The articulation of Britishness on German screens: From Barnaby to Bridgerton

Introduction

The increasing interconnectedness of the global media landscape, driven by globalisation and digitalisation, has fundamentally transformed how media content is produced, circulated, consumed, and understood. Digitalisation, in particular, accelerated audience fragmentation and individualisation, leading to the personalisation and nicheification of television and streaming. The current media landscape is characterised by multi-channel, multi-platform, and multi-device consumption. Simultaneously, global and transnational media flows have become increasingly prominent within an industry marked by convergence and global conglomeration (Bielby and Harrington, 2008; Chalaby, 2009; Havens, 2006; Moran and Malbon, 2006). Consequently, media content competes for audience attention in a diversified market where national players often contend with global competitors – predominantly US-based entities – such as Netflix.

Beyond questions of availability and market dominance, two pertinent questions arise: How do audiences navigate their choices amidst an overabundance of textual offerings? And how does transnational content compete with local content in this diversified market? This study examines British-produced fiction consumed by digital natives under 30 in Germany, many of whom curate their own media repertoires from global online sources rather than relying on national broadcasters (ARD/ZDF, 2024). The research focuses on the role of fictional screen media productions consumed outside their country of origin, by audiences who increasingly access transnational content. Screen content that travels contains elements of a ‘grammar of transnationalism’ (Jenner, 2018), local and national specificities (Hansen and Waade, 2017), specific genre markers, or often a mixture thereof. The principal focus of this study is the content itself, with particular attention to the national and local textual elements and strategies: How are ‘glocal’ (Robertson, 1995) textual strategies integrated into media products – not only at the level of character, narration, and genre, but also regarding iconography and visuality? How do these strategies serve as markers for young audiences’ preferences and choices? What role do they play in the promotional strategies of channels and distributors? Due to research constraints, the case study is limited to crime and period drama, both of which resonate particularly with young German audiences.

Young audiences in Germany

In Germany, the average screen time for all video content is 203 minutes per day, but younger audiences (aged 14 to 29) watch less; 162 minutes per day (Hess and Rhody, 2024: 4). For young audiences, YouTube is the most used platform for video content, followed by Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, and Disney+ (Hess, 2025). British content competes with media offerings from other countries and with local content in a market characterised by two strong public broadcasters (ARD and ZDF) and, increasingly, a diverse and robust streaming market. Audiences of all ages in Germany are particularly fond of crime genres, and the popular crime series Tatort (1970–present) regularly tops the ten most-watched shows in 2024, with four titles among the top five watched single programmes (not including sport; AGF Videoforschung, 2025). Crime ranks second among young audiences (aged 12 to 19), after the general format ‘series’ and ahead of animation/anime, science fiction, and sports (JIM, 2024). The strong affinity for crime is also evident in the results of the Screen Encounters with Britain study (Esser et al., 2025), with Sherlock (2010–2017) being by far the most well-known British show in Germany, and Peaky Blinders (2013–2022) and Broadchurch (2013–2017) also appearing within the top 20 German mentions. Furthermore, among the four countries surveyed, young audiences from Germany show the highest affinity for the crime/thriller genre, with 42 % choosing it as a favourite genre (compared to 40 % in Denmark, 35 % in Italy, and 33 % in the Netherlands) (Esser et al., 2025: 19).

Period drama resonates less with young audiences in Germany, yet it offers an interesting avenue for understanding transnational strategies aimed at appealing to young local audiences. While only 30 % of German participants in the Screen Encounters with Britain study selected historical drama as their preferred scripted genre overall, British series such as The Crown (2016-2023) and Downton Abbey (2010-2015) are well-known among young audiences, and historical drama ranked as the second most popular British genre (51 %), behind comedy/comedy-drama (68 %) (Esser et al., 2023: 22). Notably, Bridgerton (2020-present) – often mistaken as British because of its UK settings and actors, although listed as US-originated in IMDb – is the second most popular show among girls aged 12–19 (JIM, 2024), with its third season attracting 2.5 million viewers in Germany within the first week (Schröder, 2024). In this perspective article, period drama, particularly Bridgerton, will serve as a way to compare textual and promotional strategies for communicating ‘Britishness’ to young audiences in Germany.

