Abstract
This nationwide survey of news directors at network affiliate television stations explores the impact social media is having on editorial and production decisions related to newscasts. The results show popular, or trending, content and topics on social media are a significant factor in choosing stories to cover. The research examines how these stories are treated in newscasts versus those gathered through more traditional sources. The study also reveals that the reliance on social media content has increased the chances that newsrooms will spread misinformation. A third of respondents indicated their stations have reported information from social media that was later found to be false or inaccurate. Despite this, policy has not caught up with practice. One of the more striking findings of this study is, of those newsrooms that have social media policies, nearly 40% said the policy does not include procedures for verifying social media content before it is included in a newscast.
Introduction and Rationale
When KOMU-TV in Columbia, MO, launched a first-of-its-kind interactive newscast in 2011, the show’s social media-driven structure and content were a departure from the traditional mold of local television news. As the newscast name, U_News, suggests, audience members played an active role. As many as 10 people joined the anchor on a “cyber couch” via Google Plus Hangouts and other social media platforms, while tweets and Facebook comments flashed on the screen and were read on-air (Marszalek, 2011; Sonderman, 2012).
The timing of U_News’s launch was no coincidence. The newscast replaced The Oprah Winfrey Show, which ended in 2011 and was a top lead-in for early evening local newscasts. Stations across the country began filling Oprah’s slot with newscasts that focused either completely on social media, such as the case of U_News, or more commonly incorporated some social media elements (Gauthier, 2011; Papper, 2013; Sonderman, 2012). News managers believed the shows’ interactivity with viewers could help maintain Oprah’s audience share in their local markets. KGO-TV in San Francisco, CA, and WSLS-TV in Roanoke, VA, launched social media newscasts in 2010 and 2009, respectively.
Social media affords novel approaches to engage news content—for citizens and media outlets (Weeks & Holbert, 2013). However, as a result of sluggish ratings, the social media newscasts at KOMU-TV, KGO-TV, and WSLS-TV no longer exist. Instead, interactive components have been integrated into the stations’ conventional newscasts. KGO-TV general manager Bill Burton said his station’s social media newscast was “unable to build enough of an audience to justify the major financial commitment necessary to continue the show” (Knox, 2012).
These cases underscore the changes taking place in local television newsrooms. “Just 10 years ago, the primary duties of reporters and producers at local television news affiliates were to fill the newscasts with live shots, packages, good writing, and plenty of video” (Smith, Tanner, & Duhé, 2007, p. 555). While those elements remain important, social media is having a dramatic impact on the production of newscasts. Today, many television stations are blending social media within conventional broadcasts. A few stations, as noted, have experimented with entire news programs dedicated to content provided by viewers via social media platforms (Marszalek, 2011; White, 2012).
Changing technology has always shaped how journalists perform their craft, the content of news, and relationship with the public (Cottle & Ashton, 1999; Pavlik, 2000). Social media is no different. Consider the introduction of technology allowing live reports from the scene of news events. The new technology has affected how producers structure newscasts as well as the content of news (Livingston & Bennett, 2003; Pavlik, 2000). Livingston and Bennett note that the ability to go live from the field impacts the selection of news stories, as some, even mundane ones, are given more time and prominence because of the ability to “go live.”
Attracting a large share of the viewing audience is a top priority of news directors and producers, who typically oversee news content, placement, and treatment in newscasts (Berkowitz, 1993; Epstein, 1973; Smith & Becker, 1989). News managers and producers use new technologies as a way of capturing audiences’ attention in hopes of bolstering ratings in the competitive local news market (Berkowitz, 1993; Livingston & Bennett, 2003).
Engaging the audience through the use of social media is now an increasing force in the production of local television newscasts. Yet, the success of such endeavors remains to be seen. While more than 60% of adults and 70% of 18- to 34-year-olds want to interact with television news, as few as 5% of viewers actually engage with television news via social media (Marszalek, 2011; Papper, 2013).
