Evaluation and Revision of an Instrument Measuring Attitudes toward the Amish

Abstract

The attitudes non-members hold toward the Amish—or any ethnic, racial, and religious group—has consequences for that population, from criminal victimization to an ability to exercise human rights. Given their rapid growth and expansion in North America, an effective tool is needed to measure public attitudes toward the Amish. William McGuigan recently led the development of an Attitudes Toward the Amish (ATA) instrument, which was tested in northwestern Pennsylvania. In using the ATA in northeastern Missouri, we encountered problems with the instrument’s operational validity: no significant differences were found in the responses between a university undergraduate population of largely urban/suburban origin and the local rural population when we would otherwise expect differences. We revised the instrument and administered it to the same populations. Of the 16 items in the revised version, 14 were significantly different at the p < .05 level. A factor analysis revealed four components with face validity. Based on these results, we offer the Revised ATA (RATA) as an improved instrument and make recommendations for designing instruments intended to measure attitudes toward outgroups.

Keywords

Amish Mennonite prejudice Modern Racism Scale northeastern Missouri

Introduction

Documenting prejudicial attitudes is important to identifying and working with intergroup tensions. Yet, the tools to measure attitudes are still relatively underdeveloped, at least in comparison to the concept these tools intend to measure, namely prejudice (Correll et al. 2010; Olson 2009; Olson and Fazio 2003). From an empirical perspective, this is problematic. Concepts must be tested and carefully qualified lest they degenerate into rhetorical devices that serve in-group interests of boundary making (Wimmer 2013). Scholars must continue to develop and refine tools that accurately measure attitudes, especially for groups that have been historically underrepresented in prejudice research.

The Amish have received sparse attention from scholars despite the fact that they are a rapidly growing ethnic-religious minority (Colyer et al. 2017). The Amish have been at the forefront of a number of high-profile conflicts around issues of private schooling, personal land rights, and hate crime targeting; they also deal with routine, localized prejudice. The presence of biased attitudes and prejudices in cases of conflict has seldom been investigated, perhaps because few reliable tools have been available to measure attitudes toward this minority.

Seeing this gap, William McGuigan took a widely used instrument measuring racism toward African Americans and adapted it to create the Attitudes Toward the Amish (ATA) instrument. McGuigan conducted several tests that supported the tool’s reliability and validity (McGuigan 2014; McGuigan and Scholl 2007). We administered it to a convenience sample of rural Midwestern residents living around Amish communities. We became apprehensive about the instrument’s operational validity, that is, that the tool produces real and practical applications.

First, we explore the subject of Amish and prejudice, including a review of McGuigan’s work on the ATA. We then demonstrate statistically that the ATA has issues of operational validity through our first phase of survey administration. We then describe, item-by-item, how we developed a Revised Attitudes Toward the Amish (RATA) tool; finally, we statistically demonstrate its improved operational validity via a second phase of data collection and analysis.

The Amish and Measures of Prejudice

The Amish are a rapidly growing social group in rural North America, part of the broader Anabaptist religious tradition and ethnically of Swiss-German ancestry (Enninger 1986). In 2010, the U.S. Religion Census reported 101,321 Amish members, 241,356 total adherents, and 1,755 congregations (Grammich et al. 2012). The Amish population doubles about every 20 years (Donnermeyer 2015), which is exceptional for any group in North America. This growth means that they are constantly in search of inexpensive land in rural areas to establish new communities (Anderson and Kenda 2015). Consequently, many relatively remote and deep-rooted rural communities are coming into contact with the Amish for the first time.

Because of the conspicuous lifestyle among the Amish—grooming customs, garments, non-motorized transportation modes, and architecture—they are easily identifiable as a group. Distinctiveness (perceived or actual) is necessary for members of any group to receive categorical out-grouping and “othering” treatment from non-group members (McGuigan and Scholl 2007). While many non-Amish carry positive images of the Amish—perpetuated in part through tourism and product marketing (Harasta 2014)—others carry prejudices that may lead to institutional discrimination through local governing policies (Fisher 1996; Pratt 2004) or individual hate crimes, such as targeting Amish homes for theft, damaging parked buggies, or throwing debris from motor vehicles at buggies (Byers and Crider 2002; Friesen and Friesen 1996: . Ch. 7; Smith 1961: . Ch. 22). When feelings run high on touch-button issues—including horse droppings on the road, zoning enforcement, animal treatment, and rejection of safety recommended devices¹ (Park 2018), public agents and service providers may need a tool to measure local attitudes toward the Amish.