Narrative media and mediated Britishness

The appeal of these genres, often considered markers of British culture, raises important questions about how ‘Britishness’ is encoded and marketed as a cultural commodity in international contexts. Accordingly, we analyse how Britishness – encompassing imaginations of nationness, stereotypes, and cultural specificities – is embedded within British media products and decoded within the German cultural context. Furthermore, we examine whether and how these codings of Britishness function as selling points promoted by distributing channels and platforms. Ultimately, our study aims to understand how Britishness is articulated through British screen content for young audiences in Germany, and how such content is promoted to them.

Young German viewers are increasingly consuming transnational audiovisual content through worldwide streaming platforms (ARD/ZDF, 2024). This cross-cultural exchange, in which global content meets local tastes, demonstrates how media articulate and negotiate cultural identities within global–local dynamics and multidirectional media flows (Thussu, 2007). Within this dynamic, genre preferences remain a significant factor in the success of films and television shows, with other textual markers such as ‘grammar of transnationalism’ (Jenner, 2018), ‘local color’ (Eichner and Waade, 2015), ‘banal nationalism’ (Billig, 1995), and ‘banal transnationalism’ (Esser et al., 2016) guiding audience engagement. The transnational circulation of media disseminates and adapts national imaginaries, stereotypes, and cultural specificities, often mediated through historical or bilateral entanglements between nations. As young audiences increasingly curate their own, personalised media menus, the interplay among local, national, and transnational elements becomes increasingly relevant for both producers and consumers in a diversified market.

Sampling and methodology

In this Perspective piece, we analysed six series – three crime and three period dramas – chosen for their relevance to Britishness and to young audiences in Germany (Esser et al., 2023). Our analysis focused on textuality and genre, with additional attention to promotional materials targeting German audiences. Each genre cluster includes a canonical text, a modern adaptation, and a hybrid example. In the crime genre, Midsomer Murders (1997-present) was chosen for its longevity and adherence to conventional aesthetics, Sherlock for its contemporary reinterpretation of a classic literary figure and Killing Eve (2018-22) as a hybrid British-American production that challenges traditional genre boundaries. In the period drama category, Downton Abbey was selected as a quintessential example closely tied to national heritage narratives. Peaky Blinders serves as a modern reinterpretation, subverting traditional class structures and gender roles, while Bridgerton – a US-produced series often perceived as British – functions as an ambivalent post-heritage text.

Following the classification of genres, genre-specific markers of Britishness were compiled and analysed for each genre. Based on the identified genre markers, an analytical model was developed that draws on three primary categories: character, narration, and mise-en-scène. The category Narration encompasses markers that pertain to the plot structure and dramaturgy of a series. Mise-en-scène includes markers that describe the visual composition and aesthetic design of a media text. In the crime genre in particular, an additional emphasis is placed on character, consolidating markers of the depiction of figures within a series, as well as their specific traits and functions within the narrative. In addition to genre-specific markers, the analysis considers broader cultural references to Britishness, conceptualised as symbolic articulations – the various ways British identity is expressed or perceived in media texts. This largely follows Michael Billig’s concept of “banal nationalism” (Billig, 1995) and Charles Jencks’ description of ‘iconic buildings’ (Jencks, 1978) that carry cultural and symbolic significance. Language is excluded from this analysis due to the dominance of dubbed versions in the German-speaking market.

In addition to textual analysis, the study examines promotional materials aimed at German audiences, including landing pages, trailers, DVD covers, and German translations of the series and episode titles. Analysing these materials provides insights into how Britishness is articulated to German viewers and how these representations shape distributors’ promotional strategies. It also highlights the potential of Britishness as a selling point in Germany, revealing which aspects of British identity are emphasised in promotional content.