The purpose of this research is to investigate social media’s impact on the production of local television newscasts, specifically the extent to which social media is being integrated into newscasts as well as social media’s influence on newscast editorial decisions. News managers will find this study’s findings relevant as they develop and implement social media best practices and policies. Journalism educators can use this research to better understand what students will face in the workforce and to provide budding journalists with the appropriate skills to be successful in the changing landscape of television news.
Review of Literature
There are an increasing number of studies that focus on social media’s impact on journalists’ work routines and responsibilities, the social media tools that news organizations are adopting, and how those tools are being used (Adornato, 2014; Hermida, 2010; Jewitt, 2009; Lysak, Cremedas, & Wolf, 2012; Radio Television Digital News Association [RTDNA]/Hofstra University Study, 2012). Media outlets and journalists are employing social media to gather and disseminate news, promote content, and build relationships with audience members. However, there is little research that investigates how social media is affecting the content and production of local television newscasts. This exploratory study attempts to fill that gap in the literature.
Gatekeeping Theory
Gatekeeping theory, first introduced by Lewin (1947) and then applied to mass communication research by White (1950), is helpful to our understanding of news selection and production. Gatekeeping is used as a metaphor to explain the process of selecting content that will make it through the “gates” and into a news product, such as a television newscast (McQuail, 2010; Reese & Ballinger, 2001; Shoemaker, Eichholz, Kim, & Wrigley, 2001). Shoemaker, Eichholz, Kim, and Wrigley (2001) describe gatekeeping as “the process by which the vast array of potential news messages are winnowed, shaped, and prodded into those few that are actually transmitted by the news media” (p. 233). Therefore, gatekeeping includes not only selection of news content but also how it is handled (McQuail, 2010; Shoemaker et al., 2001; Shoemaker & Vos, 2009).
The more “newsworthy” an item, the more likely it is to be published or broadcasted (Berkowitz, 1991). Gatekeepers, such as television news directors and producers, typically determine whether an item is newsworthy based on these traditional news attributes: timeliness, proximity, importance or impact, interest, conflict, sensationalism, prominence, and novelty (Berkowitz, 1990; Shoemaker & Vos, 2009).
After story ideas are considered and narrowed based on news judgment, then format and presentations decisions are made to appeal to an audience (McQuail, 2010). Lewin (1947) illustrates this point in his gatekeeping model, which shows how food items pass through channels on the way to the family table. The color of food or the placement on a platter, for example, can determine whether the food is eaten (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009). This analogy can be applied to the treatment of news items, including decisions about the placement in newscasts and amount of time allocated to a particular story. The selection and treatment of news items convey a level of importance to the audience (McQuail, 2010). For example, the first-appearing item in a newscast will be viewed as more important than subsequent ones.
“All phases of media production involve a large volume of work that becomes routinized as a matter of necessity” (McQuail, 2010, p. 308). Shoemaker and Reese (1996) suggest news production routines emerge from journalists’ orientation to the audience, sources journalists rely upon, and the organizational culture of a newsroom. The production chain begins with news workers “noticing” an event in the world (McQuail, 2010). Traditionally, this meant journalists relied on predictable newsgathering channels dominated by official sources, such as press conferences, news releases, and government proceedings (Berkowitz & Adams, 1990; Hermida, 2010; Shoemaker & Vos, 2009). In addition, journalists had only an abstract sense of what audience members wanted from the news media, relying on routines to produce news they believed would appeal to the public (Schlesinger, 1987; Shoemaker & Vos, 2009).
New Forces at the Gate: Active Audience
Social media has disrupted these news production routines, challenging the traditional top-down, one-way notion of gatekeeping (Cohen, 2009; Gillmor, 2005; Gleason, 2010; Robinson, 2011; Shoemaker & Vos, 2009; Singer et al., 2011). Once viewed as passive, the audience is now active—and influential—in news organizations’ editorial and production processes (Gillmor, 2005; Purcell, Rainie, Mitchell, Rosenstiel, & Olmstead, 2010; Robinson, 2011; Singer et al., 2011). The accessibility and collaborative nature of social media allow the public to engage in a two-way conversation with news outlets. Audience members have become a source of news items, as they create content on social media platforms. They are also able to communicate stories or topics that interest them, which in turn could influence producers’ judgments about an event’s newsworthiness and which stories ultimately make it into a newscast. Heinonen (2011) found journalists at online newspapers utilized readers’ comments as an indicator, or “audience pulse-takers,” of what is important to the public (p. 41).
