Abstract
This article discusses how early curriculum resources available to all school children in New Zealand attempted to shape children’s attitudes to the First World War. The study reviewed issues of the New Zealand School Journal between the years 1907 and 1925. It found evidence of overt and covert attempts to influence children’s attitudes towards the Great War. In particular, the School Journals perpetuated the masculine ideals essential for the making of a soldier and the creation of ‘war ready men’. They reinforced a patriotic ideal and duty to Empire as well as introducing a strong sense of nationhood through the creation of a new Anzac identity.
Keywords
Introduction
This article explores the way in which the New Zealand School Journal, during the years 1907–1925, cultivated a masculine identity, both prior to and during the First World War. The School Journal was first published in New Zealand in 1907 as a way to provide access to New Zealand content across the curriculum (O’Brien, 2007). It aligned with the topics in the school syllabus, which were heavily influenced by New Zealand’s links to the British Empire. O’Brien (2007) notes that the School Journal served an important role in fostering imperial ‘colonial values’ (p.13).
The School Journal provides a rich data source to explore how different curricular topics were viewed at any one time and how they developed and changed over time. This article has taken the theme of masculinity and investigated how a masculine identity was constructed through these curriculum support materials. The findings revealed an overt curriculum with a clear purpose to promote imperialism, nationalism and militarism. A large focus was also on the construction of the masculine ideal, which was heavily linked with the celebration of war. In the years before, during and after the First World War, the School Journals clearly conveyed ideals required for ‘the making of a soldier’. 1
School Journals were issued 10 times per year (February–November, to match the school year). They were also prepared for different levels of the school. Part 1 journals were for junior primary (5- to 6-year-olds) through to Part 4 for senior primary (11- to 12-year-olds).
The research method for this study comprised close reading and thematic analysis of material from 42 individual journal issues across the 18-year time frame of 1907–1925. After identifying items (from poems, fiction stories, non-fiction articles, plays and illustrations), each item was coded for initial themes. These were then aggregated into categories, which were collapsed into conceptual themes. The following themes emerged: (a) imperialism, national identity and duty to Empire; (b) heroism – Anzacs and the masculine ideal; and (c) open propaganda associated with turning boys into men. Relevant examples have been selected from the examined items and arranged in chronological order to provide both the historical context of New Zealand at this time and the evolution of a new, masculine identity. The discussion of the themes is supported by material from a review of the relevant literature.
First World War: Empire and society
Participation in the First World War had a profound effect on New Zealand society, infusing New Zealand’s new national identity with a strong patriotic ideal. Patriotism and nationalism were closely linked to the notion of soldierhood (Eldred-Grigg, 2010).
The war occurred in a period of rapid transformation of New Zealand society. In 1907, New Zealand became a self-governing dominion of the British Empire, rather than a colony. It was still closely tied to the workings of the Empire (Loveridge, 2014). As a result, at the time of the war, New Zealand’s collective identity was primarily based on the imperialistic values of Great Britain. These values dictated New Zealand’s loyalty and patriotism to the Empire and also allowed for a unified identity within that of the British Empire.
The School Journal shows the high status Great Britain had in New Zealand throughout the twentieth century through its coverage of celebrations such as Empire Day. Devotion to the Empire was linked to strengthening social militarism, which heightened the sense of military spirit that was deeply rooted in perceptions of self-glorification and national pride (Fenton, 2014; Loveridge, 2014). These values were reinforced in the School Journals of the time.
Entry into the war allowed New Zealand to recognise its colonial heritage and articulate its strong association with Great Britain and their place within the Empire (Bibbings, 2003; Collins, 2012; Fenton, 2014; Flothow, 2007; Loveridge, 2014; Wright, 2010). Citizens were eager to stand by Britain and do their part (Fenton, 2014). An early cartoon in the New Zealand Free Lance newspaper typifies the New Zealand soldier’s allegiance to the Empire and sense of patriotic duty. It shows New Zealand’s Premier Massey farewelling young New Zealanders off to war (portrayed as British lions in New Zealand soldiers’ uniforms) with the caption, ‘Off to the Old Chap’s aid’ (New Zealand Free Lance, 1914: 3).