Responding to this demand, McGuigan and Scholl (2007) developed the ATA scale to quantify attitudes to help delineate personal attitudes and inter-group tensions from purely pragmatic challenges. The term “attitudes” refers covertly to prejudice and bias. The ATA is based on survey items from the Modern Racism Scale (MRS) (McConahay 1986), which has been revised and reapplied to other groups. In its original form, this racism scale measured white people’s perceptions of African Americans. Participants are asked to indicate how much they agree with statements on a five-point Likert scale. Items measure both subtle racism—indirect or passive negative attitudes toward an ethnic/racial category—and blatant racism—direct and undisguised aggression toward an ethnic/racial category. This subtle/blatant distinction is capable of probing three prejudice typologies—blatant and subtle, just subtle, and neither (Pettigrew and Meertens 1995). McConahay’s Modern Racism Scale has been revised to address other groups, including Hispanics, Asians, and Jews.

McGuigan’s (2007) adoption of the ATA followed the same format, with questions reworded to predict the participant’s thoughts toward the Amish. Adopting and revising an instrument for a different group requires additional validation tests. McGuigan investigated the instrument’s construct validity, internal consistency, and temporal stability. For construct validity—that is, the ability to measure what an instrument sets out to measure (prejudice)—McGuigan administered several well-established scales simultaneously with the ATA to test for correlations in predicted directions (McGuigan 2014; McGuigan and Scholl 2007). The scales included the following:

Contact items: measures the contact hypothesis (Allport 1954), which states that more contact with an out-group (e.g., non-Amish people with the Amish) is associated with lower levels of prejudice, as measured by the ATA in this case.

The Need for Cognition Scale (NCS): assesses the extent to which people enjoy thinking (Cacioppo and Petty 1982), which has been negatively correlated with racial prejudice (Waller 1993).

The Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) scale: investigates the extent to which individuals prefer inequality among groups (Pratto et al. 1994), with such preferences being positively correlated with prejudice.

The Belief in Equality Inventory (BEI): ranks people’s belief that ability and potential are evenly distributed among populations, with greater belief negatively associated with prejudice (Gray, Connor, and Decatur 1994).

The Modified Godfrey-Richman I.S.M. scale: measures prejudice toward religious groups in general (Godfrey, Richman, and Withers 2000).

McGuigan administered the ATA, contact-related items, the NCS, the SDO scale, and the BEI to a convenience sample of 89 non-Amish adult customers at three local stores around New Wilmington, a small college town at the center of the largest Amish community in western Pennsylvania. Significant correlations between these scales and the ATA were in predicted directions (McGuigan 2014; McGuigan and Scholl 2007). This experiment was later replicated at Ball State University among students from Amish and non-Amish counties in Indiana (137 responses), yielding similar results (Byers and McGuigan 2017). In a separate study, the ATA and Modified Godfrey-Richman I.S.M. scale were administered to a convenience sample of 74 upper-level college students, with correlations in the expected directions (McGuigan 2014).

To test for internal consistency—that is, the agreement of different survey items designed to measure the same phenomena—McGuigan calculated Cronbach’s alphas for the same samples. Cronbach’s alpha is a coefficient of similarity between responses to items in which a level of .70 or higher is generally considered acceptable. The New Wilmington sample (α = .78) (McGuigan and Scholl 2007), the Ball State sample (α = .86) (Byers and McGuigan 2017), and the upper level college student sample (α = .80) (McGuigan 2014) all had Cronbach’s alphas falling within ranges that suggested internal reliability of the ATA.

Finally, to test for the ATA’s temporal stability—that is, the scale’s ability to produce consistent measure over time—McGuigan (2014) conducted a test–retest study. Two iterations of the ATA were given to 64 undergraduate students. McGuigan found consistent pre- and post-test scores and face-validity of the scale’s items based on two easily interpretable components from a factor analysis.

Because of McGuigan’s extensive testing of validity, we uncritically adopted it with the modest goal of contributing additional data to this small body of existing studies. Our sampling population consisted of residents of rural northeastern Missouri, a region with a number of small Amish communities (Donnermeyer and Anderson 2015:226, 231). However, during survey administration, verbal feedback from respondents alerted us to potential problems with operational validity, that is, the ATA’s ability to accurately represent respondents’ attitudes. This prompted a literature review, which identified studies that critiqued the original MRS scale’s operational validity. The ATA scale’s statements direct respondents toward socially desirable answers. With the presence of items measuring blatant prejudice, respondents are easily able to discern the purpose of the instrument and manipulate their answers to minimize any appearance of prejudice (e.g., Henry and Sears 2002; Redding 2014; Sniderman and Piazza 1993; Sniderman and Tetlock 1986). Further research has also argued that the subtle/blatant distinction which the MRS sought to measure is not only unnecessary but that the consequent typologies of prejudice—blatant/subtle, just subtle, and not prejudiced—are not empirically supported (e.g., Arancibia-Martini et al. 2016; Devine et al. 1991; Feilder, Messner, and Bluemke 2010; Hamberger and Hewstone 1997; Olson 2009). One strategy to salvage the blatant/subtle distinction has been to give respondents a limited time to answer questions, but this amendment has been criticized as an ineffective fix (Feilder et al. 2010). We concur with recent scholarship: blatant items should not be included on scales because it alerts respondents to the survey’s purpose in an era when appearing prejudiced is widely, even if not universally, stigmatized. Furthermore, blatant and subtle are treated as dichotomous, which is problematic.