An increasing number of research studies explore how news outlets are using social media content, commonly referred to as “user-generated content” (Cleary & Bloom, 2011; Singer et al., 2011). Many news outlets are integrating user-generated content into traditional platforms, while some are experimenting with separate products dedicated to this type of content (Singer et al., 2011). Singer et al. gatekeeping research investigates the impact of user-generated content on the news production process in online newspapers. According to Singer et al., the ability to incorporate user-generated content within traditional media spaces is vital. Journalists in Singer et al.’s research still made the ultimate decisions about what made the news, but the audience influence on the gatekeeping process was unquestionable. Editors no longer had sole control over content that made it through “the gates” (Singer et al., 2011).
News Is Social
Indeed, data from the 2010 Pew Internet Study shed light on this trend. Thirty-seven percent of internet users have contributed to the creation of news, commented about it, or disseminated it via postings on social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter, according to the Pew study (Purcell et al., 2010). The idea that “news is social” has implications for local television newscasts. Recognizing this trend, television stations are attempting to capitalize on the transformation of news into a “social experience” (Doctor, 2010; Purcell et al., 2010). “The implication for TV news departments is the benefit of becoming more involved in social media to enhance connections with audiences” (Greer & Ferguson, 2011, p. 154). There are two noticeable ways this is being accomplished in television newscasts—through the integration of user-generated content and the use of social media tools in newscasts.
Social media content, particularly in breaking news situations, is often relied on by producers to provide audience members with information from the scene prior to reporters’ arrival (Hermida, 2012; Jewitt, 2009). This type of content is also helpful when a news event is taking place in a remote area. For instance, in 2013, when a Carnival cruise ship was stranded in the Gulf of Mexico, local news stations turned to Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook for photos, video, and other information posted by the ship’s passengers. News outlets are also employing crowdsourcing to solicit user-generated content in the production process. Crowdsourcing is an open call used by news outlets to gather a range of content, from weather photos to comments about a story (Howe, 2006). Some stations then integrate that content into newscasts.
Lysak, Cremedas, and Wolf (2012) asked news directors across the country if anyone in their newsrooms gathered sources or information from social media sites that ended up being reported on-air or online. Eighty-six percent responded yes to using Facebook, while 67% said yes to Twitter. Thus, social media has become a routine channel of content for newsrooms and is playing a growing role in newscasts.
In addition to disseminating audience content from social media, news managers and reporters are pursuing stories and trending topics that are the talk of social media sites (Adornato, 2014; Lysak et al., 2012). In a survey of local television news directors, 55% of respondents indicated social media sites, especially Facebook and Twitter, influenced which local stories their newsrooms cover (Lysak et al., 2012). Adornato’s (2014) case study of new media’s impact on local television reporters had similar findings. Producers were increasingly asking reporters to investigate stories that were trending on social media, and reporters routinely scanned Facebook and Twitter in search of story ideas to pitch in editorial meetings. One local television reporter described it this way: “It used to be that we told them [the audience] what was happening. Now, because of social media, they are trying to tell us … Who online 10 years ago was telling us what our top story was going to be?” (Adornato, 2014, p. 20).
As the literature suggests, social media is impacting editorial decisions about what is news and how it is produced (Adornato, 2014; Cleary & Bloom, 2011; Lysak et al., 2012; Purcell et al., 2010; Singer et al., 2011). What is not clear is the extent to which this is happening, and whether news managers treat items from social media differently in newscasts than those from traditional sources. For example, do they place content from social media higher in newscasts, thus signaling to viewers a higher priority? These are questions this study explores.
