Abstract
In recent years, some media organizations have begun to use a new type of animation in news reports that is melodramatic and emotion-laden. These have successfully drawn considerable numbers of viewers to their online news reports. The use of such techniques is controversial and has sparked debate over its appropriateness. An experiment with 153 college students as participants was conducted to compare the perceived credibility of news reports with and without melodramatic animation. The results show that the animation format neither enhances nor dampens news credibility. However, they also show that sound effects reduce the credibility of news reports using melodramatic animation. The perceived credibility was also related to the credibility of the news organization and the medium dependency of the viewer. Implications for animated news media, future research directions, and ethical issues of using such technique are discussed.
Keywords
Introduction
The internet and communication technologies have been widely adopted by news media organizations, which use them to create a variety of innovative formats to report news. Li (2006) asserts that media organizations using the internet are now merging various storytelling techniques to increase audience engagement with news reports. The inclusion of animation to narrate news stories is one such technique and is an interesting way to help audiences process the stories (Fox et al., 2004). Many media organizations, such as CNN, 1 have incorporated animation into their news reports. The use of animation has apparently influenced the ways of presenting news and is becoming mainstream (Nytimes.com, 2011).
Animation is typically adopted as a way to visualize an event for which there is no video footage, or when the issue reported is abstract and needs visual illustration. For example, animation is used in news about science (e.g., a spaceship landing on a planet or displaying DNA structure), natural disasters (e.g., locating the epicenter of an earthquake), wars (e.g., how a troop entered an enemy’s camp), and accidents (e.g., how two planes crashed in the air). Animation, often accompanied by a reporter’s voice-over, gives viewers an idea of how an event unfolded.
However, in recent years, some news organizations have begun to use animation in a more controversial way. These organizations produce animated news videos that are melodramatic and emotion-laden. Often these animated videos are about violent and sex-related crimes and scandals (wired.com, 2010) that involve people and their interactions. In these videos, specific details such as the facial expressions and body movements of the people described in the news stories are often included. Sound effects and background music are commonly used and sometimes there is dialogue with intonation between the animated characters.
The videos of Tiger Woods’ car accident and the resulting scandal 2 that were produced by the Next Media Group 3 exemplify the use of melodramatic animation in news. As no news agency captured any footage of these events, the details of the event, such as the fight between Woods with his now-ex-wife, and Woods lying unconscious on a street, were recreated through animation (CNN.com, 2010). In the videos, viewers can see how the people described in the news expressed their anger and even shed blood after assaulting each other. Audio elements such as exciting background music, the characters’ screaming and the sound of the car crash were also added. These videos went viral around the world in the winter of 2009 and were picked up and replayed by many Western news organizations. The worldwide circulation of these videos generated an enormous amount of attention, amusement, and controversy (wired.com, 2010).

Images of the animated news by CNN.
News videos using melodramatic animation have drawn a considerable number of viewers. The Next Media Group launched an animated news channel called “Apple Action News” on YouTube (youtube.com, 2011) in November 2007. As of January 2012, the channel has around 16,000 videos with approximately 20 new videos uploaded daily. More than 445 million viewers have watched these videos in the past 4 years. It is expected that an increasing number of individuals will be exposed to these animated news reports, as the media group in Taiwan has gained government approval to launch a broadcast TV news channel in July 2011 (Chinapost.com.tw, 2011). The TV channel is currently on air 24 hr a day in Taiwan, and broadcasts news with and without animation (Nexttv.com.tw, 2012).

Images of the animated news of the Tiger Woods car accident by Apple Action News.
The use of a melodramatic animated news format has sparked debate among scholars and journalists. The editor of the Next Media Group argues that animated content helps fill in the missing images from news coverage (CNN.com, 2010). Huang (2008) states that the animation used in news programs enables the audience to imagine the course of an event, which increases audience satisfaction. Other journalists, however, argue that animation used in this manner blurs the lines between news and fiction and between news and entertainment (CNN.com, 2010). Some critics even claim that using animation in this format is a “creation” rather than a “reenactment” of a story (Nytimes.com, 2009), and that the details in the videos are often unverified versions of events (cnnasiapacific.com, 2010).
Given the controversy over using melodramatic animation in news reports and the lack of research on this topic, the present study aims to (1) investigate audience perceptions of the credibility of news that uses this melodramatic animation format, (2) understand the general attitude of audiences toward the formal features of melodramatic animated news in relation to news credibility, (3) test the link between media dependency and use, and audience perceptions of news credibility, and (4) test the link between the perceived credibility of news organizations and the perceived credibility of the news.
