Invisible work in women's academic careers

1. Introduction

There is no doubt that the current socio-legal situation of women in science remains much better than it used to be, although some problems such as, among others, the slower career progression of women despite long academic careers, the marginalisation of women in professions considered to be male, unequal access to research grants, or the low presence of women in higher positions in the academic hierarchy still remain unresolved. ¹ There is also no doubt that professional work is important for every person because it is the main source of income. Professional work often becomes a passion and a contribution to the development of a professional career, understood in the colloquial sense as: the mobility of the employee manifested in achieving an increasingly senior professional position, associated with the acquisition of new roles and financial and material benefits, as well as growing professional prestige. ² It is slightly different in the case of academic work, which is characterised primarily by intense intellectual activity, in which both women and men should engage equally, with the exception that the social roles played by women and men often make this equal engagement difficult to achieve. ³ Women who are academics and at the same time hold the role of parent, caregiver, spouse or housekeeper face significant burdens due to the need to combine professional work with family or household responsibilities, doing so-called invisible work that directly affects both the pace and further development of their professional and academic careers. At the same time, invisibility here is a symbolic concept, for it defines work that one does not actually see, although its effects are visible, and which remains strongly linked to the individual's life situation and includes precisely domestic, caring, child-rearing or educational duties. With that said, the invisible (unpaid) work not only consists of the aforementioned household duties; it is also the work done for the academic community, time-consuming and undervalued work that remains mainly the burden of women in the academic community.

The Covid-19 pandemic has put academic work to the test. Due to the necessary change in the way work (teaching, research and organisational) is performed with the introduction of remote working, which still remains a challenge for academic teachers, there has been a shake-up of the concept of work-life balance developed in labour law, as well as spotlight shone on the problems that have long existed, specifically relating to the phenomenon of invisible work or gender inequality in academic employment. At the same time, the introduction of remote working has generated the need to perform a number of entirely new duties, with which employers have burdened teaching employees in particular, exposing the problem of remaining in constant readiness and availability for work. At the same time, doubts in respect of the evaluation of academic work and the lack of legal solutions regulating the impact of employee absence from work (in cases of parental leave and, in the era of the Covid-19 pandemic, absence caused by the need to provide care) on the evaluation of the quality of academic activity have grown significantly. As studies ⁴ illustrate, the burden of caring and performing additional duties has rested primarily on the shoulders of women, which in turn has impacted on the number of articles written, research conducted or grant proposals submitted, with the result that women scientists have ‘fallen out of the game.’ The pandemic period has further highlighted the division of roles and the discrepancy between the declared and actual equality between women and men, and has deepened gender divisions in higher education. ⁵

This article looks at the legal and social aspects of women's performance in higher education and science, as well as the issue of the impact of invisible work on women's academic careers in today's world, which has changed significantly since the Covid-19 pandemic, in particular.

2. Is work-life blending possible form academics?

Finding a work-life balance, let alone engaging equally in both spheres of life, is not a simple task. The amount of time devoted to professional and private activities remains variable and depends on age, gender, education, timing and family situations. A universal model of balance does not exist, and matching requirements with work and family often means reducing mismatches. ⁶ The concept of balance speaks to the need for balance in many areas of life. This means that a woman may forgo a promotion until her children are in elementary school. She may work part-time to care for her ageing parents. She may take a lower-paying job closer to home to balance the many demands and priorities in her life at any given time. ⁷ But in fact, this work-life balance concept, which is well-established in labour law, is based on the choices an employee makes to reconcile the roles (professional and private) he or she pursues at a particular point in his or her life. The need to make such choices makes these two spheres of life competitive with each other. Work-family conflict among academics has a distinct gender bias, with women bearing the hardship of balancing family responsibilities and research work. ⁸ Studies from universities in Italy and the US indicate that female academics feel the pressure of being compared to other academics who are not burdened with caregiving duties. ⁹