There is a note of caution about user-generated content. Some news directors in Lysak et al.’s study (2012) were concerned with the value and authenticity of information gathered from social media. This raises questions about the process of verifying user-generated content, and who is responsible for the task in the production process. To this point, Domingo (2011) described how many online newspapers were overwhelmed with managing the amount of user-generated content. However, news managers in that study realized this content could not be ignored, and they had to find new practices, workflows, and strategies.
In addition to integrating user-generated content into newscasts, social media tools are becoming a focal point; just as live reporting technology was following its adoption in newsrooms (Livingston & Bennett, 2003; Marszalek, 2011; Pavlik, 2000; Sonderman, 2012). Anchors using iPads on the set and interviewing people live via Google Plus and FaceTime are becoming more common. Producers are now including social media segments and having anchors toss to a social media “desk,” among other trends. Entire newscasts built around these tools, such as U_News, appear to be an extreme case. Instead, social media tools are more commonly integrated into conventional broadcasts. Either way, the structure of newscasts is evolving to facilitate and highlight real-time interactivity through the use of this new technology. These social media tools can be viewed as a way to increase audience involvement in newscasts, and ultimately viewer loyalty (Greer & Ferguson, 2011).
Adoption of Social Media in Newsrooms
The extent to which social media is impacting news production can also be viewed through the lens of diffusion of innovation. As Shoemaker and Vos (2009) note, technological innovations adopted in newsrooms have changed how journalists do their jobs and what information makes it through the gates. Diffusion theory is helpful to our understanding of local television newsroom’s adoption and use of social media tools and content. Diffusion of innovation has been widely applied to studies on technological changes in newsrooms. Everett Rogers (1995) defines “diffusion” as “the process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among the members of a social system,” such as a newsroom (p. 5). An innovation, according to Rogers, is “an idea, practice, or object that is perceived as new by an individual or other unit of adoption” (p. 5). Social media platforms are the innovation at the center of this study.
Rogers utilizes an S-shaped (sigmoid) curve to describe the cumulative process of adopting a new innovation; as the rate of awareness of an innovation increases among people, there is an increased rate of adoption. This concept is reflected in data on social media adoption in television newsrooms. Fewer than 3% of television news directors in the 2012 RTDNA/Hofstra University Study said their newsrooms were doing nothing with social media, compared to 36% in 2009. While there appears to be almost full adoption of social media by local television newsrooms, it is not yet fully understood how these newsrooms are using this innovation in the production of newscasts.
Research Questions
Despite burgeoning literature on the topic of social media and journalism, little research addresses the impact on television news. Given the limited research on social media and its impact on the production of local television newscasts, the present study was designed to fill the gap in literature by addressing the following research questions:
Method
To answer these questions, the researcher conducted a nationwide web-based survey of news directors at local television stations. ABC, CBS, NBC, and FOX network affiliates were included in the survey, as they are more likely than independent or public stations to produce local news. There were two challenges when compiling a sample of news directors. First, there is no readily available database of news directors and their contact information. Second, news directors often change stations, making it difficult to gather up-to-date information.
The author used Cision’s Media Database, TVJobs.com’s Master Station Index, and NewsBlue’s News Director by Market Directory to create a database of news directors at network affiliates (ABC, CBS, NBC, and FOX). The researcher also obtained names and email addresses of news directors by searching station websites and calling newsrooms. The sample frame consisted of 566 names. One hundred twenty-six news directors participated in the study—a response rate of 22%. The rate falls at the higher end of the 1–30% rates common among web-based surveys in mass communications research (Wimmer & Dominick, 2006).
The author employed suggestions from Adams and Cleary’s (2007) case study on the use of web-based surveys to reach newsroom professionals. The web survey, first emailed in August 2013, included information about the worthiness of the study and the importance of news directors’ views from “the trenches.” Email reminders were sent to nonresponders in early and late September 2013 as well as early October 2013.