Allport’s definition and description of subtle prejudice is nevertheless important for improving general prejudice scales. Subtle prejudice is the belief that out-groups will threaten the values of the in-group. Subtle prejudice emphasizes the differences between the in-group and out-group to explain the out-group’s minority status. Those with subtle prejudice have difficulty expressing positive emotions toward the out-group and often avoid complimenting them (Allport 1954). This definition can help guide improvements to scale items.

Our research first demonstrates that the ATA contains problems of operational validity, as others have shown for the MRS; in the initial phase of data collection and analysis, we administered the ATA to two ideologically different populations and found no significant differences between the two groups’ responses. We discuss our revisions of the ATA and demonstrate that the Revised ATA better captures respondent attitudes toward the Amish by administering the survey to these two populations and noting significant differences in responses that capture the distinctive contours of each group’s prejudice.

Survey Revision Process

An Overview of Northeastern Missouri

We began this study as a replication of McGuigan’s targeting a new population: residents of rural northeast Missouri. The regional hub of northeastern Missouri has a population of 17,000. In adjacent counties, county seat populations number not more than several hundred people and population density outside county seats is low. The regional economy is agriculture-oriented. Residents tend to identify as Republican and socially conservative. The regional hub hosts a public liberal arts university with approximately 6,000 students; this institution is the largest employer in the region. The vast majority of students come from outside the region, namely, Missouri’s two large metropolitan areas, St. Louis and Kansas City. The university population tends to identify as Democratic and socially liberal. A concentration of small Amish communities follows the northeastern Missouri/southeastern Iowa border area, making their presence conspicuous on highways, in stores, through business dealings, and as land owners. Amish communities have grown in recent decades; only several hundred Amish lived in Missouri and Iowa in the mid-1950s. They are a distinctive group, especially in social, organizational, and symbolic patterns, and are recognized and treated as such by area researchers and residents (Armer and Radina 2006; Cooksey and Donnermeyer 2013; Elmlinger 2014; Gangel 1971; Hartman 1986; Hawley and Hamilton 1996; Reschly 2000; Schwieder and Schwieder 1975). Based on our experience with the region’s and the university’s population, we proceed with the assumption that northeastern Missouri residents generally have higher levels of contact with the Amish than university students, and that different levels of contact will influence the salience of certain attitudes.

Phase I: Methodology

In Phase I, we started with the modest goal of using the ATA to contribute additional data to the studies of McGuigan, Scholl, and Byers. Participants in rural areas were selected based on a non-probability convenience sample. Researchers approached the subjects in public rural places, including a passenger train station, farmer’s market, and livestock auction. Only responses to the ATA instrument were recorded. However, respondents frequently made anecdotal comments criticizing the scale itself; we also began questioning the survey’s ability to accurately represent respondents’ attitudes.

An operationally valid measuring tool should detect significantly different attitudes between two social groups based on their cultural values and amount of contact. Accordingly, we decided to compare our rural sample to university students. Students were selected based on a random cluster sample of university classes from which 10 were randomly selected. Surveys were administered to all students in attendance during regular class times, at the convenience of their instructors. Because of the verbal feedback received from the rural sample, students were provided an additional page where they were encouraged to discuss their reactions to the survey.

Phase I: Results

In Phase 1, 59 rural residents and 169 students participated; the response rate for rural residents was not calculated, as it was a convenience sample; the student response rate was 100 percent. The disparity in sample sizes is due to our shift in focus during Phase 1 and an unexpectedly high level of accommodation from professors.

For the two samples, we calculated mean scores and t-tests for each item to determine if the two samples showed any significant differences (Figure 1). Results show no significant differences between the two groups on any item. Furthermore, standard deviations were remarkably low in all cases, indicating that participants were proximate in their responses. Even with the lower rural sample, none of the items are approaching significance so we doubt that additional surveys would substantially change our results. We decided to proceed with evaluation of the instrument’s items.

Figure 1.

ATA responses- mean scores and significant differences between northeastern Missouri residents and public university undergraduates.

Based on written student comments and our anecdotal recollection of area resident comments, three critiques of the ATA emerged. First, some items were too difficult to answer for those with little knowledge of the Amish. Second, some items were factually inaccurate and therefore difficult to answer. Third, items had trigger words that prompted socially desirable answers, as one respondent stated succinctly: “It’s too obvious what the ‘right’ answers are.”

ATA Revisions

Based on the results of Phase 1, we revised the survey, guided by feedback from respondents, the statistical results, a review of the literature, and our knowledge of the Amish. Five revision principles emerged:

Eliminate measures of blatant prejudice.

Frame the tone of most items as positive, as it is more socially acceptable to disagree with a positive statement than to agree with a negative statement.