Literature Review
Huang (2008) suggests that “description of news event” is one of the uses of animation in news reporting, which refers to the “animation of the news event, the happening, developing and ending of the news event could be retold by a series of animation-cartoons” (p. 10). However, the melodramatic animated details of the news event do not always reflect reality. Animated news practitioners have often said that they do not know exactly what happened in a story. The use of animation to report news involves imagining the missing aspects of an event (Hong Kong Journalists Association, 2011). Critics assert that this practice gives a sense of concrete reality to what is basically conjecture (Nytimes.com, 2009). In short, melodramatic animated news is based on information gathered by journalists, which is then injected with imagination during production. Therefore, it is important to determine how audiences perceive the credibility of news reports that use this animated format.
Formal Features and Audience Perception
Although few studies have been conducted on the use of animation in news reporting, studies of simulated TV news are comparable, as both animated news and simulated TV news are reenactments of news events. Previous studies have concluded that audiences were often unable to distinguish reenactments of news (TV news simulations with real actors) from genuine news footage and that the former was often recalled as being the latter (Carter, 1989; Friendly, 1989). However, Grimes and Rimmer (1994) found that participants could frequently differentiate between news reenactments and genuine news video when the reenactments were presented in a hidden camera format. In other words, the format of the news presentation can influence an audience’s cognitive processing of the news. Therefore, it is logical to expect that the use of animation in news reporting also affects audience perceptions of news credibility.
Such reasoning is further supported by other studies that have sought to link the formal features of news with audience perceptions. Mackay and Lowrey (2007) found that news reported through online blogs, including journalists’ and citizen’s blogs, was rated significantly more credible than news through traditional media websites by college students. Bracken (2006) found that news presented through high-definition television, as mediated by social presence and audience involvement, was perceived as more credible than news presented in standard quality. Other formal features, including the characteristics of news anchors (Markham, 1968), the number of cuts in TV content (Reeves & Nass, 1996), and screen size (Bracken, Neuendorf, & Jeffres, 2003) were also related to audience perceptions of TV and news content credibility. These studies suggest that audience perceptions of credibility are influenced by presentation variables (Bracken, 2006). The use of animation in news is expected to be one such variable.
There are at least three formal features that can be explored when studying melodramatic animation of news reports: (1) Animated visual presentation—the use of visuals with digital animated characters that reenact a news event in a digital environment; (2) the detailed account of the animated news event—the storyline and the details of the narration in the animated presentation of the news event; and (3) the audio element, which can include dialogue between the animated characters as well as sound effects. These elements are proposed based on previous studies that tested related variables in other news formats, including the use of visuals in presenting news (Kiousis, 2006; Seiler, 1971; Sundar, 2000); the concreteness of news (David, 1998) as related to how vivid and detailed the news report is; and voice variations (Addington, 1971; Burgoon, 1978) as audio elements. One aim of this exploratory study is to test the general attitude of audiences toward these three formal features in terms of their effects on news credibility.
Source and Medium Credibility
Previous research investigating information credibility has generally considered two main elements: source credibility and medium credibility (Kiousis, 2001). Source credibility refers to the credibility of the source of a piece of information. Previous studies have found that audiences judge whether a piece of information is credible by referring to the credibility of its source (Newhagen & Nass, 1989). Audiences often consider individual mass communicators, such as anchors and world leaders, as sources of information (Kiousis, 2001). Media organizations can also be viewed as sources of information. Newhagen and Nass (1989) found that people were inclined to judge an entire newspaper organization when assessing the credibility of a newspaper, because its reporters are not easily recognized as they often work behind the scenes and are not seen. However, concerns have arisen that the identification of online media news sources is becoming blurred (Kiousis, 2006). Sources for online news can involve an individual news presenter, a news organization, and the medium itself.
Information credibility can also be attributed to the medium in which information is conveyed. Park (2005) found that audiences tend to use medium credibility to judge information credibility, and that newspapers were considered a more credible medium than online news. On the other hand, in Johnson and Kaye (1998)’s study, politically interested web users who responded to an online survey judged traditional news publications less credible than the online news versions. Other studies have sought to identify variables, such as age, education, and gender that affect the perceived credibility of a particular medium (Bucy, 2003).
Media Dependency
Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur (1976) first introduced the theory of media system dependency, which suggests that people develop dependency relationships with the media to attain their goals, such as gaining information to make decisions on voting or to make purchase choices. In other words, the theory suggests that people develop dependency relations with mass media because they deem the media to be a source of information.
