interventions that rebuild trust, challenge misogynistic behaviours, improve environmental design, and promote institutional accountability.

Limitation

The limitations of this study relate to the nature and focus of the data collection, as we focused on venues used by women and girls after dusk and before dawn. We did not record respondents’ demographic characteristics; thus, the limitations we cite are observational. The venues we visited were not, for example, popular with older women and women from minority ethnic groups on the evenings we were there, and although we sought diverse workshop situations, there may have been gaps in the ethnic composition and age of participants. Future studies on NTE should consider how to recruit a more diverse set of participants to broaden understanding.

Footnotes

ORCID iDs

Mahuya Kanjilal

Nazanin Khasteganan

Elaine Arnull

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the Home Office Safer Street -4 grant.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author biographies

Mahuya Kanjilal is a Senior Lecturer and Postgraduate Research Tutor in Health and Social Care at the University of Wolverhampton, recognised for community participatory research. A mixed-methods specialist, she focuses on domestic violence, community safety, gender equality, migration, and ethnic minorities, effectively promoting inclusive research with hard-to-reach communities.

Nazanin Khasteganan is a Senior Lecturer in Health and Social Care at the University of Wolverhampton. Her research interests include violence against women and girls, safeguarding, mental health, spiritual health, AI in health science and social care, systems thinking, nature-based approaches, environmental and health inequalities, communities and leadership, systematic reviews, and interdisciplinary health and social care interventions focused on vulnerable populations.

Elaine Arnull is Professor of Social Sciences and Social Work at Southampton Solent University, UK and Visiting Professor, Queensland University of Technology, Australia. Elaine led international scholars to the United Nations Commissions on the Status of Women, served as Chair of the American Society of Criminology, Division of Women and Crime and was Global Scholar for the Institute for Research on Women, Rutgers University.

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