Recognize that “prejudice” is a simplification of multidimensional attitudes, namely (1) critiques of the “other” can be based on social philosophies other than an out-grouping prejudice and (2) critiques may follow varying value orientations.

Ensure that statements are factually accurate.

Improve the instrument design following survey construction principles, including neutralizing terminology, eliminating loaded wording, increasing understandability, tightening item wording, and eliminating double barrel items. Our changes and rationales are detailed in Table 1.

Table 1.

ATA Items and RATA Revised Items.

Item 1

ATA: Intelligence of the Amish ranges from very slow to average to very intelligent.

RATA: The Amish, on average, are just as smart as anyone else.

The three descriptors—"very slow to average to very intelligent”—was a source of confusion, and given the three examples in the range, this item invites multiple responses. The revised version eliminates the range and focuses on an average. “Intelligence” is changed to “smart” to reduce potential reference to a trait measurable with aptitude tests and instead framing the item as more of an opinion. The item holds its original intent, to be willing to acknowledge that the intellectual capacities of another group are equal to one’s own group.

Item 2

ATA: There are plenty of Amish people who are very bright, creative, innovative, flexible, and adaptable.

RATA: Amish are generally honest people.

The original statement tests whether or not respondents can compliment the Amish. However, the statement is asking for feedback on five topics. The item also overlaps with item one. We reduced this list to one trait, honesty, given that trust is a different attribute from smartness and appeals to one’s experience rather than begging a blatantly socially desirable answer. Despite these revisions, the item’s original intention is met by allowing the respondent to compliment the Amish in another way.

Items 3 and 4

ATA: The Amish are skillful and efficient workers.

ATA: Amish people are skilled problem solvers around the house and farm.

RATA: If a product is Amish-made, to me, that generally means it is of high quality.

Respondents unfamiliar with the Amish have difficulty responding to the ATA items. We replaced these two statements about Amish labor with one statement measuring the participants’ perception of Amish-manufactured products. Respondents can more broadly assess their opinion of a product that is associated with a people but not necessarily a people’s work ethic, especially when referring to behavior on one’s private property.

Item 5

ATA: Especially in warmer weather, the hot, heavy clothing and bonnets worn by Amish women and children bothers me.

RATA: Especially in warmer weather, the full dresses Amish women are required to wear bother me.

The question appears to be measuring liberal prejudice related to perceived gender-based discrimination. However, the item asks respondents to address both women and children. We eliminated “children” to narrow the focus to adult females, that is, women’s issues. We added the phrase “required to wear” to highlight a female oppression dynamic to explore liberal biases. This phrase avoids delving into complicated issues about oppression that could compromise factuality, such as, who does the requiring (men, leaders, other women, self-enforced?), in what way (informal or formal, positive or negative sanctions?), and to what extent women exercise choice in the matter (e.g., issues of socialization, voice, and false consciousness vs. free will). Despite these questions, it is indisputable that an Amish woman must wear full dresses to be in good standing with the Amish church. We also eliminated factually problematic content in the original item. Amish clothes are not necessarily hot and heavy, which respondents familiar with the Amish may know. We replaced “hot, heavy” with “full,” which is accurate and less biasing.

Item 6

ATA: I would like having an Amish family for neighbors.

RATA: If a group of Amish families move into my community, I would be there to welcome them.

The original question is covertly referencing racial steering in the housing market. Amish residential relocation, however, is usually collective, with the goal of establishing a new Amish community. Furthermore, it’s unlikely that some people will have Amish as neighbors where they live, say, in a subdivision, town, or city. We revised the item to capture a more likely scenario (a group of families

moving in) and broadened the geographical scope to “my community” rather than immediate neighbors to make a move-in to a respondent’s geographical area more plausible through broadening it. We also strengthened the statement from the socially desirable answer of “sure, I’d like to have them for neighbors” to taking the initiative to welcome the Amish. Finally, answering negatively to the revised question has less stigma than the first; other plausible reasons besides prejudice could excuse the respondent for not “being there” to offer a welcome, whereas not wanting Amish for neighbors sounds blatantly prejudiced.

Item 7

ATA: The Amish should drive their buggies across their fields and stay off of our roads.

RATA: It’s kind of hypocritical for Amish to hire someone to drive them but not own cars themselves.

In addition to asking reviewers to rate two pieces of information—what Amish should and should not do—the ATA’s prescribed solution is pragmatically unreasonable, as many who know Amish will understand. Furthermore, the ATA statement is loaded. The RATA item addresses the polarizing issue of Amish transportation without prescribing a solution. The revised item also measures the extent to which respondents are willing to adopt a culturally relativistic posture in relation to the Amish or to agree with one longstanding “hypocrisy” leveled against the Amish (e.g., in Bachman 1942:101–11). Furthermore, in some Amish communities, buggy transportation is minimal compared to other modes, including Amish-serving taxis. However, every Amish community will accept a vehicle ride in some, if not all, circumstances. This question removes the buggy and emphasizes the automobile. Finally, we deliberately added the phrase “kind of” to soften the punch of “hypocritical,” which could orient respondents more toward a socially desirable live-and-let-live response. Upon retrospection, this may have made the statement too vague rather than positive or negative. Future studies should explore changes in responses with and without these two words. Despite our changes to this item, it remained one of two that showed no significant difference between the two sampled populations and a small standard deviation. Nevertheless, the RATA item should cause no factual or pragmatic difficulties for respondents, as did the ATA item.