Past studies have found that the more people depend on the media for news and information, the more likely they are to judge the information credible (Austin & Dong, 1994; Wanta & Hu, 1994). In one of the few studies that linked media dependency and credibility, Yang and Patwardhan (2004) found that people who relied more on internet news for seeking information about current issues perceived it as more credible; however, Mackay and Lowrey (2007) suggested that there is a lack of understanding of the link between credibility and media dependency. This research gap demands the attention of scholars.
Media Use
Unlike medium dependency, which focuses on information seeking, media use refers to all behavior associated with the use of media, regardless of its motives. This construct is measured by the frequency and length of time that a particular medium is used by an individual (e.g., Mackay & Lowrey, 2007). Previous studies suggested that media use is also a predictor for news credibility. Trammell, Porter, Chung, and Kim, (2006) found that the frequency of the use of blogs was positively related to the perceived credibility of blogs. However, Kiousis (2001) discovered only a weak relationship, perhaps even no relationship, between the frequency of use of online, television, and newspaper news media and news credibility. Given the diverse results, this study attempts to test how media use relates to perceptions of news credibility.
Definition and Measurement of Credibility
Discussions about the definition and measurement of credibility have spanned several decades (Bucy, 2003; Gaziano & McGrath, 1986; Tseng & Fogg, 1999). Researchers in credibility studies hold different perspectives on how to conceptualize and operationalize the construct. Credibility can simply be defined as “believability” (Tseng & Fogg, 1999); however, many researchers have advocated that media credibility must be measured in multidimensional ways (Bucy, 2003; Gaziano & McGrath, 1986). Metzger, Flanagin, Eyal, Lemus, and McCann (2003) found that researchers disagreed with one another, as they put different priorities on the relative dimensions of credibility, leading to inconsistent measurements of the construct.
Although the lack of consensus on credibility measurement is discouraging, a number of studies have attempted to consolidate the diverse scales of measurement. The American Society of Newspaper Editors conducted a study on the wide range of perceptions of media credibility. Based on this, Gaziano and McGrath (1986) developed a 12-item additive index. Subsequently, Meyer (1988) published a shortened version and suggested a Five-Variable Credibility scale including believability, accuracy, trustworthiness, bias, and completeness. This scale has yielded a very high reliability in previous studies (α = .83).
Research Questions and Hypotheses
The major aim of this study is to investigate audience perceptions of the credibility of news that uses melodramatic animation. Melodramatic animated news may be seen as more credible due to its detailed descriptions. The details increase the concreteness, informativeness, and completeness of the news, which are important dimensions of news credibility (Flanagin & Metzger, 2007; Sundar, 2000). Moreover, the vivid depiction of news events using animation with music and dialogue may make viewers feel as though they have personally witnessed the event. This may increase their social presence in news viewing and in turn enhance the perceived news credibility (Bracken, 2006). Conversely, audiences may be able to distinguish components that have been added to the animation from genuine news in the same video (Grimes & Rimmer, 1994) and thereby discern that the animation is imagined and dramatized, leading to lower perceived credibility. Therefore, the following research question is asked:
Research Question 1: Do viewers perceive the credibility of news using melodramatic animation differently from that of news that does not use any animation?
As an exploratory study, one of our aims is to test the general attitude of audiences toward the three proposed formal features of melodramatic animated news in terms of their relationship with credibility. Therefore, the following research question is proposed:
Research Question 2: What is the audience attitude toward the three formal features of melodramatic animated news (animated visual presentation, detailed account of the animated news event, and audio element) in terms of their effects on news credibility?
As discussed above, it appears that people value the news organization itself as a source when assessing the credibility of newspapers (Newhagen & Nass, 1989); however, sources in online media are often not well defined (Kiousis, 2006). In this study, we test the link between the perceived credibility of news organizations and the perceived credibility of news. Therefore, the following hypothesis is proposed:
Hypothesis 1: The credibility of a news organization is positively related to the perceived credibility of a specific news report.
Previous studies have found a weak relationship between newspaper readership and perceived news credibility (Kiousis, 2001). Other studies have shown that the frequency of blog use was positively related to perceived credibility (Trammell et al., 2006). To test this relationship, the present study predicts that medium use is related to the perceived credibility of news reported in that medium. Therefore, the following hypothesis is proposed:
Hypothesis 2: Frequency of medium use is positively related to the perceived credibility of the news reported in that medium.