The articulation of Britishness in crime drama

According to Mary Brewer (2017) and Neil McCaw (2011), the idyllic British village, symbolising a harmonious, stable, and conservative society, is central to the crime drama’s mise-en-scène. This village often represents a nostalgically idealised bygone Imperial Britain – a national idyll where social classes coexist peacefully. Alternatively, a romanticised London appears in works like Sherlock, portraying a majestic urban backdrop underscoring the Empire’s grandeur (Hewett, 2016: 1). With regards to characters, the genre features the detective superhero archetype: investigators with exceptional intellect and crime-solving abilities. Figures like Sherlock Holmes and Hercule Poirot are often depicted as eccentrics, a trait linked to Britishness (Brewer, 2017: 173; McCaw, 2012: 43). Social order is idealised through a class idyll, showing aristocracy, bourgeoisie, and working-class individuals peacefully inhabiting their roles (Brewer, 2017: 174). The narration often follows a ‘whodunit’ structure, introducing suspects and engaging the audience until the detective’s final revelation (Neuhaus, 2021: 23). The storytelling is conservative and nostalgic, idealising social order and traditional values while reconstructing an Imperial past threatened by internal and external forces.

The textual analysis of three popular crime drama series – Midsomer Murders, Sherlock, and Killing Eve – reveals divergent articulations of genre and national identity. Midsomer Murders represents the traditional British crime drama, adhering to most genre conventions and depicting an idyllic, rural Britain. Its nostalgic reconstruction of social and narrative conventions evokes a sense of tradition and continuity, offering viewers a fictionalised image of a harmonious British past despite being set in the present day. While Detective Chief Inspector Barnaby in Midsomer Murders is not depicted as a ‘detective-superhero’ but as a more relatable, human protagonist, the series meets most of the criteria for a traditional British crime drama. Sherlock, by contrast, represents a modernised reimagining of the genre, offering a more adaptable and progressive vision of Britishness. The series departs from the rigid structure of the classical ‘whodunit’ format and lacks the typical foreign threat, but it retains many traditional tropes, reaffirming Britain as a unified space of shared values defended by the brilliance of a singular detective figure. Additionally, the series makes extensive use of symbolic expressions of Britishness. This is particularly manifested in the fetishisation of London, functioning as a symbol of national identity, which permeates the series’ visual aesthetic and persists in its dramaturgical components. Killing Eve, on the other hand, subverts most genre conventions and presents an ambivalent articulation of Britishness. The series avoids typical London iconography, instead using irony to engage national stereotypes, such as Villanelle’s Barbour jacket, that playfully references British fashion clichés. Featuring internationally mobile characters, the series uses Britain as a point of reference against which transnational elements are juxtaposed with no allusion to a social idyll shaped by class hierarchies. Instead, Eve blossoms during her pursuit of Villanelle across national borders, and transnationality becomes a desirable state of being for Eve.

Promoting Britishness through crime drama

For the analysis of promotional material, landing pages, trailers, DVD covers, and German translations of the series and episode titles were included. The analysis prioritises the identification and discussion of key elements relevant to each case. Due to ongoing changes, this compilation of channels and streaming platform availability is not exhaustive and is intended for the series’ first-market introduction and an overview of current accessibility. The analysis indicates that Britishness is heavily emphasised as a key feature to enhance the commercial appeal of series such as Midsomer Murders, Sherlock, and Killing Eve. Since 2005, Midsomer Murders has been available in Germany on ZDF, its streaming platform ZDF-Mediathek, and as part of Amazon Prime and WOW. The series is promoted on ZDF’s landing page as a ‘cult crime series set in an English idyll’. Its translated title, Inspector Barnaby, along with episode title translations (see for instance, S17E1: ‘The Dagger Club’ becomes ‘Britisches Roulett’; S19E3: ‘Last Man Out’ becomes ‘Cricket Fieber’), reinforces audience associations of the series with British identity. However, ZDF TV trailers and DVD covers focus less on Britishness and more on background information such as actors and authors, suggesting a targeted approach for dedicated fans.