Item 8

ATA: Education of Amish children should meet the same state and federal standards of other U.S. schools.

RATA: Education of Amish children should have to meet the same minimum standards of other U.S. schools.

We removed “state” and “federal” qualifications, as participants may have opinions about these separate bodies of law. The original item also triggered respondent opinions about the “standards” of state-run schools, which was generally unfavorable. This was not the item’s intention. Rather than implying that public schools could be a “standard” Amish should meet, we emphasize “minimum” standards to invoke the question of whether religious values are grounds for an education below what is deemed minimal. This question was the subject of a long legal dispute from the 1920s to 1972, when the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Amish in the Yoder v. Wisconsin case (Fisher 1996; Peters 2003). The emphasis on religious exemptions to minimum schooling standards potentially measures a liberal prejudice, as liberals tend to see public intervention into purportedly religiously dogmatic and closed-off groups as necessary to educate and enlighten children so they have a free will to decide their future (Mazie 2005).

Item 9

ATA: I sure hope no one from my family marries an Amish person.

RATA: I would be supportive if someday a child of mine wanted to join the Amish.

In McConahay’s scale, the item references interracial marriages, namely, white and black. Measuring blatant prejudice, this item is loaded. We inverted the emphasis from a negative to a positive. We feel the item applies more appropriately to interracial marriages than interreligious marriages, as some religions, including the Amish, proscribe interreligious marriages. Religious endogamy does not invoke the same objections as interracial marriage prohibitions. In the case of the Amish, a non-member could only marry an Amish person if he or she joined the Amish. The RATA version gets at the same dynamic—intimately aligning oneself with the identity of the other—but posits a more realistic scenario, as non-members sometimes have interest in the plain people and may even join them (Anderson 2016).

Item 10

ATA: If the Amish expect to use our government processes to protect their interests, they should not object to paying the full range of taxes and Social Security.

RATA: Even if the Amish are a peace church, as Americans, the Amish should not object to military service if their country calls them.

RATA: On a religious basis, the Amish have received exemptions from Social Security and laws regarding child labor, work safety, and zoning. In general, I feel they should be held to the same standards as everyone else.

The original item appeals to Amish as citizens who both contribute and receive. Should the Amish gain an unfair advantage in how much they contribute based on being a separate religious group? This is a useful item that is factually incorrect. The Amish are subject to the same taxes as everyone else, except they do receive a denomination-specific religious exemption for Social Security, which Amish must apply for individually with a Form 4029 (Fisher 1996; Glenn 2001; Rohrer and Dundes 2016). We created two items out of the original. The first revised item makes a similar reference to Amish as citizens who contribute and receive, but we have shifted the focus to an historically important conflict of interest: military service (Olshan 1990). Which should take priority: Amish religious beliefs or a citizen’s duty to serve the country if called? This item potentially measures a conservative prejudice. The second item factually states several major exemptions the Amish have received. Respondents may have differing opinions about each of these four, but we ask them to weigh out “in general” the concept of exemption on religious basis.

Item 11

ATA: To me, Amish people seem to be unfriendly.

RATA: When I see Amish in public places, they seem friendly.

We switched this item from a negative to a positive statement, as it was loaded. Respondents in Phase 1 were unlikely to agree with such a negative statement.

Item 12

ATA: As Americans, the Amish have every right to use our roads, hospitals, commerce, police and fire.

This item had a very low standard deviation, so we removed it. It invites an affirmative answer, as it touches on a fundamental American value of the rights of Americans. The item is also asking for opinions on five separate services.

Item 13

ATA: Amish people are not as smart as most other Americans.

RATA: Amish are really limiting their potential by not allowing their children to go beyond 8 ^th grade.

Participants were largely unwilling to agree with the original item, as it seemed arbitrary and insulting. However, linking the end of Amish formal education after eighth grade, which is a nearly universal practice (Dewalt 2006; McConnell and Hurst 2006), and “potential” gets at whether respondents believe success is attained through the education system or whether Amish potential is attainable outside this institution and measurable by Amish cultural goals (Littell 1969). This item potentially measures a liberal bias, education being an inalienable right due to its enlightening value.

Item 14

ATA: The presence of Amish in any community enhances its economy.

We removed this item as many participants felt that they were not knowledgeable enough to answer. Furthermore, the desirability of Amish in your community is already established in RATA item 9.

Item 15

ATA: Amish people have an offensive odor about them.

As a loaded question, we removed item 15. In Phase 1, respondents found it too insulting or felt that they did not have the experience to answer.