Masculinity and the ‘making of a soldier’
In addition to being instrumental in constructing a national identity, patriotism and nationalism played an important part in the construction of soldierhood and a strong New Zealand masculine identity. Soldiers were cast as embodying the high principles and typical characteristics of the society they fought for. The resulting image presented a soldier in uniform as an everyday man who was made a hero by fighting for a larger cause (Loveridge, 2014).
New Zealand’s sense of nationhood was clearly ‘forged by war’ (Eldred-Grigg, 2010: 462). While the sense of nationhood that rose from the battlefields was originally based on the loyalty felt towards the Empire, the creation of the ANZACs (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps), the landing in Gallipoli and the Gallipoli Campaign itself were turning points in the creation of a shift in national identity and the formation of a new nationhood for New Zealanders (Eldred-Grigg, 2010; Wilson, 2013; Wright, 2010).
The landing of the ANZAC troops in Gallipoli meant soldiers were physically distanced from their homeland and became identifiable as different from soldiers of other nations (Kundu, 2009). New Zealand soldiers even identified as different from soldiers of other allied countries, and it is argued that this spurred the recognition of a separate, ‘Kiwi’ Anzac identity (Kundu, 2009).
While the landing at Gallipoli represented New Zealand evolving as a separate, independent country, the Anzac campaign also played a prominent role in the creation of a new masculine ideal (Eldred-Grigg, 2010). Men who fought at Gallipoli embodied typical New Zealand masculine traits such as courage, strength, stoicism while retaining a sense of humour and egalitarianism (Loveridge, 2014). The legend of Gallipoli effectively portrayed New Zealand soldiers as male heroes, as our ‘bold boys who embodied these typical masculine traits’ (Eldred-Grigg, 2010: 140).
Analysis of the
School Journal
, 1907–1925
National identity, duty and the empire
Children’s literature and curriculum materials published before, during and after the Great War were instrumental in constructing children’s attitudes about war both overtly and subtly (Collins, 2012; Galway, 2012). Children’s literature often communicated ‘what the war is, what it is like, what it means, and what its consequences are’ (Meek, 2001: xv).
Before and at the time of the Great War, war propaganda in children’s literature was riddled with patriotic and nationalist sentiments (Collins, 2012; Dunae 1980; Paris, 2004). These glorified Great Britain and the Empire as strong and victorious, ensuring that a sense of superiority in national and British identity was achieved (Collins, 2012; Paris, 2004).
The New Zealand School Journal content echoed the patriotic sentiments endemic in children’s literature of the time. The School Journal was heavily loaded with imperialist ideology which deliberately dictated ideas to students about ‘international relations, and in particular, duties of subjects in war’ (Malone, 1973: 12).
Paris (2004) suggests that the purpose of war stories in children’s literature was to promote a sense of ‘patriotism, manliness and a sense of duty to Crown and Empire among readers’ (p.xiii). The content in the School Journal had a clear purpose to create a sense of national identity and superiority. It was used as a means to mould the behaviour of students through lessons about discipline and duty (Collins, 2012; Malone, 1973).
This manipulation of patriotism is evident throughout the School Journal. Early articles emphasise the strong ties between New Zealand and Great Britain, and New Zealand’s duty to the Empire, particularly in times of warfare or battle. Themes of patriotism are subtly interwoven into the messages, articles and stories contained in the School Journal, and these work to construct a national identity among readers.