Design and Layout
The respondents were first asked to provide demographic information, including their station’s Designated Market Area (DMA) and the size of their newsroom staff. Each of this study’s five research questions was then investigated through a series of survey questions.
The first set of questions dealt with social media policies. If their station had no social media policy, participants were not asked to answer three additional questions related to policy. Instead, they were directed to the second set of questions. If their station had a written or an unwritten policy, they were asked whether the policy covered the use of social media content in newscasts and included procedures for verifying social media content. Participants with a social media policy were then asked who is responsible for verifying the accuracy and authenticity of social media information. Answer choices included newscasts producers, executive producer, assignment editors, reporters, web/social media team, assistant news director, news director, and other.
The next set of questions explored to what extent local stations are using social media in newscasts. Participants were asked which best described their station’s use of social media in newscasts: currently have a newscast focused solely on social media, previously had one focused solely on social media, currently integrate social media into newscasts, no use of social media in newscasts, and other. They were then asked how often producers are expected to include social media in newscasts. Frequency was measured using a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from never to always. News directors then answered yes or no to whether any of their newscasts have a recurring social media segment. The final survey question in this section asked how frequently their newscasts include each of the following: Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Pinterest, Foursquare, YouTube, and Google Plus Hangouts. Answer choices for each social media platform ranged from never to always, along a 5-point Likert-type scale.
Then, participants were asked about the reasons their stations use social media in newscasts. Answer choices, of which they could select all that applied, included: enhance content, interact with audience, increase viewer loyalty, compete with other stations, and showcase social media tools. A second, open-ended question allowed them to provide additional comments about the rationale for using social media in newscasts.
The next battery of questions investigated how social media is impacting editorial decisions. News directors were asked to select the social media platforms their newsrooms use to gather content or find story ideas for newscasts (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Pinterest, Foursquare, YouTube, Google Plus, and none). They then were asked how often their newsroom gathers content on social media that ends up being reported in a newscast, uses social media to find story ideas, and decides to cover stories based on what is being talked about or “trending” on social media. Frequency was measured using a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from never through always. The final two questions in this set used a 4-point Likert-type scale, ranging from no chance to very good chance. Participants were asked about the chances their newsrooms would cover stories if they are not popular or trending on social media. They also were asked about the treatment of stories that are popular on social media and covered in a newscast. An open-ended question allowed participants to share additional comments about social media’s impact on editorial decisions.
Finally, participants were asked two questions regarding social media’s impact on the quality of content. One measure asked for their opinion of this statement: Social media has enhanced the content of your station’s newscasts. Answer choices ranged from strong disagree to strongly agree, along a 5-point Likert-type scale. Then, they were asked to answer yes or no to whether one of their newscasts has ever reported information from social media that turned out to be false or inaccurate.
Results
Thirty-three percent of the respondents worked in Nielsen-defined market size from 51 to 100, 23% were from markets 101 to 150, 15% from markets 151 to 210, 15% from markets 26 to 50, and 13% from markets 1 to 25.
The first research question explored what policies local television newsrooms have regarding the use of social media in newscasts. The majority of respondents (98%) have a social media policy in their newsrooms. Of those, 60% have a written policy and 38% have an unwritten policy. Two percent of news directors reported that their newsrooms have no social media policy.
Of those who have a social media policy, 63% said it covers the use of social media in newscasts, while 37% indicated the policy does not. The majority of respondents (61%) said that their station policy includes procedures for verifying social media content before it is included in newscasts. Thirty-nine percent said verification procedures were not part of the policy.
The entire news staff bears responsibility for verifying the accuracy and authenticity of social media information before it is reported on a newscast (see Table 1). Newscast producers (81%), the web/social media team (75%), and reporters (74%) were mostly responsible for this task. Executive producers, news directors, assignment editors, and assistant news directors also vetted information from social media. In addition, 7% of respondents said other newsroom staff members are responsible. Write-in responses to other included anchors, content managers, managing editors, special project producers, and investigative producers.