A number of previous studies have shown that the level of medium dependency was positively related to perceived news credibility (Yang & Patwardhan, 2004). Therefore, the following hypothesis is proposed:
Hypothesis 3: The level of dependency on a medium is positively related to the perceived credibility of its news.
Methodology
An experiment was designed to test the credibility of news videos in different formats. Participants were 153 college students recruited from a medium-sized Hong Kong university. Participants were randomly assigned to either news with melodramatic animation or news without animation groups; 51.6% (79) were assigned to animated news and 48.4% (74) were assigned to news without animation. Among the participants, 51.6% were male and 48.4% were female. Two-thirds (66%) were in their first year of study and 34% were in their second year. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 24.
Stimuli
Stimulus 1 was a news video 4 containing an animation selected from Apple Action News, the online animated news media outlet of Apple Daily. The story involved two men fighting on a congested train in the Hong Kong subway. The 43-s video started and ended with actual footage showing the two men being taken to a police station. The 17-s animated content in the video depicted one of the men leaning on a handrail in a virtual subway environment, with background noise that resembled that of an actual subway compartment. Another male passenger uttered the words “Excuse me,” asking the man to give way, but was rebuffed. The two animated men then hit each other, with sound effects added. Other passengers were shown trying to break up the fight (see Figure 3 for a sample frame).

A sample frame of Stimulus 1 (news with animation).
Stimulus 2 was a manipulated and edited version of Stimulus 1. In Stimulus 2, the animation used to present the details of the news event was removed and replaced by shots of the subway. The tag “documented images” was added to these environment shots. This visual presentation was made to resemble Apple Action News’s conventional method of reporting news about the Hong Kong subway when no animation was used (see Figure 4 for a sample frame). A broadcast news presenter narrated the news based on the original script. Sound effects and dialogue were added to Stimulus 1, whereas Stimulus 2 used only narration. For both stimuli, the news organization could be identified by its logo shown at the end of the videos. A pretest was conducted to ensure that the two videos were judged equal to real online videos in terms of production quality.

A sample frame of Stimulus 2 (news without animation).
Measurement
The instrument consisted of two parts: the first evaluated the perceived credibility of the news organization (Apple Daily) and the general assessment of medium use and dependency (in this study, medium was operationalized as Apple Action News); the second evaluated the perceived credibility of the stimuli and recorded some demographic data. The instrument was in Chinese.
In the first part, the perceived credibility of the news organization was measured according to the scale proposed by Meyer (1988). Past studies have found the scale to be highly reliable (α = .83). The five dimensions assessed included believability, accuracy, trustworthiness, bias, and completeness. Participants were asked to rate statements such as “The news report from Apple Daily is believable” using a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree).
Use and dependency on the medium were measured by asking participants to indicate the average number of days per week and average number of minutes per day that they watched Apple Action News. Medium dependency was measured by asking participants to indicate their dependence on Apple Action News from 1 (not dependent at all) to 6 (very dependent). These measurements were modeled after the study conducted by Mackay and Lowrey (2007).
In the second part, the perceived credibility of the news was measured using the same scales. Participants were asked to respond on the basis of how credible they found the news reports that they viewed.
Three items were developed to measure participants’ attitudes toward the three formal features of animated news reports. Participants were asked to evaluate, based on the stimulus, whether they thought that the three features (animated visual presentation, detailed account of the animated news event, and audio element) reduced or enhanced the credibility of the video they watched (1 = reduce, 6 = enhance). Only those who were exposed to Stimulus 1 were asked to respond to these items.
Demographic data included gender, age, and year of study were collected. Participants’ prior exposure to stimuli was also collected as a control variable, as repeated exposure to the same message was found to be related to perceived message credibility and the perception process as a whole (Bacon, 1979; Zaragoza & Mitchell, 1996).
Procedure, Measurement Scoring, and Reliability Tests
The study adopted an online survey tool as the instrument of experiment. The video stimuli were embedded in an online questionnaire. Each participant was assigned to a computer and randomly exposed to one of the two videos. Participants were briefed about the general aim of the study and given all of the necessary information. Participants completed the first part of the questionnaire, watched one of the videos, and then completed the second part of the questionnaire. At the end, the participants were debriefed, thanked, and dismissed.