Item 16

ATA: Amish people are smarter than most Americans because they all speak two languages.

RATA: The Amish learn two languages, English and German, and in this regards, are a good model for school children today.

The original item pitted Amish intelligence against most Americans solely on the basis of Amish speaking two languages. Respondents were usually not willing to concede this. Yet, Amish bilingualism is a good potential measure of provincialism. Our revised item does not make participants pit Amish as “smarter” than most Americans but just as role models, a people worth inspiring other children. We also felt it helpful to introduce the two languages—English and German—rather than assume respondents know which two languages. The common language of the Amish is not modern German as we know it today but a dialect, “Pennsylvania Dutch”; they also use an archaic High German for religious materials. However, we chose to avoid these specifics and just note “German” for the sake of the question’s simplicity; we do not feel this compromises the question’s accuracy for those very familiar with the Amish.

Item 17

ATA: It is ridiculous for Amish men to keep their pants closed with pins instead of zippers.

RATA: The Amish religion is excessively legalistic.

This ATA item is incorrect; men close their trousers with buttons, not pins, though many Amish women use pins to close their dresses (Scott 1986). Furthermore, the wording in the original was loaded; most respondents would not agree. We feel the RATA version better gets at a respondent’s judgment of the whole constellation of Amish practices. This item also better pits the authority of the group, which requires these practices, against individual freedoms. Furthermore, the absence of an overtly religiously oriented item in the original instrument was a noticeable omission that can be a source of prejudice. Thus, we include “religion” after Amish to activate perceptions of religious Puritanism. Amish often settle in rural areas where evangelical Protestantism is a conspicuous part of people’s identity, and evangelical Protestants may have religiously based prejudices if they feel the Amish practice a “works religion.” This works religion, evangelicals may argue, tries to earn salvation, which should be obtained solely through a born again experience. Since not all respondents will understand these important theological differences, we opted to capture the idea of “works religion” in “legalistic,” which is a fairly universal concept.

The results from Phase 2 demonstrated, however, that the item did not capture a significant difference between the two surveyed populations. The question may still be too loaded. It is also possible that participants did not know enough about the Amish to provide a meaningful response, or that they were unsure how to interpret “legalistic.” A revision may return to the ATA’s original idea of inconsistencies and hypocrisies, as these may be salient among some non-Amish (Smith 1961: ch. 22). Nevertheless, our revision is important in resolving the ATA item’s factual inaccuracy.

Item 18

RATA: I feel the Amish would be better off if they did not take the Bible so literally.

No item in the original instrument measured prejudice against a group based in its religiosity, yet attitudes against strict religious groups as backwards and irrational people remains a source of prejudice today (Stark, Iannaccone, and Finke 1996). This item is designed to measure attitudes against the Amish as a Bible-literalist group.

Item 19

RATA: As long as the Amish aren’t bothering anyone else, they should be given room to live how they please, even if that means their people have fewer opportunities in life.

This concluding item pits the fundamentally American value of “live and let live” against itself. Do others have a right to tell “the Amish” how to live if they are not interfering with others’ rights (cultural pluralism)? Or does the fact that “the Amish” limit their members’ life choices justify outside intervention, to liberate them from themselves (enforcing ethical universals) (Park 2018)? The latter supports an attitude that justifies action and intervention.

Note. ATA = Attitudes Toward the Amish; RATA = Revised ATA.

Phase II: Methods

We then administered the Revised ATA to residents in the area and students from the same university. As with phase one, rural participants in phase two were selected with a non-probability convenience sample. Participants were recruited at three public events: a flea market, a consignment auction, and a livestock auction. We did not survey the farmers’ market because it had closed for the season; neither did we survey the train station, as we had received very few responses there in phase one. All other procedures were replicated.

Student selection in phase two took place late in the semester, so changes had to be made to the method, as instructors were unwilling to allocate their class time for data collection. Students were instead selected based on a convenience sample and given surveys in on-campus residence halls, building lounges, and outdoor courtyards.

Phase II: Results

One-hundred area residents and 100 students responded to the RATA. We again calculated means, standard deviations, and t-tests for these two samples. Results (Figure 2) demonstrate significant differences between rural Missouri residents and college residents in their scores on all but two items, suggesting that the instrument is no longer leading respondents to socially desirable answers.

Figure 2.

ATA responses- mean scores and significant differences between northeastern Missouri residents and public university undergraduates.

McGuigan (2014) conducted a factor analysis with varimax rotation to analyze the face validity (a subjective “at face value” validation) of the ATA; we did likewise for the RATA (Table 2). In our factor analysis, we selected four components with reasonably high eigenvalues. Component 1 had a very high eigenvalue while Components 3 and 4 were proximate; Component 2 fell in-between. We coded the results so that positive loadings indicate preference toward positive assessments of the Amish while negative loadings represent assessments against them. We considered loadings with values of ±0.375 to ±1.00.