Sherlock has been available in Germany since 2011, initially on ARD and, from 2017, on the special interest channel ONE, integrated into the weekly slot for British content. Since 2022 and 2024, respectively, it has been available on Amazon Prime and Netflix. Sherlock’s early marketing foregrounded symbolic articulations of London—the DVD covers depicted Big Ben, and TV trailers referenced Westminster Bridge and described the show as a ‘British hit series’. Later, online promotion on the Amazon Prime landing page (2022), especially following the show’s success and actor Benedict Cumberbatch’s rising popularity, deemphasised Britishness in favour of ‘international’ and ‘action’ branding. The series was promoted as featuring ‘exciting and action-packed episodes’ and ‘action adventures’, promising ‘laughter, tears, surprises and extraordinary cases’.

Since 2023, Killing Eve has been broadcast on ZDFneo and made available online via ZDF-Mediathek, JoynPlus+, Amazon Prime, and Netflix. In Killing Eve, Britishness is mainly visible on streaming service landing pages, with JoynPlus + promoting it as a ‘Love at first kill: British thriller hit with pitch-black humour’ and referring to Fleabag (2016–2019) by Phoebe Waller-Bridge. In contrast, TV trailers and DVD covers highlight the show’s action and international scope rather than its Britishness.

The three cases show that Britishness in crime drama is a strong selling point for German distributors. Traditional broadcasters and DVD covers foreground it to establish recognisable cultural identities, whereas streaming platforms deploy it more selectively, highlightning Britishness only when it supports broader appeals linked to genre, action, or internationalisation.

Articulations of Britishness in period drama

The period drama is widely regarded as one of the most quintessentially British film and TV genres (Leggott and Taddeo, 2015). Its association with national history makes it a potent vehicle for negotiating British identity and cultural heritage (Monk, 2002: 176), and a cultural site where memory, identity, nostalgia, and idealisation of the past converge. Andrew Higson (1996) argues that the heritage film constructs a nostalgic vision of Britain’s past, steeped in the values and structures of the aristocracy and upper-middle classes – groups idealised for tradition, stability, and continuity. Through this, the genre creates an iconic image of a bygone, upper-class Britain. A key feature is the mise-en-scène, including meticulous visual detail and authenticity, promoting the ‘museum look’ (Monk, 2002: 178). By showcasing historical architecture, landscape, interior design, and costume, a historical spectacle is created – a ‘visual spectacle’ and ‘fantasy of Englishness’ (Higson, 2012: 606–607). The country estate, depicted in expansive interior and exterior shots, functions as the genre’s central setting and symbolises traditional heritage England.

Narratively, the genre centres on the British upper class, portrayed as a microcosm of aristocratic identity. As Craig (2001: 5) notes, this insular world is often ‘viewed from above and without, not engaged with’. A defining feature is the ‘upstairs, downstairs’ structure, juxtaposing the lives of the aristocracy with those of their domestic staff. Period dramas focus on domesticity, marital relations, and ritualised patterns of life. Higson (2012: 614–615) describes ambivalence between mise-en-scène and narration: even if narrative structures are influenced by an idealisation of the past, irony and social criticism can be inscribed directly or indirectly. Since the early 2000s, the genre has increased in production; serialised formats and ‘post-heritage films’ with more self-reflexive approaches to history and genre conventions have emerged (Monk, 2001: 8). While costume drama continues to engage domestic audiences by reflecting national identity and historical memory (Byrne, 2013), it also functions as a global export – part of what Higson (2011: 112) calls the ‘heritage industry’, aimed at international audiences.