Before the war, patriotic sentiment is particularly emphasised through the recurring message of Empire Day throughout the School Journal (Malone, 1973). These accounts are seen as early as 1908 and 1909. In 1908, the ‘Empire Day Message’ 2 is directly addressed to the students of New Zealand and urges young pupils to ‘recognise their indebtedness to the Empire’. 3 Similarly, in 1909, in ‘An Empire Day Message’, 4 the importance of duty is highlighted. The article reminds students that their freedom is owed to their ‘fathers and predecessors’, 5 and because of this, they must behave in particular ways to do their duty to the Empire. ‘Faith, courage, discipline and duty’ 6 are held as the most important values that students should practise and are seen as essential in order to strengthen the Empire (Malone, 1973).
The messages call for students’ full cooperation in their duty to the Empire. The values that are emphasised in the pre-war years become essential when the British Empire is in most need, during times of war. The value of duty foreshadows the overt construction of masculinity and soldierhood that become more prominent throughout the war years.
Patriotic values are further explored in 1912 in ‘The New Patriot’ 7 which details the key characteristics of patriotism, such as goodwill, dealing with danger, guiding others to their goal and humanity. The poem is directed at young boys (Paris, 2004), giving a sense of the subtle construction of masculinity as associated with war.
It is interesting to note that one of the key elements of patriotism is fraternity; the poem describes a patriotic individual as someone whose ‘dearest flag is brotherhood’. The concepts of fraternity and brotherhood contribute to the ways in which a masculine identity is linked with allegiance and duty and can be seen as the start of the evolving idea of New Zealand masculinity.
The patriotic duty emphasised in the literature also worked to shape young boys into the masculine ethos that was required to be a good soldier (Paris, 2004). The values of patriotism as linked with masculinity were also portrayed throughout the School Journals through the recurring theme of ‘Children of the Empire’. 8 These stories focussed on children’s service, in particular honouring those who had led the nation to freedom, who were mainly men. The first ‘Children of the Empire’ reference appeared in 1910. The poem expresses a clear message of participation in war as equated with masculinity and focused on honouring male soldiers: ‘Your fathers fought and died, that you might stand, a noble band, in honour and pride’. The notion of soldierhood and battle is clear in lines such as ‘that you might do the thing you will – and strike with the arm of might – For justice and freedom’s sake – for country, King and right’.
In 1912, the patriotic celebration of Empire Day continued, in ‘The King’s Birthday and Empire Day’, 9 where the responsibilities of the British Empire are recognised and praised. Masculine ideals were also highlighted to portray the idea of a British hero as ‘one that does good to his fellow men’ 10 and is a man of ‘high character who is strong and clever’.
The messages contained can be seen as a part of an overt curriculum that is working to prepare children for battle to defend their Empire. It provided a specific blueprint for the qualities required to achieve a masculine identity. In particular, it was directed towards boys, as part of the construction of soldier identity (Paris, 2004).
Patriotism and nationalistic attitudes in the School Journal became more prominent during the war years (1914–1918). They instilled ideal masculine qualities in children and reinforced the concept of duty. In 1914, ‘What is a golden deed?’ 11 could be seen as a subtle way to establish the qualities essential to be not only a good citizen but also a good soldier.
A masculine identity was not just related to physical prowess. Obedience played a large part in moulding young men into their soldier identity (Collins, 2012). A ‘golden deed’ required obedience at all costs as ‘this was the essence of a soldier’s life’. The golden deed was performed for the ‘sake of religion, country, duty and kindred and will dare all things, risk all things, endure all things’. In addition to affirming patriotism, the message set up a basic framework for the necessary qualities of a soldier.