Table 2.

Factor Analysis of Responses to the RATA.

Item	Pluralistic limits	Character	Cold	Unintelligent
01-Smart	−0.125	0.053	0.071	−0.811
02-Honest	−0.040	−0.628	0.081	−0.033
03-Product	0.121	−0.514	0.067	−0.049
05-Dresses	−0.719	0.165	−0.129	0.049
06-Welcome	0.370	−0.492	−0.173	−0.088
07-Hypocrites	−0.130	0.143	−0.090	−0.022
08-Education	−0.661	−0.246	0.072	0.235
09-Join	0.514	−0.230	−0.302	0.052
10a-Military	0.778	−0.198	0.077	−0.040
10b-Exemptions	0.556	0.055	−0.019	0.062
11-Friendly	−0.127	0.262	−0.692	−0.033
13-Potential	−0.627	0.082	−0.154	−0.115
16-Bilingual	0.180	−0.408	−0.017	−0.609
17-Legalistic	0.014	−0.385	−0.556	0.254
18-Bible	−0.500	0.314	−0.335	−0.029
19-Live Free	−0.444	0.339	−0.391	−0.164

Note. Factor analysis with varimax rotation. Bolded loadings are ±0.375 to ±1.00. RATA = Revised Attitudes Toward the Amish.

Component 1 captures pluralistic limits; both high and low loadings representing a mixture of attitudes. High loadings signal a tolerant attitude of the Amish inasmuch as Amish positions align with a socially liberal attitude toward individual freedom and enlightenment, including pacifism and legal exemptions that allow Amish to live according to their beliefs. Support for a child joining the Amish probably has a high loading due to the emphasis on choice, and a high loading on welcoming Amish to the community would represent an attitude of wanting to make any minority feel accepted. Yet, this loading seems to disapprove of anything that limits Amish individuals’ choices, including a literal interpretation of the Bible, women’s dress, and a potentially substandard educational system.

Low loadings for Component 1 suggest a defense of the Amish’s right to live according to Amish values, for example, dress, school, and religious ideas. However, Amish exemption to governmental laws (preferential treatment), especially with military service, are not part of this defense. This signals a patriotic orientation that calls everyone to support and defend the system that gives people the freedom to live according to their values. Respondents who would be represented by this component are also not actively interested in intimate connections with the Amish—for example, through neighbors or through a family member joining them—indicating that they value social distance from people choosing to live differently (at least the Amish).

Component 2 focuses on Amish people’s character. Negative loadings suggest an interpretation of the Amish as dishonest—for example, not having quality products—and as having a legalistic system, which paired with the other items, suggests legalism as a system to excuse dishonesty and abuses. The Amish would not make good role models for children (at least inasmuch as they speak two languages) and would not be welcomed into the community.

Component 3 represents a view of the Amish as cold: unfriendly, legalistic, and smothering their own people. Component 4 represents views of Amish as unintelligent; the second of McGuigan’s (2014) components in his ATA factor analysis was similar.

These four components represent plausible, easily interpretable, and prevailing attitudes toward the Amish discussed elsewhere in the literature (e.g., Boyer 2008; Byers, Crider, and Biggers 1999; Park 2018; Pratt 2004; Trollinger 2012; Weaver-Zercher 2001) and thus contributes to the face validity of the RATA items. However, we must emphasize that these polarities did not clearly follow the divide between Northeasten Missouri residents and public university undergraduates, which invites further research into the complexity of attitudes.

Discussion

An effective survey instrument should detect variations across populations. In our initial administration of the ATA, we found no significant differences between university students and rural residents, groups we would reasonably expect to have contrasting perceptions of the Amish. This called into question the ATA’s operational validity, that is, whether the instrument accurately measures people’s attitudes. From respondents’ feedback and our own assessment, we concluded that the main problem was wording that prompted socially desirable responses; respondents could detect that the instrument was measuring prejudice and adjusted their answers accordingly. McConahay’s original racial prejudice scale was developed 30 years prior to our research. Since then, public sensitivity to prejudice has evolved considerably, as has the social stigma associated with it. Individuals are more seasoned at spotting prejudice in others as well as identifying cues for which they themselves are being tested. While we acknowledge that the ATA has already undergone rigorous testing, we also believe it prudent that the survey adapts to a changing social landscape. To that end, we revised the ATA to enhance its ability to accurately measure attitudes. In so doing, we also abandoned the concept of prejudice as an either/or phenomenon, acknowledging that attitudes are multilayered and poorly represented along a one-dimensional prejudice/non-prejudice scale. More helpful is an instrument that characterizes attitude that result in various combinations of context- and issue-specific social actions of prejudice and exclusion (Wimmer 2013).

Results from the RATA are a promising step in this direction. We identified statistically significant differences between university student and rural resident responses on all but two items. Additionally, a factor analysis produced four components that capture realistic yet multidimensional attitudes toward the Amish that do not simply categorize respondents as more or less prejudiced.

