Intersectionality,Emotional Literacy,and the Lived Experience of Infertility Among African American Women

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this phenomenological study is to explore how African American women make meaning of infertility through an emotionally complex experience shaped by the intersecting influences of race and gender, with particular attention to how these experiences influence emotional well-being, relationships, and efforts to maintain work-life harmony.

Research Questions

The following overarching research questions guided this study:

The following section reviews literature on infertility among African American women and outlines the theoretical perspectives of intersectionality and emotional literacy that guide the analysis.

Infertility and African American Women

Despite comparable or higher rates of infertility compared to other racial groups, African American women often face disparities in diagnosis, treatment, and social support, reflecting the intersecting influences of race, class, and cultural stigma (Wiltshire et al., 2019). This domain situates infertility within the broader landscape of health inequities and cultural silence that obscure the reproductive struggles of Black women, thereby setting the foundation for understanding the emotional and identity-based complexities explored throughout this study. While infertility can stem from several factors, research indicates that Black women have higher rates of conditions such as fibroid tumors and obesity, which can contribute to difficulties in conceiving (McCarthy-Keith et al., 2008; Stone, 2013). Additionally, economic barriers and limited access to private healthcare make African American women less likely to seek fertility treatments (Bell, 2009; Greil et al., 2011). Despite its prevalence, infertility remains a taboo subject, particularly within the Black community, where discussions of reproductive challenges are often constrained by cultural expectations surrounding motherhood and family formation.

Strong family ties and connections to the church have historically provided a foundation of support for many African American women (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). However, societal expectations surrounding motherhood within this community often perpetuate a culture of silence, creating emotional distress and diminishing the quality of life for African American women who wish to start or expand their families. These expectations may also intensify feelings of personal failure or inadequacy when reproductive outcomes do not align with cultural norms regarding womanhood and motherhood.

Despite African American women comprising the largest female demographic in the workforce (NABCP, 2014) and experiencing the highest rates of infertility (Chandra et al., 2013), their career and individual experiences remain absent from scholarly discussions. Particularly scarce within the literature on work-life balance (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Kamenou, 2008; Tucker et al., 1999) and infertility (Ceballo et al., 2015) are the voices, lived experiences, and coping strategies of African American women navigating infertility and its impact on their work-life dynamics. Furthermore, the intersection of infertility and professional identity remains particularly underexamined, despite increasing scholarly attention to work-life balance and employee well-being.

Recognizing this gap in research, this study seeks to illuminate the voices of African American women experiencing infertility by examining how they interpret and navigate these experiences through the lens of emotional literacy while striving to maintain work-life harmony.

Identity: Race, Gender, & Motherhood

The interplay between race, gender, and motherhood shapes how African American women construct and negotiate their identities amid experiences of infertility. Grounded in intersectionality theory, this domain examines how these interlocking identities inform self-concept, belonging, and perceptions of womanhood in a sociocultural context that often ties femininity and value to motherhood (Collins & Bilge, 2020; Crenshaw, 1989; Shorter-Gooden, 2004).

Historically, minoritized groups in the United States have faced systemic disadvantages because societal power, privilege, and hierarchy are deeply rooted in White-male ideologies (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989; hooks, 1981). Similarly, women have encountered disadvantages driven by gender-based power disparities, inequities such as the gender wage gap (Hegewisch & Matite, 2013). Although race and gender each have unique social, political, and historical foundations, they represent major axes of social experience (Miville & Ferguson, 2014). Racial privilege perpetuates the notion of White superiority, relegating African Americans and other minoritized groups to subordinate positions. Likewise, gender privilege diminishes women’s social standing relative to men. Consequently, the lived experiences and identities of African American women are shaped by intersecting racial and gender biases, which manifest in stereotypes and the overall subjugation of Black women and their identities (Robinson, Allen-Handy, & Burrell-Craft, 2021).

Racial identity is described as “the collective identity of any group of people socialized to think of themselves as a racial group.” Gender identity, on the other hand, refers to “the degree to which persons see themselves as masculine or feminine given what it means to be a man or woman in society.” The intersection of race and gender identities creates a distinct social reality for African American women, one in which social expectations related to femininity, motherhood, and cultural belonging often converge.

In American society, ideals of beauty have traditionally been defined by the physical characteristics of White women (Sekayi, 2003). Media messages, discriminatory practices, and negative stereotypes have reinforced Eurocentric beauty standards (Robinson, Allen-Handy, & Burrell-Craft, 2021) especially those that prioritize features such as “thin lips, narrow hips, pale skin, and straight hair” (Sekayi, 2003, p. 469). Gendered racism, a term coined by Essed (1991), highlights the compounded effects of racism and sexism in the lives of women of color, perpetuated through harmful stereotypes. Examples of these stereotypes include the “Angry Black Woman,” “Mammy,” “Sapphire,” “Jezebel,” and “Welfare Queen,” which collectively dehumanize and misrepresent African American women (Ashley, 2014; Gilens, 1999; Patton, 2006; Walley-Jean, 2009).

Despite societal stereotypes, African American women have redefined beauty based on cultural pride and solidarity. Sekayi (2003) notes the increasing embrace of natural hairstyles as a statement of self-worth and cultural identity. Unfortunately, however, physical characteristics often overshadow assessments of African American women’s competence, skills, and abilities, reinforcing stereotypes that shape how Black women are perceived in both social and professional contexts.

Rosenthal and Lobel (2016) employed an intersectional approach to examine stereotypes surrounding African American women in relation to sexuality and motherhood. Their study of 435 college students revealed that Black women, whether pregnant or not, were perceived more negatively than White women regarding sexual activity, risk, motherhood, and socioeconomic status. Black pregnant women were also more likely to be viewed as single mothers reliant on public assistance. These findings highlight the persistent myths and stereotypes surrounding African American women, even as they face the highest infertility rates among racial groups (Chandra et al., 2013). For African American women seeking to start families, infertility can profoundly affect their identity and self-esteem.