As the textual analysis shows, Downton Abbey exemplifies the traditional period drama, offering a nostalgic reconstruction of Britain’s upper class and projecting an idealised national past. Its narrative largely follows the conventions of the genre, reinforcing the aesthetic and ideological frameworks of heritage cinema, while allowing for some modernisation, with topics like the First World War or women’s suffrage and emancipation gradually entering the narrative. The series articulates Britishness through its narrative celebration and repetition of everyday rituals such as changing for dinner, having tea, going for walks in the countryside, or horse riding. The village of Downton, with its stone walls, cottages, and old church, visually anchors Britishness in a historical setting. Through its visual and narrative centrality, the estate itself becomes a central character, symbolising British identity and way of life.

Peaky Blinders subverts traditional British period drama by blending British period aesthetics with US-American gangster genre traits, emphasising psychological complexity and social crises rather than idealised upper-class rituals. Visually, the series eschews heritage tropes, instead highlighting Birmingham’s industrial, gritty cityscape. Here, Britishness emerges through the everyday lives and fractured identities of the working class.

The final example, Bridgerton, playfully engages with the genre’s conventions, drawing on traditional British period aesthetics while simultaneously destabilising historical authenticity through deliberate anachronisms and stylisation. The resulting narrative world is artificial and hyper-stylised – detached from historical accuracy and shaped by a transnational grammar that fuses British aesthetics with contemporary, transnational storytelling conventions. This aesthetic orchestration presents a subversive vision of Britishness, functioning less as historical representation and more as a visual and symbolic ornament.

Both Peaky Blinders and Bridgerton exemplify post-heritage texts. They reframe British history through unconventional narrative strategies and visual excess, while appealing to international and potentially younger audiences. In Bridgerton, Britishness becomes a stylised aesthetic marker, whereas in Peaky Blinders, it is integrated into a broader narrative of transnational genre hybridity.

Promoting Britishness through period drama

The three cases also differ in their deployment of Britishness as a promotional asset. In Germany, Downton Abbey has been broadcast on ZDF and ZDFneo since 2012 and is currently accessible via all major streaming platforms. The promotional strategy for Downton Abbey foregrounds Britishness most explicitly: its DVD covers display the grand estate, stately homes, and the English countryside – key symbols of British heritage. The noble family, period costumes, and renowned British actors such as Hugh Bonneville and Maggie Smith reinforce both genre and national identity. Netflix’s German landing page includes the genre category ‘British’, underscoring how Britishness is central not only to the show’s marketed identity but also an asset for attracting audiences within the German media landscape.

The promotional efforts for Peaky Blinders employ a different strategy. The show was broadcast on ARTE from 2016 to 2020 and is currently available on Netflix and Amazon Prime. The German subtitle ‘Gangs of Birmingham’, visible on DVD covers and the Netflix page, highlights its English setting, while historical costumes – especially the flat cap and black coat – serve as visual markers of Britishness. Netflix promotes the show through label categories such as ‘British’, ‘historical film’, and ‘drama’, effectively treating Britishness as a genre in its own right. In contrast, Amazon Prime’s landing page omits the subtitle and minimises references to location, suggesting that, after the show’s success in Germany, Britishness became less central to its marketing. Nevertheless, the imagery consistently emphasises Birmingham’s local identity and period costume, blending these with the dark, violent gangster aesthetic reminiscent of US productions.

The promotion of Bridgerton presents a more hybrid articulation of Britishness. The show is exclusively available on Netflix. Netflix’s German landing page situates the show in a historical aristocratic milieu, featuring London, noble titles such as ‘Duke’, and visual cues including tea scenes, polo, and a Corgi. The German trailer highlights British architecture and honorifics (‘Miss’, ‘Lady’) but avoids precise historical framing. The marketing thus treats Britishness as an elegant backdrop, interwoven with modern sensibilities and global appeal.