After the data were collected, several survey items were combined to develop overall scores for the variables of interest. Meyer’s credibility scale was used to measure the perceived credibility of the news organization and the news itself, using the 5 items discussed above. Both scales yielded a very high reliability (α = .87 for the news organization and α = .91 for the news). Participants’ use of the medium was calculated by multiplying the number of days per week spent using the news medium by the number of minutes per day using the medium.
Results
Correlations were examined to evaluate the relationship between the control variable (prior exposure to a video reporting the same story) and the perceived credibility of the news. The relationship was insignificant (r = −.039, p = .63). Therefore, it was not necessary to use this as a control variable in subsequent tests.
Research Question 1 asked whether melodramatic animation is related to the perceived credibility of news. An independent-sample t test was run, and the group difference was insignificant (with animation: M = 3.03, SD = 1.02; without animation: M = 2.95, SD = .90; t = .50, p = .62; see Table 1).
Independent-Sample t-Test of News Format (With Animation vs. Without Animation) and Perceived Credibility of News
Research Question 2 investigated audience attitudes toward the three formal features of animated news. Only participants exposed to Stimulus 1 (news with animation, n = 79) were asked these questions. Paired-sample t tests were run to compare the mean scores of participants’ attitudes toward the three formal features. Significant differences were found between the animated visual presentation and the audio element (t = 3.51, p < .001) and between the detailed account of the animated news event and the audio element (t = 4.18, p < .001); however, there were no significant differences between the animated visual presentation and the detailed account of the animated news event (t = −1.01, p = .31). The audio element (M = 2.98, SD = 1.45) was rated significantly lower than the animated visual presentation (M = 3.37, SD = 1.37) and the detailed account of the animated news event (M = 3.48, SD = 1.39) when participants were asked to indicate whether these features enhanced or reduced news credibility (see Table 2).
Paired-Sample t Tests Comparing the Mean Scores of Attitudes Toward the Three Elements in Animation: Visual Presentation, Detailed Plot of News Event, and Audio Element
Note. ***p < .001.
Correlations were then examined to evaluate the relationship between each of these elements and the actual score for perceived news credibility. The relationships between perceived news credibility using animation and animated visual presentation (r = .55, p < .001), detailed account of the animated news event (r = .55, p < .001), and audio element (r = .53, p < .001) were all significant (see Table 3).
Correlation Matrix of Perceived Credibility of News With Animation, With Visual Presentation, Detailed Plot of the News Event, and Audio Elements
Note. ***p < .001.
Hypotheses 1–3 predicted that the perceived credibility of news is positively related to the perceived credibility of the news organization, medium use, and dependency on medium, respectively. As there was no significant difference in the perceived credibility of the news between the two groups, all the cases were considered together. The relationships were tested using linear regression. The perceived credibility of the news was significantly related to the perceived credibility of the news organization (β = .51, p < .001) and dependency on the medium (β = .24, p = .002), but not to medium use (β = −.11, p = .13; see Table 4). Thus, Hypotheses 1 and 3 were confirmed, whereas Hypothesis 2 was rejected.
Perceived Credibility of News Regressed on the Predictors of Perceived Credibility of News Organization, Medium Use, and Dependency on Medium (N = 153)
Note. Statistics are β coefficients and partial regression coefficients in parentheses.
***p < .001.**p < .01.
Discussion
The use of melodramatic animation in news reporting is an emerging news technique. Though it is more prevalent in Chinese societies, the impact of this technique is not exclusive to these regions. It is a global media system that enables the simultaneous offering of news from and to any part of the world (Bielsa, 2008). Given that young people around the world now list the internet as their number one source of news (Globescan, 2006), and that it is particularly easy for videos containing emotive and entertaining elements to go viral (Porter & Golan, 2006), these animated news videos could potentially influence viewers all around the world. This study is, to the best of our knowledge, the first to test audiences’ perception of the credibility of news that uses animation in this dramatic format. Our results show that the perceived credibility of news using melodramatic animation did not differ significantly from that without animation. There are several possible reasons for this.
The effect of the news format was probably outweighed by the effect of the perceived credibility of the news organization. Given that the perceived credibility of the news organization and that of the news were highly and significantly related, it is logical to suggest that when audiences evaluate the credibility of an online news video, they consider the credibility of the news organization, rather than the format used. It is also possible that the participants were not skeptical about the truthfulness of animated news content and, therefore, they perceived the animated news as equally credible as the news without animation. If this is the case, news organizations may need to be more cautious in using animation to narrate a news story; for instance, they should avoid overdramatizing a news event or they should add disclaimers such as “simulated/imagined news plot only” to their animated images to alert the viewers. Media educators at schools can also contribute by teaching young people to critically analyze animated news content. Additionally, as it was found that medium dependency is related to the perceived credibility of animated news, media educators can encourage young people to diversify their news sources for the purpose of checking the truthfulness of information gathered from different news channels.