Infertility often challenges core aspects of female identity, as reproduction is traditionally linked to the social role of motherhood (Eagly, 1987). Cousineau and Domar (2007) assert that infertility can diminish self-worth, as women perceive their bodies as having failed them. This sentiment is supported by Van Balen and Trimbos-Kemper (1995), whose study of 108 couples with an average infertility period of 8.6 years found that women frequently associated motherhood with identity development. These findings underscore the significant psychological and emotional impact of infertility on women.

Eagly’s (1987) Social Role Theory explains that cultural stereotypes about gender, ingrained early in life, drive many behavioral differences between men and women (Eckes & Trautner, 2000). Traditional roles position women as passive nurturers and men as aggressive providers. Despite the evolution of women’s roles, with more contributing significantly to household income (Center for American Progress, 2014), disparities persist. Gatrell (2004) found that women disproportionately shoulder family responsibilities, such as caregiving for children and aging parents, which can further complicate how women experiencing infertility negotiate identity, family expectations, and professional responsibilities.

Yet, despite extensive scholarship on racialized gender stereotypes and motherhood expectations, relatively little research has examined how these identity dynamics shape the lived experiences of African American women navigating infertility.

Cultural Norms and the African American Community

Cultural and religious norms exert powerful influences on how African American women interpret and emotionally respond to infertility. This domain explores the expectations surrounding womanhood, family, and spirituality that may intensify feelings of shame or inadequacy, while also highlighting sources of resilience rooted in cultural values, collective strength, and faith traditions (Greil et al., 2010) Culture, as a complex and multifaceted concept, profoundly influences values, perceptions, and behaviors. While no single definition is universally accepted, culture involves social transmission, learned behaviors, change, and a shared value system. It shapes everyday life, from parenting styles and educational priorities to religious practices and financial habits. Hofstede (1991) described culture as consisting of layered influences that shape individuals’ worldviews.

Understanding the experiences of African American women facing infertility requires examining their cultural framework. African Americans have endured unique historical experiences, including slavery and systemic oppression (Houston, 1990; Kolchin, 1993). These shared experiences have fostered a strong sense of community and cultural pride, supported by kinship bonds, religious faith, and a commitment to education (Childs, 2015; Hecht, 2003; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). However, within the African American community, biological reproduction is often seen as a cultural mandate (Ceballo et al., 2015). Women are socialized early in their lives to prioritize motherhood and caregiving roles. Infertility, therefore, can carry significant stigma, exacerbated by cultural and societal expectations (Miall, 1986). These expectations may create pressure for women to conform to culturally valued roles associated with motherhood, making infertility not only a medical challenge but also a socially and emotionally complex experience.

Kamenou (2008) emphasizes that the career and life experiences of ethnic minority women must be understood within the broader context of their family, cultural, and religious values. For African American women navigating infertility, these cultural expectations may intersect with professional responsibilities and personal aspirations, shaping how women negotiate identity, relationships, and work-life harmony. These cultural narratives surrounding fertility and motherhood can make infertility particularly difficult to disclose or openly discuss, reinforcing silence and emotional suppression within both family and community contexts.

The intersecting influences of race, gender, and culture profoundly shape how African American women facing infertility navigate their lives, identities, and social expectations. These experiences reflect the enduring impact of systemic biases and cultural norms on their paths to empowerment and self-fulfillment, while revealing how cultural narratives surrounding motherhood influence emotional responses to infertility and their strategies for coping and resilience.

Work Life Balance: Conceptual Evolution and Challenges

The intersection of personal and professional roles presents unique challenges for African American women navigating infertility. This domain considers how women manage the emotional and physical demands of fertility treatments alongside the emotional distress associated with infertility while maintaining career responsibilities, leadership roles, and public composure within workplaces that often lack supportive structures for reproductive health. Early investigations into work-life balance (WLB) offered a limited view, concentrating primarily on the conflicts between work and family roles, while underemphasizing their interconnectedness (Clark, 2001; Kahn et al., 1964; Potgieter & Barnard, 2010). Despite the proliferation of definitions over time, there is no consensus on a universally accepted interpretation of WLB. The concept is often referred to by various terms, including work-family conflict, family-life balance, work-life systems, work-life integration, and work/non-work balance. For the purposes of this study, WLB is defined as “the satisfaction and good functioning at work and at home with minimum role conflict” (Clark, 2001, p. 349).

The foundational research by Kahn et al. (1964) on organizational stress highlighted how work negatively impacts family life, emphasizing conflict, spillover, strain, and stress as core outcomes. This research introduced Role Theory, a framework that continues to underpin WLB studies. Role Theory asserts that individuals occupy multiple roles in life, and conflicts arise when the demands of these roles are incompatible. However, the research of Kahn et al. was influenced by the gender norms of its time, focusing on traditional family structures where men were breadwinners, and women were homemakers. It centered on the work-life conflicts experienced by married, middle-class White families, assigning responsibility for achieving balance primarily to organizations.

Over time, WLB discourse has evolved to advocate for shared responsibility between individuals and organizations in managing work and non-work demands (De Cieri et al., 2005). Potgieter and Barnard (2010) argued that WLB is a subjective experience, with individuals prioritizing quality over the frequency of balance. Similarly, Roberts (1997) stressed the need for a personalized approach, as the path to achieving WLB is unique for each person. Despite significant advancements, the existing literature on WLB remains limited in scope. Most studies focus predominantly on the childcare needs of middle-class White women, neglecting the diverse experiences of ethnic minority groups (Cousineau & Domar, 2007; Kamenou, 2008). Additionally, Chang et al. (2010) reviewed 245 empirical studies published between 1987 and 2006 and highlighted inconsistencies in how WLB constructs are conceptualized and measured. Addressing these gaps requires inclusive research that considers underrepresented populations and their unique challenges. In response to these limitations, scholars have increasingly proposed alternative ways of conceptualizing the relationship between work and personal life. One such perspective is work-life harmony.