The pluralistic limits component is helpful in identifying underlying philosophies in common Amish/non-Amish conflicts. A liberally oriented conflict may entail non-Amish intervention when certain individual rights are perceived to be violated by the group or when they are perceived as wanting to impose their values on society (as discussed in relation to the Amish in Cohen 2014; Friesen and Friesen 1996: . Ch. 1; Mazie 2005; Neuberger and Taman 2014; Raley 2011). Cases may focus on perceived or actual deficiencies in family care, quality of education, treatment of animals, or absence of home safety equipment such as fire alarms. A patriotically oriented conflict might focus on Amish people’s responsibility as American citizens or a resource-based competition between the Amish and locals (as discussed in Glover 2011; Park 2018; Pratt 2004). Conflicts may focus on minority preferential treatment, as with exemption from a military draft and Social Security; interference with others’ use of the roads, as with horseshoe damage, horse droppings, and slow buggies holding up traffic; and a come-here/been-here tension when Amish move in and buy up land.

The first component shows that attitudes toward the Amish cannot be simply measured along a scale. Any given ideological cluster may be more tolerant of the Amish than another depending on the issue. Action in any conflict has the potential for misunderstandings and prejudices, whether it is a liberal-leaning “the Amish are patriarchal and hiding much abuse” or a conservative-leaning “the Amish are driving land prices up and locals out.”

The other three components, however, move into areas that do not clearly show a conservative or liberal philosophy. The character component, for example, suggests that some people have had poor personal experiences with the Amish. This component may capture some of the frustrations and dynamics documented qualitatively among local residents in a northwestern Pennsylvania Amish community (Park 2018) and service providers working with a Mennonites in Ontario (Good Gingrich 2016). Inversely, others have had positive experiences, including people who consume Amishness through tourism and media from a distance and certainly some who have regular, interpersonal contact. The hundreds of Amish communities vary in reputation with non-Amish neighbors.

Our study has several limitations mainly related to our sampling. In Phase 1, we surveyed a relatively low number of northeast Missouri residents compared to university students. This was due to our shift in purpose, from a study that used the ATA to one that investigated the operational validity of the instrument itself. We also lost several potential surveying sites by the time we discussed gathering more data, as winter was well underway and the outdoor venues we had used to sample the population were closed for the season. Additionally, in Phase 2, we needed to change our sampling methods again due to timing, both with the student population and with the sampling sites for the rural population. Nevertheless, we feel that the statistical differences between the two phases are compelling when juxtaposed against respondent feedback that identified problems with the original instrument; a literature review that revealed problems with the McConahay Modern Racism Scale, on which the ATA was based; and our own critical analysis of individual ATA items.

Despite these limitations, we feel that the RATA is a promising instrument. This study has several important implications for the development of attitudinal instruments. First, we strengthened the instrument by avoiding social desirability bias through using positive statements, avoiding loaded wording, and not measuring blatant prejudice. Second, we approached attitudes as multifaceted rather than as more or less prejudiced. Finally, we carefully considered how we worded descriptions about the out-group, so that the information is accurate but also addresses popular preoccupations that inform attitudes.

The instrument would benefit from further testing to ensure its reliability and validity. First, we recommend that the ATA and RATA be administered to two populations in another Amish region. Second, we recommend that the RATA be subjected to a test–retest study, as was the ATA, to measure stability. Third, to further explore operational validity, we recommend the instrument be administered to a population currently embroiled in a dispute, to explore whether or not the components reflect the philosophical tendencies we posit they do. Finally, this study is one of several that has empirically produced a set of non-Amish perceptions about the Amish (Anderson 2016; Byers and Crider 2002; Byers et al. 1999; Neuberger and Taman 2014; Park 2018). Scholars of the Amish should consider how these topic-specific sets can be generalized into an overarching set of attitudinal typologies toward the Amish and relate them to prevailing social philosophies. This work would be important in understanding issues at the interface between the Amish and adjacent/overlapping social systems.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of Shannon Shaffer, Chenyan (“Tina”) Jiang, and Aidan Roam in distributing surveys during phase one and the support of the Truman State University Department of Sociology and Anthropology, under whose auspices we completed much of of this study.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author Biographies

Cory Anderson is a postdoctoral fellow at the Pennsylvania State University’s Population Research Institute, editor of the Journal of Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies, and director of the Amish and Plain Anabaptist Studies Association (). From 2015-2018, he was a non-tenure track assistant professor of sociology and geography at Truman State University in northeastern Missouri. As a rural sociologist, he studies the demography and culture of the Amish, Mennonites, and other plain Anabaptist groups, as well as applied social issues.

Lee Decker is a social gerontology graduate student at the University of Central Missouri. He graduated with honors from Truman State University in 2018 with a B.S. in sociology. His current research focuses on preserving the agency of older adults and challenges related to aging in place. Additionally, he studies advocacy and policy related to underserved populations.

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