Gender disparities were present in the academic world long before the Covid-19 pandemic, ¹⁰ but it was the pandemic that, by introducing, among other things, remote work, shattered the hitherto existing boundary between work and private life, bringing with it the need to integrate the two spaces (work-life integration), ¹¹ or even - depending on need – to merge them; by indicating the interpenetration of private and professional life (work-life blending), ¹² it does not put them in opposition to each other. During the pandemic, the concept of work-life balance was reduced to a state of integration and even mixing of professional and family life in accordance with the idea that the division of the world into private and public spheres is arbitrary and false because one constantly intertwines with the other. ¹³ This is also true for women in academia, as the actual invisible workload and societal perceptions about the more limited availability of women scientists (who are mothers or caregivers) means that these women actually miss out on a significant number of professional development opportunities, are less academically mobile, and participate less than men in international collaborations. ¹⁴ With the Covid-19 pandemic, unfortunately, these disparities have increased further. The closure of childcare and educational facilities, the introduction of remote education, and the impediments to institutional medical care have led mainly women to take over the responsibility of caring for children and sick family members, ¹⁵ which has made it much more difficult for them to perform their professional duties. A study in Germany found that despite the slight changes that occurred in the distribution of additional childcare by parents, mothers still performed significantly more unpaid work during the pandemic than fathers, and the distribution of household work did not change. ¹⁶ In the case of women employed in academic institutions, this primarily meant difficulties in maintaining the desired level of academic productivity, and a lack of sufficient time for research and academic activities. ¹⁷ What became clear, during the pandemic, was that academic work is incompatible with full-time childrearing, when career advancement is based on the number and quality of a person's academic publications and their ability to raise funds for research projects. ¹⁸ In this profession, time, silence and concentration are crucial to accomplishing these tasks. These conditions are hard to find where the work-family space is not separated.

During the pandemic, the strategy for coping with professional responsibilities was mainly to prioritise teaching at the expense of focusing on one's own research. At the same time, teaching in the era of Covid-19 had a variety of dimensions and involved not only teaching online, but also mentoring students or preparing (recording) lectures, which are very time-consuming activities. At the same time, it is important to remember that teaching duties are an important part of academic work but they do not count for much (either in the Italian or American systems) when it comes to promotion. ¹⁹ This focus on teaching during the pandemic, the research shows, was not only a consequence of individual choices (especially among women) but also deliberate institutional decisions and academic policies. The transfer of all teaching activities online, without the provision of technical support and a reduction in teaching hours, according to research conducted among Italian academics, led to academic mothers completely shifting the focus of their activities and devoting a large part of their attention to teaching duties, setting aside research, which had ramifications for their careers. This also affected perceptions among academic mothers regarding the future, and revealed the rivalry occurring in the community with academic fathers or peers who do not have caregiving responsibilities. ²⁰ Also in Poland at the time of the pandemic, the priority for most of the academic mothers surveyed was teaching online, ²¹ and despite the fact that in the Polish system teaching duties are an important part of the work of academics employed in the research and teaching group but are not regarded as being of value for academic promotion, women, at the expense of their own research, were significantly involved in teaching work.

The literature proposes measures that universities could take to solve the problems associated with combining academic work and the simultaneous performance of caregiving duties by employees. It is therefore proposed that universities provide funds to allow parents to travel to conferences and require departments to introduce family-friendly hours. In addition, it is pointed out that universities could provide more support for hiring partners, both within and outside universities. Employment packages for parents could include guaranteed places for employees’ children in high-quality childcare institutions (facilities), or even the provision of on-site childcare, with enough capacity to meet demand on campus. ²²

The proposed solutions seem to be the most appropriate and are targeted mainly at women, because according to research (carried out in Poland ²³ and in other countries), ²⁴ women spend more time than men doing household chores and caring for dependent people, including children, which in the highly competitive academic community does not ensure job ²⁵ security, and is a considerable challenge for them. It should not be forgotten that European Union Member States, including Poland, had until August 2022 to adapt their national legislation to the new legal instrument of the European Union – Directive (EU) 2019/1158 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20.06.2019, on work-life balance for parents and caregivers and repealing Council Directive 2010/18/EU. ²⁶ The main aim of EU regulation is to achieve equality between women and men in terms of labour market opportunities and to make it easier for working parents and carers to reconcile work and family life. The need to introduce such solutions is also necessary in the science and higher education sectors, where – as in society as a whole – there are significant gender differences, for example in the division of duties. Nevertheless, it seems that a real chance to implement the concept of work-life balance, to ensure that female academics develop in their careers and have equal access to career advancement, should begin with the internal actions of each university. Each university must recognise the problem of invisible work in academia and, as a consequence, come up with its own solutions (policies, practices, guidelines) based on existing legislation.

3. About invisible work in higher education

As can be seen from the above considerations, unpaid work – mainly in the domestic space, but also in the care, upbringing and educational space ²⁷ – primarily concerns women and is treated as a natural part of their social role. The phenomenon of invisible (unpaid) labour has long been studied by sociologists pointing to the social contract of gender and not embedding the concept in legal categories related to professional activity. ²⁸ Invisible work does not generate income for the household, is not counted in GDP, and thus is not appreciated either materially or socially. It is seen as entirely voluntary work, thereby falling outside any legal structure.