Work-life harmony refers to the integration of personal and professional responsibilities in a way that promotes overall well-being rather than treating work and life as competing domains. Unlike work-life balance, which implies a trade-off between these spheres, work-life harmony emphasizes fluidity, allowing individuals to align their career and personal aspirations in a way that minimizes conflict (Greenhaus & Allen, 2011). This concept acknowledges that work and personal life are interconnected and that achieving satisfaction in both areas can lead to greater overall well-being (Kossek et al., 2014). The framework of work-life harmony is particularly relevant for individuals navigating complex personal challenges, as it recognizes the influence of work on personal experiences and vice versa. For African American women navigating infertility, the pursuit of work-life harmony may involve managing disclosure, maintaining professional credibility, and balancing the invisible demands of fertility treatment with workplace expectations.

This framework can be particularly useful in understanding the experiences of Black women facing infertility and their professional lives. Infertility is a deeply personal and often stigmatized issue, and Black women may experience unique stressors due to cultural expectations, healthcare disparities, and underrepresentation in infertility discourse (Bell, 2019). At work, these women may struggle with navigating workplace expectations while dealing with emotional distress, medical treatments, and social stigma. A work-life harmony perspective can help highlight how structural inequities—such as limited access to flexible work arrangements or workplace support—compound their challenges, impacting their well-being and career progression (Williams et al., 2021). By using this lens, researchers and policymakers can better advocate for workplace policies that recognize and accommodate the holistic needs of Black women dealing with infertility.

Infertility in the Workplace

Infertility intersects with workplace experiences in ways that reveal implicit biases, organizational silence, and inequitable policies surrounding reproductive health. This domain examines how emotional expression, disclosure decisions, and perceptions of professionalism are influenced by organizational culture, offering critical implications for HRD in promoting empathy, inclusivity, and psychological safety for women facing fertility challenges.

Beyond race and gender discrimination, women increasingly face workplace bias related to infertility. Legal claims involving infertility discrimination have risen, with women suing employers over wrongful termination or to secure coverage for fertility treatments often excluded from employer-sponsored health plans (Hayes, 2010). Under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), infertility is recognized as a disability because it substantially limits reproduction, a major life activity (Department of Labor, 2024). Similarly, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) includes infertility under ADA protections (EEOC, 2024). The EEOC’s 2024 Strategic Enforcement Plan emphasized monitoring emerging issues in pregnancy discrimination law, including infertility discrimination.

Unplanned absences related to infertility result in significant productivity losses for organizations (Department of Labor, 2024). While employer leave policies, such as the Family Medical Leave Act (FMLA), accommodate extended absences for pregnancy-related conditions, few address the ongoing medical needs of women with infertility-related conditions like endometriosis, polycystic ovarian syndrome, or fibroid tumors. These conditions can severely affect women’s quality of life and workplace engagement. For instance, in a study of 109 women with endometriosis, 90% reported fertility issues, 85% observed a decline in work quality, and 60% missed an average of 33.6 workdays annually due to their condition (Fourquet et al., 2010). These findings underscore the tangible impact of infertility on women’s professional lives. These workplace dynamics underscore how infertility is not solely a private medical experience but also a professional and organizational issue that can influence employee well-being, engagement, and career trajectories.

Despite these structural and policy-related challenges, infertility remains an invisible issue within organizational environments. Many women may choose not to disclose infertility struggles in the workplace due to concerns about stigma, perceptions of professionalism, or potential career repercussions. As a result, employees frequently navigate fertility treatments, emotional distress, and workplace expectations simultaneously, often without formal organizational support.

For African American women, these challenges may be further compounded by intersecting racial and gender dynamics that shaper perceptions of professionalism, emotional expression, and resilience. Within organizational contexts that prioritize productivity and composure, women experiencing infertility may feel pressure to manage emotional distress privately while maintaining professional performance. These dynamics highlight the importance of HRD initiatives that promote psychologically safe environments, encourage empathetic leadership practices, and recognize complex realities employees may face when navigating reproductive health challenges.

Intersectionality and African American Women

Frameworks traditionally considered universal for women often reflect the experiences of White, middle-class women, failing to represent African American women adequately (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989). African American women’s lives are shaped by the intertwined effects of racism, sexism, and systemic marginalization. The concept of intersectionality, introduced by Crenshaw (1989), serves as a critical lens to analyze these intersecting influences and their psychosocial impact on African American women, particularly in the context of infertility.

Black feminist scholars have long highlighted the need to consider the dual influence of race and gender in the lives of African American women (Combahee River Collective, 1978; Davis, 1981; Dill, 1983; hooks, 1981). During the second wave of feminism, Black feminists criticized mainstream feminist scholarship for representing only White, middle-class women, dismissing the unique challenges faced by women of color. African American women, living at the margins of society, were often rendered invisible while their contributions were heavily relied upon (hooks, 1981). Despite this, their resilience and strength have been widely acknowledged.

Crenshaw’s (1989) concept of intersectionality initially sought to address how anti-discrimination laws overlooked overlapping biases against African American women. Collins (2000) expanded on this, describing the simultaneous oppressions of race, gender, and class. She argued that understanding the experiences of Black women requires examining how systems of dominance, oppression, and social injustice shape their worldviews.

African American women navigating infertility experience unique challenges shaped by societal expectations of motherhood and cultural norms (Ceballo et al., 2015). Intersectionality has become a valuable framework for analyzing how overlapping identities influence experiences. For example, Taylor and Snowdon (2014) used intersectionality to explore the lives of White lesbian Christian women, while Aguirre et al. (2016) employed the framework to study smoking outcomes across gender and ethnicity, emphasizing its broad applicability.