Who Is Responsible for Verifying the Accuracy and Authenticity of Social Media Information Before It Is Reported on a Newscast?
Note. N = 126.
The second research question asked, to what extent are local stations using social media in newscasts. Most stations (94%) integrate social media into newscasts. Two percent said they do not use social media in newscasts. At the time of the survey, not a single news director reported having a newscast focused solely on social media. A few respondents (2%) said their stations had previously tested this concept but that newscast style no longer exists. Some news directors (6%) answered other and provided a specific explanation, including periodically use social media but not a daily occurrence, only in morning news, sports show based on social media, slight integration but not a featured element, and only use it if it brings value to the story.
A majority of news directors indicated producers are always (21%) or frequently (46%) expected to include a social media component in newscasts. Just under a fourth of participants (21%) said it is sometimes expected, and 12% said it is infrequently expected. Only 1% indicated producers are never expected to include social media in newscasts. When it comes to a recurring social media segment, 56% reported having such a segment in at least one of their newscasts.
The next survey question explored how frequently the following social media platforms are included in newscasts: Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Pinterest, Foursquare, YouTube, and Google Plus Hangouts. For each platform, respondents were asked to indicate the frequency of use in newscasts (see Table 2). Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube were clear favorites. Nearly three fourths (72%) of news directors reported always or frequently using Facebook in newscasts. A little more than half (51%) said Twitter is always or frequently included, and almost a third (32%) indicated it is sometimes used in newscasts. As for YouTube, nearly 80% frequently or sometimes include YouTube in newscasts; only 18% of stations never or infrequently include YouTube. Instagram, Foursquare, Pinterest, and Google Plus Hangouts are not as likely to be used in newscasts. Nearly three fourths (74%) of the stations never or infrequently use Instagram in newscasts, while nearly a quarter (23%) answered sometimes. Almost all news directors said Foursquare and Pinterest are infrequently or never used, and 82% indicated Google Plus Hangouts are infrequently or never used in newscasts.
How Often Do Your Newscasts Include the Following Forms of Social Media?
Note. N = 126.
The third research question asked why local stations are using social media in newscasts (see Table 3). Interacting with the audience was the reason 90% of news directors gave for using social media in newscasts. About three fourths (77%) indicated enhancing content was an important factor, followed by increasing viewer loyalty (65%), showcasing social media tools (45%), and competing with other stations (38%).
What Are the Reasons Your Station Uses Social Media in Its Newscasts?
Note. N = 126.
An open-ended question asked news directors to provide additional comments about the reasons their stations use social media in newscasts. About 10% of respondents gave feedback. “Audience interaction” and “audience engagement” were most often discussed in the open-ended responses. One news director wrote, “It’s a way to engage viewers and ask them to join in the conversation,” adding that their station wants viewers “to have a personal and emotional connection to our newscasts and station.” A key part of this connection is a station’s ability to “meet with our viewers on platforms they use.” “This is where our viewers are,” wrote one news director, “We need to be anywhere the viewers are.”
Research Question 4 explored how social media is impacting editorial decisions about newscast content. All news directors indicated their stations use at least one social media platform to gather content or find story ideas for newscasts. As for which platforms, 100% of respondents said Facebook is used to gather content or find story ideas. Twitter (94%) and YouTube (61%) are also widely used for these reasons, while Instagram (35%), Google Plus (17%), Pinterest (12%), and Foursquare (8%) are used to lesser extents for gathering content and finding story ideas.
As part of Research Question 4, the author also investigated the frequency of social media material making it into newscasts. Half the stations always (10%) or frequently (40%) gather content from social that ends up being reported in a newscast. Forty-four percent said this sometimes happens, while 7% indicated this infrequently or never occurs. Using social media to find story ideas for newscasts is also the norm rather than the exception. Nearly all stations always (16%), frequently (47%), or sometimes (33%) turn to social media for story ideas.