However, unpaid (invisible) work is not limited solely to domestic and care spaces. Invisible work also includes activities performed as part of paid employment. In response to (explicit or implicit) employer requirements, employees perform tasks that are necessary to generate income, obtain or maintain employment, and advance their careers. Unfortunately, these types of (invisible) tasks are often overlooked, ignored and/or devalued by employers, consumers, employees and, ultimately, by the legal system itself. ²⁹

In the science and higher education sectors, invisible work encompasses a whole range of work that, while absorbing, receives little recognition or consideration in promotion competitions. ³⁰ This work includes, but is not limited to, teaching and mentoring students, participating in university committee meetings, or other service work done for the university community. These responsibilities are sometimes referred to as academic housekeeping. ³¹ This phenomenon is seen as an historical remnant based on a gendered division of labour that dates back to pre-industrial times, when women were largely excluded from wage labour and confined to domestic work. ³²

Swedish researcher Sara Kalm discusses the phenomenon of academic housekeeping at great length, pointing out, among other things, that these are tasks within university departments that are low-status, time-consuming and largely invisible, but which remain necessary. The author notes that women perform a disproportionate share of them. ³³ Studies conducted mainly in the United States and Canada clearly indicate that women have, on average, more teaching responsibilities than men. ³⁴ Women are also disproportionately burdened with service responsibilities compared men. ³⁵ Universities, like many other organisations, are gendered institutions, ³⁶ which among other things means that they have reward structures that are gendered: duties associated with caring (such as teaching and mentoring) are largely delegated to women; whereas innovation and leadership are perceived as masculine activities. At the same time, the structure of rewarding in universities assigns much greater importance to precisely these ‘male’ activities. According to the research, it is people with the lowest position, poor social status and low support who are most disadvantaged in the assigning of academic housekeeping tasks in the academic environment. ³⁷ Although few studies have been conducted on the subject, the results of those completed show that the phenomenon of academic management exists, is a source of inequality and directly contributes to the pace and development of careers in the academic world. ³⁸

The phenomenon of the invisibility of women in science, in a completely different respect, is evidenced by the situation of female scientists in STEM fields (science, technology, engineering, mathematics), who, in order to remain in the male world of science in the past, took up research work as ‘invisible helpers’, tacitly agreeing to the legitimisation of their research by men. ³⁹ Fortunately, there is no place for such practices in the modern world of science, although the predominance of men in science and technology more broadly still remains a fact. The monopoly enjoyed by men in the field of machinery and technical equipment operation means there are fewer career opportunities for women in the sciences.

4. Glass ceiling in higher education

Burdening women with additional invisible work has a direct impact on their career development. In the academic environment, reaching the next stages of an academic career is often associated with taking successively more senior positions. Unfortunately, a problematic issue in internal promotion competitions remains the vague wording regarding, for example, having an adequate academic record, which in turn translates into a longer route to promotion to a more senior position in higher education. Despite many measures being taken in the labour market for gender equality, there is still a gap between the treatment of men and women in employment. ⁴⁰ It should be stressed that equal opportunities for women and men and counteracting discrimination in the labour market is one of the fundamental horizontal principles in the EU. This principle derives from Article 3 of the EU Treaty, which indicates that in its activities the European Union shall combat social exclusion and discrimination, and shall promote social justice and protection, equal opportunities for women and men, solidarity between generations, and the protection of the rights of children. Moreover, according to the EU Gender Strategy 2020–2025, there is an obligation for institutions applying for grants in the new Horizon Europe programme to develop gender equality plans.

In April 2022, the ‘Women at polytechnics 2021’ report ⁴¹ was published, which shows that there are large differences between the genders at Polish universities. At public technical universities, only 34% of academic teachers in 2021 were women (the rate for all public universities is 48%). For non-private technical universities, the proportion of women academics was 45%. However, when it comes to obtaining higher degrees and titles, the report clearly shows that more men than women get them.