The utility of intersectionality has been debated. Supporters argue that it has significantly advanced women’s and gender studies (Acker, 2006; McCall, 2005). Critics, however, claim it identifies differences without adequately connecting them to systems of power and privilege (Gimenez, 2001; Walby, 2009). Scholars advocate for its broader use as a tool for social analysis in fields like education and organizational studies (Allison & Banerjee, 2014; Zanoni, 2011). In this study, intersectionality provides a nuanced framework for understanding how race, gender, and infertility intersect to shape the lives of African American women, particularly as they navigate emotional, systemic, and cultural challenges. While intersectionality illuminates the structural and identity-based dimensions shaping these experiences, emotional literacy offers insight into how African American women interpret, process, and navigate the emotional complexities associated with infertility.

Emotional Literacy

Emotional literacy provides a critical lens for understanding how African American women experience and make meaning of infertility within racially and gendered social contexts. Emotional literacy refers to the capacity to recognize, understand, express, and regulate emotions in oneself and others and to use that awareness in social interactions (Alemdar & Anilan, 2020). Unlike emotional intelligence, emotional literacy emphasizes the socially constructed and context-dependent nature of emotional knowledge. This makes it particularly relevant for studying the experiences of African American women, whose reproductive experiences are situated at the intersection of racism, sexism, and medical marginalization. Prior research demonstrates that Black women frequently engage in heightened emotional labor to manage stigma, silence, and societal expectations surrounding womanhood, motherhood, and strength (Collins, 2000; Harris-Perry, 2011).

In the context of infertility, an experience rendered invisible with dominant narratives of Black femininity, emotional literacy offers a framework for examining how women navigate grief, self-blame, resilience, and relational strain while maintaining social and professional roles. By foregrounding emotional literacy, this study extends infertility scholarship beyond biomedical and behavioral explanations, illuminating how African American women actively interpret, understand, negotiate, and survive emotionally complex reproductive experiences within inequitable systems of care and work.

Integrating Emotional Literacy & Intersectionality

The concept of literacy has continually evolved, expanding beyond traditional definitions to encompass diverse and emerging forms of meaning-making. Scholars argue for the recognition of new, multi- and non-traditional literacies (Alvermann & Hagood, 2000; Beach, 2012; Robinson, 2020; The New London Group, 1996) as essential to understanding and navigating contemporary society, acknowledging the complex skills required in an increasingly dynamic world especially in terms of advancing global citizenship (Robinson, Williams, & Stojanović, 2021). Building on this perspective, this paper offers a novel exploration of infertility among African American women (the terms African American and Black are used interchangeably) through the lenses of intersectionality and emotional literacy. Specifically, it examines how these Black women navigate the emotional and societal challenges of infertility while striving for work-life balance and harmony in a racialized and gendered social context. Within expanding discussions of literacy, scholars increasingly recognize the importance of nontraditional literacies that enable individuals to interpret and navigate complex social environments (Alvermann & Hagood, 2000; Beach, 2012; Robinson, 2020; The New London Group, 1996). Building on this perspective, emotional literacy can be understood as a nontraditional literacy that helps illuminate how African American women interpret and navigate the emotionally complex experiences of infertility.

Emotional literacy not only facilitates self-awareness and resilience but also enhances the ability to navigate complex emotional landscapes, particularly in professional settings where infertility remains a stigmatized and often invisible struggle (Goleman, 1995). For Black women, whose emotional expressions are frequently misinterpreted due to racialized stereotypes such as the “strong Black woman” trope, developing nontraditional literacies such as critical media literacy (Robinson, Allen-Handy, Burrell-Craft, 2021) and emotional literacy can serve as a protective factor against workplace marginalization and emotional suppression (Donovan & West, 2015). For Black women experiencing infertility, emotional literacy can illuminate how internalized media ideologies–those culturally sanctioned ideologies and representations of womanhood, strength, and reproduction that become embedded through repeated media exposure—intersect with broader cultural narratives and thereby shape emotional responses—such as shame, grief, or isolation—and how these emotions are processed or suppressed in various settings, including healthcare, family, and workplace environments.

Emotional literacy functions as the conceptual and analytical framework by directly shaping the stud’s research questions and analytic focus. The research questions are intentionally designed to elicit how participants perceive, interpret, and respond to emotionally complex experiences, rather than to assess their emotional competence, as would be the case of emotional intelligence. In this study, emotional literacy is distinct from emotional intelligence which is commonly framed as an individual trait or competency tied to performance or effectiveness. In contrast, emotional literacy is conceptualized as a socially situated and learned practice that is shaped by culture, history, and even inequality. This distinction is critical for understanding the lived realities of this population, whose emotional labor and sense-making processes are central to how they navigate infertility.

Emotional literacy intersects meaningfully with intersectionality by illuminating not only what emotions are experienced, but also how these emotions are influenced by the interplay of identity, power, and structural inequality (hooks, 1981; Thomas, 2020). While intersectionality helps explain how systems of race, gender, and inequality structure the lived experiences of African American women, emotional literacy provides insight into how these women interpret, navigate, and respond to the emotional complexities of infertility. Together, these frameworks offer a multidimensional lens for understanding how African American women make meaning of infertility while negotiating cultural expectations, relational dynamics, and professional responsibilities.

In HRD, the application of emotional literacy provides a lens for understanding how individuals recognize, interpret, and manage emotions in professional contexts. This perspective helps illuminate the emotional dimensions of identity and resilience that shape how people experience and enact leadership, contribute to psychological safety, and sustain workplace engagement. By foregrounding emotional narratives, this study offers HRD professionals deeper insights into the hidden emotional labor and identity navigation that Black women undergo, thereby informing more culturally responsive, emotionally intelligent approaches to organizational support and development (Dirkx, 2001; Johnson & Kaslow, 2014).