Respondents were also asked about the impact of popular or trending social media stories on editorial decisions. Nearly half (48%) of news directors said their newsrooms sometimes decide to cover stories or topics because they are popular on social media. About as many indicated this frequently (37%) or always (5%) occurs, and only 1 out of 10 said this is infrequently or never the case. What are the chances newsrooms would pursue these stories if they were not popular or trending on social media? Sixty-two percent of respondents reported that there is some chance their stations would still cover these stories, regardless of popularity on social media. Nineteen percent said there was very little chance or no chance, and 19% answered very good chance.
If a story is popular on social media and covered in a newscast, the researcher was interested in newsrooms’ treatment of the story. News directors were asked the chances that the story would be placed higher in a newscast than other stories, allotted more time than other stories, assigned a reporter to the story, and teased in a newscast promotion (see Table 4). Nearly 20% said there is a very good chance that the story would be placed higher in a newscast than other stories. Sixty percent indicated there is some chance of this happening, while about 20% said very little chance or no chance. About 1 in 10 news directors (12%) said there is a very good chance their newsroom would allot more time to a story popular on social media than other stories in newscasts. About half (52%) indicated there is some chance, and about a third of respondents (36%) said there is very little chance or no chance. The majority of newsrooms reported there is a very good chance (25%) or some chance (67%) of assigning a reporter to a story popular on social media and covered in a newscast; only 9% said there is a very little chance or no chance. What about teasing the story in a newscast promotion? Nearly all respondents answered very good chance (41%) or some chance (56%).
If a Story Is Popular on Social Media and Covered in a Newscast, What Are the Chances Your Newsroom Will?
Note. N = 126.
An open-ended question asked news directors to provide additional comments about the impact social media has on editorial decisions in their newsroom. About 8% of respondents gave feedback. Many news directors who responded to the open-ended question sought to provide context about the impact of social media. They discussed how popularity on social media is one of many factors in the editorial decision-making process. “Stories are placed in newscasts on the basis of merit, not just popularity on social media,” wrote one respondent. “Egypt unrest can trend on social media, and so can Real Housewives of New Jersey. We still use journalistic judgment on placement of stories,” added another news director.
The final research question asked how social media is impacting the quality of newscast content. Three fourths of respondents strongly agree (21%) or agree (53%) with this statement: Social media has enhanced the content of your station’s newscasts. Seventeen percent neither agree nor disagree with the statement. Only 1 in 10 disagree (8%) or strongly disagree (2%). News directors were asked whether one of their newscasts ever reported information from social media that turned out to be false or inaccurate. A third (34%) responded yes, while two thirds (66%) answered no.
Discussion and Conclusions
The study’s findings shed light on the extent to which social media is dramatically transforming editorial and production decisions in local television newsrooms. Nearly all stations integrate social media into newscasts. A majority of stations expect producers to include a social media component in newscasts, and most news directors reported that their newscasts include a recurring social media segment. Interacting with the audience and enhancing content were the primary reasons for using social media in newscasts. “It is an enhancement to connecting with our viewers and for our talent to engage with them as well,” said one respondent. “Good use of social media engages viewers to watch your newscasts.”
The forces at the gate—a now active audience—have altered newsrooms’ traditional gatekeeping role. Gathering content and finding story ideas from social media are no longer a novelty. This practice has become standard. Less than 8% of news directors indicated that their newsrooms never or infrequently find story ideas or content from social media that ends up in newscasts. More often than not, what is being talked about or trending on social media plays an important role when making decisions about stories to cover. In fact, only 19% of news directors reported that there is a very good chance their newsroom would cover these stories if they were not popular on social media.
Gatekeeping theory encompasses not only the selection of stories but also the treatment of those items. Therefore, the researcher was interested in understanding how social media content is handled in newscasts. If a story is popular on social media and covered in a newscast, almost all news directors said there is a very good chance or some chance that their newsroom would assign a reporter to the story and tease the story in a newscast promotion. Additionally, the results indicate a majority of newsrooms would place these types of stories higher in newscasts and allot more time to them than other stories. Story treatment, such as assigning a reporter and teasing the story, is significant because it assigns value to stories, conveying a sense of importance to the audience.