The three formal features of melodramatic animated news were all significantly related to the actual perceived credibility of the news. The audio element was rated significantly lower than the other two features, indicating that the audio element was perceived to reduce the credibility of a news report with melodramatic animation. Special sound effects can make a news video seem more like a movie or TV drama and therefore reduce its credibility. Audio elements should be carefully chosen if productions are to be perceived as trustworthy.
This study also showed that the perceived credibility of news was related to dependency on the medium, which confirms the findings of Yang and Patwardhan (2004). However, the perceived credibility of news was not significantly related to medium use. This is consistent with the study by Johnson and Kaye (1998), suggesting that reliance on medium is a stronger predictor of media credibility than medium use. People use media for many reasons, including entertainment and obtaining information, thus weakening the relationship between medium use and the perceived credibility of information. Future research can adopt the uses and gratifications approach to link audience motives and medium use with news credibility.
As discussed above, the perceived credibility of news was influenced by attitudes toward traditional news organizations. News organizations should therefore understand the importance of building reputations for fairness, objectivity, and accuracy, which will increase their public credibility.
This study has several limitations. First, the use of college students as participants may impose some constraints on the generalizability of the study. The result of the study may not apply to a larger or different audience. These students are regularly exposed to this news technique. Viewers from other demographic groups such as age and education level may react to this news technique differently. Also, the use of melodramatic animation in news has been prevalent in Chinese societies. Schudson (2001) claims that “journalists work in . . . China . . . with norms that differ from the (American) objectivity norm” (p. 165). In this norm, viewers in the Chinese societies may be more tolerant to news that is presented with lower objectivity when compared to their counterparts from other cultures, and that they may respond to melodramatic animated news differently. Therefore, cultural distinctions should also be tested in future research.
Second, the results were generated from exposure to stimuli in an artificial environment. Participants may behave differently in an experimental setting than in a real situation. Third, although we found strong correlations between the perceived credibility of news and the perceived credibility of the news organization and dependency on medium, we cannot simply assume these relationships to be causal.
Future Research
The results of this study contribute to debates among scholars and journalists concerning the controversial and ethical issues raised by melodramatic animated news reporting techniques. First, should journalists include imaginative details in animated news to fill in the missing pieces of a news event, even though this may potentially jeopardize the objectivity of the news? Merrill and Odell (1983) believed that reporters should report news with objective truth. People holding this belief may find the use of animation, which includes imagination and dramatization, as inappropriate. However, constructionists have argued that news often does not reflect absolute truth; reality in news is constructed (Gans, 1979; Lesher, 1982; Tuchman, 1972). Those who hold the constructionist perspective may argue that the use of highly dramatic animation in news reporting is just one such production technique and that reflecting absolute truth in news reports is hardly possible. Future research can extend the discussion on the appropriateness of using this type of animation in news reporting.
Second, the effect of melodramatic animated news on audience perceptions of reality also needs to be studied. From the results of this study, it can be initially concluded that audiences do not critically assess the truthfulness of the animated representation in the news. These findings support the arguments of those who are against the use of animation in news reporting, because they suggest that animated news viewers take what has been created by journalists as total fact.
The effects of melodramatic animated news on the perception of reality are worth discussing further, especially when this format is used to report crimes and court-related news. If animated news does affect audiences’ perceptions of reality, crime suspects who are portrayed in animated news may be perceived as guilty, and thus may suffer from biased judgment. Indeed, there has been extensive discussion in the United States regarding the conflict between the principles of fair trial and free press (Overbeck, 2007); the problem is whether news reporting by mass media can prejudice judges, jury members, and the public against those accused of criminal charges, who, by law, are innocent until proven guilty. Future research on animated news should extend this debate.
In conclusion, media organizations using new technologies are now merging various storytelling techniques to increase audience engagement in the news consumption process (Li, 2006). Traditional ways of news reporting have changed tremendously, and more innovative formats and strategies are now being utilized (Craig, 2005). This study has examined the effects of using animation in news that is melodramatic, emotion-laden, and movie-like. This is an audience-engaging yet controversial news format. Journalists and scholars need to take note of this animated news format (guardian.co.uk, 2010) and continue to discuss the appropriateness and impact of this reporting technique.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