Additionally, fostering emotional literacy among colleagues and supervisors is equally essential, as it encourages workplace environments that are empathetic and responsive to the unique struggles of employees dealing with infertility. By incorporating emotional literacy into discussions of work-life harmony, researchers and organizational leaders can better support Black women navigating infertility by promoting workplace cultures that validate their experiences, provide psychological safety, and facilitate access to necessary resources such as mental health support and flexible work policies (Collins, 2019). Emotional literacy encompasses the examination of how emotions now occupy the public domain and how it has taken on a therapeutic hue, occupying a space just outside of the sphere of psychology (Burman, 2009). For purposes of this paper, we use the (Steiner, 2003) definition of emotional literacy as: the ability to handle emotions in a way that improves personal power and improves the quality of life for you and—equally importantly—the quality of life for the people around you. Emotional literacy helps your emotions to work for you instead of against you. It improves relationships, creates loving possibilities between people, makes cooperative work possible, and facilitates the feeling of community (p. 23).

Additionally, we agree with Liau and Teoh (2021) who suggest that “being emotionally literate enables us to be aware of others’ emotional experiences, to understand these emotional experiences, and to respond empathetically to these experiences” (p. 214).

To structure the paper, we first present a brief overview of infertility as it affects African American women, then we follow with a discussion of the compounding issues of intersecting vectors of their identities, considering the prescribed social and cultural mandates related to their fertility. This underpins our argument about the ways in which dominant narratives subjugate African American women, particularly as it relates to infertility, their identity, and their experiences with work life balance. Next, we outline the theoretical framework and through these discussions, we present a clear argument for developing ways in which emotional literacy can help African American women faced with infertility embody wellbeing despite multiple inequities that oppress them. The remainder of the paper provides details of the study’s methods, findings, analysis, and interpretations. We conclude with a summary of the study’s limitations, implications for research, theory, and practice as well as suggestions for future research.

Researchers’ Positionality

Both researchers identify as Black women and critical scholars. One of us is primarily concerned with the challenges and identity dimensions that shape Black women’s experiences in the workplace. The other, the lead author, has personally experienced infertility while navigating professional life, bringing an embodied understanding to this study. These deeply personal experiences have shaped not only her identity but also her scholarly curiosity about how other Black women negotiate infertility within the context of their careers.

We position ourselves as scholar-practitioners who share cultural and experiential proximity with participants. Our shared identities and lived experiences informed the development of interview questions and fostered a deep sense of openness and trust, allowing for rich and nuanced storytelling. Our aim was to center the voices of African American women navigating reproductive challenges and to illuminate their implications for workplace identity, performance, and well-being, dimensions that have largely remained underexamined in the HRD literature.

Participants and Data Collection

Criterion sampling was employed to identify participants who met specific characteristics essential to the study’s focus (Creswell, 2013). Eligibility criteria included: (1) self-identifying as African American female, (2) age 18 or older, (3) experience of infertility for at least 1 year, and (4) having experienced infertility while employed. It is important to note that the CDC defines infertility as the inability to conceive within 1 year.

Since trying to conceive is an emotionally charged experience, as researchers we perceive that 1 year is a significant amount of time for a woman to try to get pregnant. Given the sensitive nature of the topic and the specificity of the criteria, the researchers paid close attention to the guidelines stated in the approved IRB application. Snowball sampling was also employed to increase reach and recruitment messages were disseminated via email, text message, and social media (Facebook), reaching approximately 162 African American women in the researchers’ professional and personal networks. Forty-two individuals responded, of these, 24 met all eligibility criteria and were invited to participate in the study. Those who did not meet the criteria were thanked for their interest and encouraged to share information about the study with others. Fourteen interviews were initially scheduled, and ultimately, 11 interviews were completed once data saturation was reached. Data saturation was determined when no new themes or conceptual insights emerged from subsequent interviews. This sample size aligns with Polkinghorne’s (1989) recommendation of 5 to 25 participants for phenomenological research. Final participation was influenced by respondents’ availability and willingness to discuss personal and emotionally sensitive topics, a common consideration in qualitative inquiry.

Demographic information was gathered to contextualize the backgrounds and experiences of the women who participated in this study. To ensure confidentiality, each participant was assigned a pseudonym. The participants came from diverse personal and professional backgrounds, ranging from a divorced customer service representative with a high school diploma to a single psychologist with a doctoral degree. Eight of the participants held a bachelor’s degree or higher.

The participants ranged in age from 29 to 66, with an average age of 36. Their annual household incomes spanned from $20,000 to over $100,000. Regarding marital status, Angel, Brenda, Olivia, Shelby, and Nancy were married, with all their husbands employed. Janet, Mary, and Laura were divorced, while Brandy, Tracy, and Tammy were unmarried, though Tammy was engaged at the time of the study. All participants were raised in Southeastern U.S. states, with four growing up in single-mother households and seven in two-parent homes where their parents were married.

The participants were socialized in predominantly African American neighborhoods and identified as Christians. Two participants, Brenda and Laura, experienced the death of their mothers during adolescence. Brenda lost her mother at 19 while in college, and Laura lost hers at 14, being subsequently raised by her father and stepmother. Most participants had full, half, or stepsiblings, while Brenda was an only child. Brenda and Nancy, the two oldest participants, were retired and shared insights reflecting life experiences during the 1970s and 1980s when assisted reproductive technology was still in its early stages.

Nine participants reported experiencing infertility for at least 9 years, with an average infertility duration of 15.4 years. All but Laura, the youngest participant, were aware of the causes of their infertility. More than half were involuntarily childless or had no biological children. Among them, Mary, Tracy, and Tammy had never been pregnant, while Laura, Brenda, and Nancy experienced miscarriages or ectopic pregnancies. Nancy was the only participant who adopted a child, while Shelby was the only one to conceive through in-vitro fertilization. Angel, Brandy, and Shelby each had one child, while Olivia and Janet had two children each; tragically, one of Janet’s children died at birth.