Women's significantly reduced chances of reaching the highest rung of the academic career ladder, namely, a professorial appointment, is described using the concept of a ‘glass ceiling.’ The term ‘glass ceiling’ was first used in 1986 by Wall Street Journal reporters, ⁴² and denotes the existence of invisible, obstructive obstacles to promotions that stand in the professional path of women. While women recognise the possibility of advancement and theoretically possess it, they cannot achieve it precisely because of an invisible barrier that is often impossible to break through. The ‘Women at Polytechnics 2021’ report indicates that the glass ceiling index (GCI) shows the diminished chances of women achieving the highest position in the academic hierarchy. A Glass Ceiling Index value of 1 means that women and men are equally likely to achieve the highest academic degrees. In contrast, the higher the value of the index, the more difficult the situation for women; that is, the ‘thicker’ the glass ceiling, the stronger the so-called vertical segregation of the genders. While the glass ceiling index was 1.76 at all public universities in 2020, it was 2 at technical universities. It is even more difficult for women employed at non-private universities with a technical profile to obtain the title of professor (GCI = 2.36). ⁴³ The aforementioned report also shows that women who conduct research in engineering and technical sciences are at a disadvantage compared to men. Across all academic institutions, they make up only 28% of the academic staff, and their number among professors is twice as low. Among the various disciplines belonging to the field of engineering and technical sciences, female scientists in architecture and urban planning are the most likely to become professors, while those in chemical engineering are least likely to do so, where the gender ratio is balanced (women account for 47% of all scientists). In contrast, in automation, electronics and electrical engineering, where the percentage of female scientists is the lowest, the glass ceiling index is quite favourable for female scientists compared to other disciplines. ⁴⁴ Disparities in women's employment in engineering sciences are also evident in other countries. A study in the United States found that 15.7% of those working in architecture and engineering were women, while of those working in civil engineering, women accounted for 13.9% in 2019. ⁴⁵

The available data show that the majority of deans at Polish universities are men, while women are rarely employed in such positions. There are far more women in vice chancellor positions, but chancellors are, with few exceptions, mostly men. In addition, there are still universities where there is not a single woman in top management. ⁴⁶

Sociologists also use the term ‘glass escalator’ to describe the phenomenon of men being elevated to senior academic positions more often than women. ⁴⁷ Renata Siemieńska and Renata Zimmer note the relevant factors in the promotion of men at universities, inherent in the network of mutual contacts and male solidarity, which include the so-called ‘cool attitude’ (towards women), the network of invisible colleagues (helping with various issues) and good buddies (men promoting men). ⁴⁸

5. Summary

In higher education, invisible work encompasses a whole range of jobs that, while absorbing, receive little recognition or consideration in promotion competitions. In particular, this applies to all broadly defined service work done for the academic community. The invisible work involved in the professional activities of people - and especially women - employed in science and higher education should be noted. A conscious acknowledgment that this work is actually being done would allow it to be included in the guidelines for promotion rules, and thus count towards the criteria for academic excellence. In some American universities and research institutes, such methods are used, which consist precisely of consciously and evenly allocating responsibilities, including services rendered to the academic community in internal promotion rules and allowing employees to determine to what extent (percentage of their academic work) they want to devote themselves to these activities. ⁴⁹

Employment in specific positions in higher education is related to the attainment of degrees and titles, as well as additional promotion criteria adopted by the authorities of individual universities. Scientific knowledge is meant to serve everyone, so it should be co-created by women and men. Increasing women's participation in science, among other things, precisely by relieving them of a number of invisible jobs is a matter not only of social justice, but also of pragmatics. The purpose of the principle of equal opportunities for women and men is to provide access to resources, activities and opportunities in such a way that each person has equal access and opportunities in seeking to achieve their aspirations in their professional and social lives. Equal access to resources, equal treatment, equal remuneration, opportunities and possibilities are the target state, ⁵⁰ which should be implemented in every higher education institution through appropriate internal procedures. This is because it is necessary to take measures to ensure not only de jure equality, i.e., in terms of the applicable law, but above all de facto equality, i.e., a situation where women and men have the same opportunities for professional activity and development in this area.

Human resource management involves periodic evaluation of academic staff, which should be as objective as possible, and carried out systematically over a specified period of time according to previously known qualitative and/or quantitative criteria. The study indicates that regardless of the field of science, women's publishing efficiency depends not so much on biological sex, but on age and their cultural capital and family responsibilities. The highest publication activity among women occurs between the ages of 40 and 60, scarcely differing from that of men during the same period. ⁵¹ In addition, it should also be borne in mind that academic teachers who have children are more burdened with the additional responsibilities of performing a number of care and educational duties towards them. These issues should be treated as a certain part of academic life that simply exists, and should not be an obstacle to an academic career. For many years, the right solutions have been sought to help reconcile work and private life. However, constantly changing working conditions, including those related to the development of new technologies and the intensification of labour control, are forcing a remodeling of the existing work-life balance policy. That said, one should not forget about the specifics of academic work, which, in order to be done effectively, cannot be blended with home space. It is also important that in the end, in the promotion competitions, work with students and popularisation activities, which are performed mostly by women, are definitely more appreciated. Despite the fact that they remain extremely important, unfortunately, they are still not very visible during the promotion or parametric assessment of the universities themselves. Teaching is traditionally perceived mainly as a female occupation, and this tendency also extends to work at the university level. Unfortunately, the fact that a female scientist has achieved a higher level of educational attainment, and even further academic career development, does not change the perception of her role mainly through the prism of gender.