Overall, Britishness functions as a flexible promotional resource in the three cases: explicit and traditional in Downton Abbey, stylistically branded in Peaky Blinders, and transnationally hybrid in Bridgerton. Whether aesthetic or narrative, Britishness is consistently foregrounded as a key marker of cultural authenticity and marketability. Peaky Blinders is marketed alongside American quality television and gangster dramas, demonstrating that British identity and genre associations are not mutually exclusive but are strategically employed to engage young audiences.

Conclusion

In addressing the central research question regarding the role of Britishness in the articulation of popular British fictional television series to young viewers in Germany, the comparative analysis yields several key findings. These insights transcend genre boundaries, revealing broader patterns of cultural negotiation:

Symbolic articulations of nationness play a crucial role in conveying Britishness across the analysed series, while the presence and execution of classical genre markers vary significantly. This is particularly evident in the crime genre, which often reproduces stereotypical images of Britain. Midsomer Murders and Sherlock most clearly illustrate this dynamic, presenting quintessential representations of rural Britain and metropolitan London, respectively, frequently laden with culturally specific details. Even in a transnationally produced series like Killing Eve, symbolic markers such as costuming practices align with British stereotypes, functioning as key access points to a constructed notion of Britishness. In contrast, the period drama genre integrates symbolic articulation of Britishness with genre conventions, particularly when depicting British history. Examples include the use of aristocratic titles in Bridgerton, the representation of World War I in Downton Abbey, and the dramatisation of historical political figures in Peaky Blinders. These elements serve as iconic representations of national identity. Britishness, in this context, resists a fixed definition and is continually renegotiated. The hyper-stylised mise-en-scène of Bridgerton, for example, emphasises British conventions even as narrative ruptures subtly draw attention to the constructed nature of national history. Therefore, Britishness remains intrinsically tied to self-referentiality, intertextuality, and audience reception competence.

Secondly, a notable tendency emerges in recent productions or co-productions to expand the conceptual framework of Britishness through transnational logics aimed at younger audiences. This manifests both extradiegetically, in terms of format and narrative structure, and intradiegetically, through characters and storyworlds. In several series, particularly Peaky Blinders, international (especially US) influences are evident in both narrative pacing and visual aesthetics, such as US Quality TV, subverting the traditional British gaze on national history. Intradiegetic transnationality is evident in Killing Eve through the bi-national identities of protagonists Eve and Villanelle, whose movements across Europe destabilise national belonging. Meanwhile, Bridgerton imagines a deliberately ahistorical, postcolonial society, distancing itself from historical authenticity to increase its global accessibility. However, these transnational configurations do not replace Britishness but rather reframe it, offering alternative points of attachment. Britain remains the core narrative location in all the series. Peaky Blinders is embedded in a specific historical and societal British context, Killing Eve foregrounds Britishness through symbolic markers of clothing, and Bridgerton invokes the classical heritage drama tradition, albeit challenging its foundations.

Finally, the analysis of promotional materials reveals that Britishness plays a highly visible and strategic role in marketing these series to German audiences. This indicates that Britishness functions as a distinguishing factor and a marker of quality within the German media landscape, shaping audience expectations and enhancing appeal in a competitive transnational content economy. Even series with prominent transnational features, such as Bridgerton, are marketed through a focus on Britishness. As pointed out earlier, the explicit emphasis on Britishness in marketing is most pronounced when targeting new and potentially younger audiences on streaming platforms. These strategies suggest that transnationality does not negate national branding but rather reframes it. Transnational narratives are more effective when anchored in recognisable national imagery and cultural frameworks.

In conclusion, Britishness emerges as a dynamic, context-dependent construct across genres, narratives, and production contexts. Rather than serving as a static national identity, it becomes a fluid cultural and promotional strategy that can accommodate both traditional genre conventions, transnational innovations, and audience developments. The persistent presence of Britishness in promotional materials for older and younger audiences alike in Germany highlights its ongoing symbolic value in mediating cultural distinction and market differentiation. Transnational television, aimed at younger audiences, therefore, does not discard national signifiers but strategically mobilises them in dialogue with global media flows and shifting audience expectations.