Trustworthiness

To ensure the trustworthiness of this study, we addressed the four criteria outlined by Guba (1981): credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. Given the interpretive nature of qualitative research and the researchers’ role as the primary instrument (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994), we employed bracketing to deliberately set aside personal biases related to infertility (Carpenter, 2007; Patton, 2002). Credibility was supported through member checking, with participants confirming the accuracy of their individual narratives and the overall interpretations (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Peer debriefing with an experienced qualitative researcher further strengthened the analytical process. Transferability was addressed by providing thick, detailed, and contextualized descriptions of participants’ experiences, offering relevance to other work-life challenges, such as chronic illness. Dependability was enhanced by maintaining a detailed audit trail. Confirmability was established by grounding all interpretations in participant quotes and maintaining transparency through clearly articulated researcher positionality statements (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Data Analysis

Phenomenological studies employ structured methods for data analysis to distill the essence of participants’ experiences. This study followed Creswell’s (2013) simplified adaptation of Moustakas’ (1994) modification of the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method, which is widely regarded as practical and effective. As outlined by Creswell, data is collected from individuals who have experienced the phenomenon and then synthesized into a composite description that encapsulates “what” participants experienced and “how” they experienced it (Moustakas, 1994).

Initial open coding generated a broad set of descriptive codes representing participants’ experiences with infertility, identity, emotional responses, and workplace dynamics. Through iterative comparison of transcripts, these codes were refined and clustered into broader thematic categories. During this stage, intersectionality sensitized the analysis to how race and gender shaped participants’ narratives, while emotional literacy guided attention to how participants interpreted and managed emotionally complex experiences. This iterative process ultimately resulted in the development of three central themes that captured the essence of participants shared experiences.

The researchers conducted data analysis in several stages: transcribing, coding, categorizing, and profiling. During each interview, detailed notes were taken, focusing on significant statements, keywords, and emotions expressed by the participants, which served as the basis for coding. Following each interview, the researchers transcribed the audio recordings and immersed themselves in the data by thoroughly reviewing transcripts and repeatedly listening to the recordings. This process enabled the identification of specific conditions, contexts, and patterns.

From the rich data, a comprehensive list of codes was developed. These codes were then organized into categories or themes based on recurring significant statements, keywords, and emotions most frequently expressed by participants. Intersectionality was employed as the critical lens of the study, with researchers paying particular attention to instances where participants explicitly mentioned race or gender as factors influencing their experiences. Following the coding and categorization process, profiles were created for each participant. These profiles included demographic and upbringing summaries, as well as detailed overviews of participants’ infertility journeys and their efforts to balance work and personal life. The profiles also highlighted perceived barriers, contributing factors, and coping strategies that participants employed in navigating work-life harmony while managing the challenges of infertility.

Negative Self-Image & Self-Worth

The emotional, physical, and psychological scars of childlessness, miscarriages, ectopic pregnancies, and stillbirths were evident throughout the participant interviews. Nine of the 11 participants expressed experiencing a diminished sense of self-worth or negative body image. Their self-identity and perception of womanhood were deeply tied to their ability to reproduce. Angel, Brenda, Brandy, Olivia, Tracy, Laura, Mary, Shelby, and Nancy shared the sentiment that they did not feel like “normal women,” as they believed that normal women could have children whenever they chose. Because they felt this natural ability had been taken from them, many genuinely believed their bodies were flawed.

Upon further analysis of their responses, a recurring phrase—“pop out babies”—emerged, mentioned by three participants. This suggested that the perceived flaw was not only gender-related but also carried a racial undertone. Societal and cultural stereotypes often depict Black women as highly fertile and capable of having numerous children. This belief was reinforced by comments from Angel, Shelby, and Mary. Reflecting on her family, Mary stated, “everybody pops out babies all the time,” while Shelby and Angel noted that their sisters could “pop out babies with no problem.” As a result, alongside the struggle of feeling like they had failed as women, there was an added burden of feeling like they had failed as Black women. Mary encapsulated this experience, saying, “I didn’t feel like a normal woman…it’s the worst feeling ever.” Laura described how her inability to have a baby affected her self-esteem. Negative comments from her husband further perpetuated her feelings of low self-worth. Laura said: Yes, it affected my self-identity. I’m very critical of myself. He (ex-husband) said really hurtful things to me that made me feel bad. I just didn’t understand why my own husband would do stuff like that. He was supposed to support me. He thought I didn’t want kids but that wasn’t it at all. I couldn’t get pregnant. It wasn’t my fault. It was really hard to deal with the negativity.

Olivia, Mary, Brandy, Angel, Nancy, Brenda, Laura, and Shelby felt as though their bodies were flawed because they couldn’t get pregnant or carry a baby. Brandy said that she felt empty, as though “something was wrong with her.” Also, Angel stated that she didn’t want to find out what was causing her infertility because it would reinforce that something was wrong with her. Brenda shared:

I couldn’t reconcile why my body didn’t work right. I didn’t feel normal. I felt like such a failure, and I was wearing that failure even though I was experiencing success everywhere.…I was Teacher of the Year every year that I taught school… and they would tell me all the time that I was pretty, but I didn’t feel pretty. My husband never made me feel uncomfortable. I will say, had I known that I could not have children I don’t think that I would have gotten married.

Brenda’s narrative highlights the emotional tension between external professional success and internal feelings of inadequacy associated with infertility.

Angel, Laura, Tracy, and Nancy discussed intimacy-related challenges with their husbands and significant others. Of the participants, Nancy described how intimacy became a process of “purposeful reproduction” for her and her husband. This statement immediately caught my attention during her interview because I had never heard of intimacy or intercourse characterized as such. She no longer considered it fun and exciting. Likewise, Tracy stated:

I’m very self-conscious about my body. I’m not comfortable with intimacy because I feel less than a woman. It’s hard to be with a man when you don’t want them to see you. The scar from my hysterectomy is a constant reminder that I can’t have a baby.

These accounts illustrate how infertility shaped participants’ perceptions of their bodies, identities, and intimate relationships. Many participants described managing these experiences privately while continuing to perform professional and social roles that required them to appear strong despite ongoing emotional distress. These experiences illustrate how infertility shaped participants’ emotional self-perceptions while influencing how they navigated personal relationships and professional expectations.