These findings, about selection and treatment of stories, raise a cautionary point about social media’s impact on editorial decisions. News outlets must not become overly dependent on social media as a source for stories. Focusing on topics from social media can lead the public to perceive those issues as more important than stories uncovered through traditional means (McCombs, Overholser, & Jamieson, 2005). Social media is not a replacement for journalists attending school board meetings, walking the halls of City Hall, or poring through the county budget, for example.
This reliance on social media content has also increased the chances that newsrooms will spread misinformation. A third of respondents indicated their station has reported information from social media that turned out to be false or inaccurate. One of the more striking findings of this study is, of those newsrooms that have social media policies, nearly 40% said the policy does not cover the use of social media in newscasts or include procedures for verifying social media content before it is included in a newscast. The data reveal that newsroom policies have not caught up with commonplace practices and underscore the importance of a social media policy that, at the very least, includes processes for vetting social media content and whom is responsibility for this task. With newsrooms reporting false information from social media, it also logically follows that the policy must address the circumstances under which a correction should be made as well as the timing and placement of the correction in a newscast and on other platforms.
Rogers discusses five stages of the innovation process in organizations: agenda setting, matching, redefining/restructuring, clarifying, and routinizing. Based on this study’s findings, local television stations most likely fit into the clarifying stage, as they integrate social media into their news products. In the clarifying stage, the innovation is placed in full and regular use, and its relationship within the organization is more clearly defined (Lawson-Borders, 2005). During this stage, it is imperative for managers to clearly communicate procedures, as they adopt changes that have been planned in the agenda-setting phase. In the case of newsrooms, this is remarkably important considering news directors in this study indicated all newsroom staff members are responsible for vetting social media information. A clear and comprehensive plan will help ensure that staff members know the proper procedures—what is expected of them in terms of vetting social media content and its use in newscasts.
These findings also have practical implications for journalism educators. Even though today’s journalism students are considered “digital natives,” having grown up with the new media tools, we cannot assume they know how to use social media in journalistic ways. At least one course in journalism programs must explore how journalists and news organizations are using emerging forms of social media. Students should gain hands-on experience by experimenting with social media for newsgathering, distribution, and audience engagement. An emphasis should be placed on researching and locating reliable information from social media to enhance reporting, and at the same time, identifying misleading user-generated content. In addition to a stand-alone course on social media for journalists, curricula must be flexible enough to integrate this subject matter into other courses. A holistic approach is important, as social media impacts all forms of journalism.
Limitations
There are limitations that exist with any survey that asks respondents to self-report information. News managers’ views, which this study gauged, can be different than those of rank and file such as newscast producers. In addition, a challenge in newsroom research is getting news professionals to dedicate time to completing a survey (Adams & Cleary, 2007).
Suggestions for Future Research
The industry and academia would benefit from scholarship on a number of issues raised in this study. Research focused solely on newsroom policies related to social media is needed to better understand how newsrooms are creating and applying procedures for using user-generated information. Such research could explore the organizational flow of the content in newsrooms, from first point of contact until it is disseminated to the public. How often newsrooms interact with social media users before publishing their content should be explored as well.
This study shows that popularity on social media is a significant factor in newsrooms’ editorial decisions. To this point, a study could investigate whether the rise of social media has changed the way journalists view and apply traditional news values in the editorial decision-making process. Are traditional news values, such as proximity and timeliness, still applied as frequently? Finally, open-ended comments addressed the increasing number of people using mobile applications to consume information. As mobile devices become more widespread, it would be helpful to investigate how news organizations are tapping into the potential to capture this mobile audience. This line of scholarship could explore the type of content news outlets publish through their mobile applications, if they have an application at all, and who is responsible for producing this content.
Indeed, this is an exciting time to study and teach journalism. Research on social media and journalism is ripe with areas of future inquiry that will help us better understand and evolve with the forces at the gate.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.