The Motherhood Mandate

Except for Tammy, Laura, and Janet, the other participants in this study were socialized and expected to become mothers. The motherhood mandate was reinforced by both familial expectations and pressures from the African American community. Angel and Brenda recounted childhood experiences of being taught to care for their siblings, cousins, and other family members. Additionally, Angel expressed a sense of disappointment, feeling as though she had let her grandmother and mother down by not having more children. According to Angel:

My grandmother and my mother expected me and my sisters to have lots of children like everyone else did. My grandmother had 11 kids. So, we were supposed to carry on the family legacy. Raising children was a sense of accomplishment. That’s just how we were raised. There was always a baby to take care of, or I had to watch my sisters.

Brenda explained:

The women in my family, my aunts and grandmother and mother, they all taught me how to be a mother. As a teenage girl, I was expected to take care of the younger ones. Once I got married, they were waiting for me to get pregnant.

Mary, Olivia, and Shelby expressed a bit of shock when I asked this question, as if I already knew the answer. Mary, who chose not to inform her family of her infertility issues, stated:

Of course I was expected to have babies, aren’t all women…my grandmother had 12 kids…she would say things like I sure wish you would have a baby of your own and your baby will be so pretty.

Shelby also added:

Absolutely! I came from a large family and there was an expectation that we would all have kids. I mean my grandmother had 15…we wanted our own child…and my husband came from a large family. Not being able to get pregnant was like “what you mean you can’t get pregnant?”

Although Brandy did not feel pressure from her family, she still experienced expectations from within the African American community, particularly at church. Brandy shared:

Oh yes! I was expected to have kids and looked upon as strange that I didn’t. When I would go home to visit and attend church, people would ask “where’s your husband?” and “when are y’all gonna have some babies?”

Conversely, Janet and Tracy did not want kids until the ability was taken away from them. Once they lost control of the ability to choose to have a child, their desire to become mothers became even more intense. Janet shared:

I know it’s strange, but I never really wanted children. I didn’t feel any pressure from my family. When I didn’t get pregnant, I was concerned, scared and heartbroken. It is one thing to choose not too but it’s totally different when you can’t.

Tracy offered:

I honestly didn’t want kids, and I didn’t necessarily feel like there was an expectation. But you know, my dad would say things like he really wanted a grandbaby from me…I cry sometimes because it hits me that I can’t have a baby.

Similarly, Tammy said that while she never wanted kids, she did feel societal pressure because her mother would make innuendoes. Tammy shared:

I never thought about being a mom. I never thought about being married. I never really played with Barbie dolls. I like stuffed animals, but I never really liked dolls. I don’t feel like I’ve lost some life-long dream or expectation. Maybe a societal expectation…

We got a cat in October, and my mom said oh well you can’t let the cat get in bed because when you guys have a kid there won’t be room for a cat.

Participants also discussed perceptions of adoption within the African American community. Shelby noted that adoption can be viewed as culturally complicated, stating that “it’s a cultural issue in the Black community, we don’t adopt we have our own kids.” Tammy also discussed adoption in the Black community and the surprise she encountered in the adoption process. Tammy explained:

It’s interesting in the Black community when you talk about the word adoption. The word adoption is not a common word although we do it a lot in our community. Those are not your biological children those are your sister’s kids but it’s ok because they’re family.

But we don’t really talk about adoption.

These narratives illustrate how expectations surrounding motherhood were reinforced through family relationships, community norms, and cultural beliefs. Whether or not participants initially desired children, infertility often intensified feelings of loss, disappointment, or social scrutiny when motherhood expectations could not be fulfilled. These accounts demonstrate how infertility challenged culturally embedded expectations surrounding motherhood within participants’ families and communities.

Emotional Distress in Loved Ones

Conversely, while participants expressed that much of the focus was on their own struggles with infertility, their family members and significant others also experienced emotional distress. Shelby shared that her mother “became detached because she could not help me.” Despite their close relationship, Shelby explained that, over time, her mother stopped discussing her infertility challenges.

Similarly, Brenda described how her husband also avoided talking about his feelings regarding their inability to conceive. She recalled:

My husband and I were very happy, but I could see in his face his pain. He was older than I am, so everybody was looking at him and asking him, ‘When are y’all going to have some children?’ He never told me this, though, but his mom told me. So, I had a double-edged sword because his mother was saying that I was a failure because they know it’s not him, and he is suffering, and he hasn’t told me.

Tammy also expressed surprise at discovering that her fiancé was “privately sad” about her inability to conceive. Although she had long been aware of her fertility challenges, it was a new and unexpected reality for him. As a result, she felt a responsibility to support him through his emotions. The pressure to remain silent about infertility was further reinforced by cultural expectations within the African American community. Nancy emphasized this by stating, “We (Blacks) don’t discuss infertility.” Brenda echoed this sentiment, explaining:

Let me tell you, at that time, I don’t know if you know, but at that time if you could not have a child, you were ostracized in the (Black) community. People were forever asking you, ‘What are you waiting on?’ and I couldn’t tell them that I’m trying or I can’t.

Participants’ narratives suggest that infertility was often accompanied by silence within families and communities. Several participants described how loved ones struggled emotionally but rarely expressed those feelings openly. These accounts illustrate how infertility affected not only the participants themselves but also their relationships with partners and family members. Participants frequently described navigating their own emotional experiences while also managing the unspoken emotional responses of those closest to them.

Implications for Human Resource Development (HRD)

This study provides valuable insights for the field of Human Resource Development (HRD). As a practice-oriented field, HRD focuses on enhancing human expertise and organizational performance through training and development (Swanson & Holton, 2001). With globalization driving demographic shifts in the workforce, there is a growing need to address the diverse needs of employees.

The findings underscore the importance of viewing work-life balance and work-life harmony holistically as a shared responsibility between employers and employees. Kahnweiler (2008) emphasized the need for HRD professionals to take a more active role in work-life initiatives. The findings highlight the importance of recognizing infertility as both a personal and workplace issue that can influence employee well-being, engagement, and professional identity. HRD practitioners can use these findings to develop and implement work-life policies that specifically address the needs of women of color experiencing infertility. Additionally, the study highlights the importance of training organizational leaders to empathize with and support employees facing infertility challenges.

Implications for Policy

The absence of ethnic minority perspectives in work-life balance scholarship reflects a lack of awareness among policymakers regarding how diverse populations navigate work and family life (Kamenou, 2008). This study’s findings provide a foundation for exploring how varied family structures, such as same-sex partnerships and single-parent households, approach work-life balance. Effective policies must align with organizational goals while connecting employees to resources at local, state, and national levels to foster work-life balance and well-being.

Policymakers have yet to mandate employer-sponsored infertility insurance coverage at the federal level. Currently, only 15 states require some form of infertility coverage, but these benefits are often limited and fail to address the high costs of fertility treatments. This gap in coverage has led to lawsuits citing wrongful termination or lack of coverage for infertility-related absences (Hayes, 2010). The findings from this study can inform efforts to educate policymakers and advocate for expanded insurance coverage that includes fertility treatments.

Additionally, infertility is recognized as a disability under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) because it substantially limits the major life activity of reproduction. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) also recognizes infertility as an ADA-covered disability and includes it within its monitoring of pregnancy discrimination laws. The policy frameworks highlight the need for organizations to develop clearer workplace protections and accommodations for employees experiencing infertility. The findings from this study can therefore support HRD practitioners in developing training programs that educate employers on relevant public policies and foster a supportive workplace culture.

Implications for Practice

Practically, the insights shared by these participants underscore the need for culturally responsive healthcare, and workplace policies that acknowledge reproductive and emotional labor, as well as counseling interventions that address the emotional realities of African American women. Further, the findings reveal important implications for professional and leadership development within organizations. For example, one strategy involves implementing reverse mentoring programs (to an extent that does not overly tax the employees) where junior or underrepresented employees are paired with senior leadership to foster greater awareness of the unique challenges African American women face, including infertility and identity negotiation. Such initiatives can promote empathy, inclusive leadership, and psychological safety across organizational levels (Chaudhuri & Ghosh, 2012).

Additionally, expanding Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs; employer-sponsored initiatives designed to help employees address personal challenges that affect their work performance) grounded in the frameworks of intersectionality and emotional literacy can encourage leaders to recognize how overlapping social identities and emotional experiences shape women’s professional lives, and promote more compassionate and equitable work cultures. While many EAPs offer support for family planning and adoption, few provide resources for women dealing with infertility. This study highlights the need for reproductive assistance services within EAPs, including:

By addressing these gaps, organizations can create more supportive workplace environments that acknowledge infertility as a legitimate life and career challenge rather than a private issue employees must manage alone.

This study positions emotional literacy as both an analytic framework and a site of agency, offering a more nuanced understanding of how African American women interpret, endure, and survive infertility within equitable systems. As such, HRD practitioners can use these insights to collaborate with organizations in designing and implementing work-life policies that address the unique needs of women experiencing infertility.

Implications for Theory

Despite growing interest in work-life balance and infertility, there is a lack of theories that incorporate contextual factors like culture, race, and gender into conceptual frameworks. This study examined how race and gender intersect to shape the infertility experiences of African American women and their approach to work-life balance, through the lens of emotional literacy. The findings contribute toward a conceptual understanding of how infertility experiences among African American women are shaped by the intersection of race, gender, cultural expectations, and workplace structures. Collectively, the findings contribute to HRD scholarship by extending intersectionality beyond descriptive identity categories toward an analytic focus on lived emotional processes. The findings show how race, gender, class, and professional roles intersect to shape not only access to reproductive care, but also meaning making, coping strategies, and perceptions of legitimacy, and support within infertility experiences. By foregrounding emotional literacy, this study advances theoretical understanding of how intersectional positioning produces distinct emotional demands and forms of emotional knowledge that remain largely invisible in dominant infertility research, which has historically centered White, middle-class women in biomedical framings.

Limitations

As with all research studies, this study is not free from limitations. First, the findings are not intended to represent the experiences of all African American women facing infertility or its influence on their work-life balance and harmony. Rather, the study provides insight into the perceived barriers, contributors, and coping strategies reported by the participants in this sample. The participants also reflected on traumatic experiences that occurred years prior to the interviews. As a result, some recollections may have been influenced by the passage of time and the retrospective nature of recall.

Second, this study was not designed as a comparative analysis between African American women and other women from other racial groups. Instead, the rich descriptive narratives captured the essence of their experiences as told from the perspective of African American women. Additionally, the sample size and geographic concentration of participants limit the generalizability of the findings to broader populations. While phenomenological research prioritizes depth of experience over generalizability, future studies could expand the scope of inquiry by including participants from diverse geographic regions and occupational contexts.

Recommendations for Future Research

Future research may benefit from examining how infertility experiences intersect with organizational cultures, workplace policies, and leadership practices, particularly within professions where expectations surrounding productivity, caregiving, and professional identity may intensify the emotional demands associated with infertility. Exploring these dynamics could provide deeper insight into how workplace environments influence the ways individuals navigate infertility while maintaining professional responsibilities and identities.

Additionally, this study highlights opportunities for expanding research on contextual influences related to infertility and work-life balance among underrepresented populations. While the present study focused on the experiences of African American women, future research could explore the perspectives of African American men, whose voices remain largely absent from the infertility literature. Their experiences—as partners supporting women through infertility or as individuals facing infertility themselves—could provide important insights into gendered expectations, relational dynamics, and coping strategies.

Further research could also extend this line of inquiry to other social groups, including Hispanic and Asian populations, same-sex partners, and single women pursuing parenthood. Examining infertility across diverse cultural contexts and family structures may deepen understanding of how social norms, identity, and workplace environments shape infertility experiences and work-life balance.