As the war drew to a close in 1918, and Britain and the wider Empire gained victory, the celebration of Empire Day in the School Journal was accompanied by a strong sense of triumph and a much more persuasive instruction of patriotism. In 1918, in ‘Empire Day’, 12 the Great Empire was portrayed as having written another ‘glorious chapter of her history, one made glorious by the stirring deeds of her people, many of whom were your own dear fathers, brothers and sisters’. The men who fought in the war were portrayed as heroic and brave individuals who had been fighting in dangerous situations in order to ‘save the world from the powers of evil’. 13
From the 1920s onwards, an imperialistic attitude remained in the School Journals, to remind children how their duty and participation in the war had led the Empire to victory. In 1920, in ‘Empire Day’, 14 children’s efforts were described as imperative in the Empire’s road to victory. A sense of ‘British heroism’ (Flothow, 2007: 147) was cultivated in order to convince children that they too had participated in honourable deeds that had led to New Zealand conquering her foes.
Militaristic and masculine values were also still clearly emphasised in the 1920s, as seen in 1920 in ‘The Happy Warrior’15. The poem suggests the characteristics of a warrior as ‘someone every man should wish to be: diligent, moral, dutiful and honourable’. It is no coincidence that these values also coincide with those associated with patriotism. These masculine characteristics required for soldierhood were echoed in 1923 ‘Empire Day Stories’, 16 in a tribute to a soldier who sacrificed his own life to save another and who was portrayed as ‘a fine soldier because he was a fine man’. 17 It is evident that a masculine identity was crucial to soldier’s identity.
The School Journal perpetuated patriotic ideals and messages that were heavily loaded with a pro-war rhetoric, giving young boys the idea it was their duty to serve their country and the idea that a soldier’s identity could be gained through manifestation of these patriotic characteristics.
Open propaganda: From boys to men
Children’s reading materials played an integral role in the manipulation of New Zealand children, particularly boys, into active participants of the war – in particular, the ‘making of a soldier’ and the hegemonic masculine ideals associated with this (Collins, 2012; Galway, 2012; Meek, 2001; Paris, 2004).
The notion of childhood changed as the war dawned on the Empire (Galway, 2012). Children were no longer passive and naïve, but they were instead active citizens with a specific purpose – to fulfil their duty to New Zealand and the larger Empire. During the war, reading materials reinforced the concept of sacrifice and duty to the Empire as well as the physical, mental and emotional traits of masculinity which were considered essential for a good soldier and male citizen (Collins, 2012). They were a call to arms for men of fighting age, portraying the soldier as heroic and glorifying the adventure of war and the nobility of sacrifice (Bibbings, 2003; Collins, 2012).
Galway (2012) suggests that during times of need, such as war, children were portrayed as ‘ready and willing to serve their nation’ (Galway, 2012: 298, Reynolds, 2009). This is particularly evident in the School Journal, in the ‘Empire Messages’ which call out for children to be ready and able to help out, before and during the war years. This patriotic form of open propaganda presents the idea that the events taking place can empower children (Galway, 2012).
The idea that war could empower young children was mainly addressed to young boys (Paris, 2004). In the School Journal, the focus of many articles remained fixated on the transition of boyhood to manhood and, eventually, to soldierhood. The School Journal presented an image of underage boys as ready and willing to fight as a ‘potent image of masculinity and heroism’ (Galway, 2012: 299). Underage boys were often targeted through open propaganda that stressed the idea that boys should, and would, grow up with the purpose of serving their country (Dunae, 1980; Galway, 2012; Paris, 2004). The School Journal’s focus on this transition allowed for a masculine identity to be associated with soldierhood. The war content in the journals could be seen as an outright attempt to inspire support for the war and worked to manipulate a sense of duty in young boys (Galway, 2012).
One of the earliest examples of this way a masculine identity was forced on young boys in the years preceding the war can be seen in the 1910 article, ‘Boy Wanted’. 18 This article attempted to fix the appropriate gender roles and masculine qualities that were associated with manhood. From the very first line, ‘Wanted – a boy that is manly’, there is a strong emphasis on the value of masculinity. The poem provided an outline for the correct transition from boyhood to manhood. The qualities that boys should develop were outlined: ‘Wanted – a boy that is trusty and true, just, fair, helpful and dependable’. If boys were to develop these qualities, their success as both a male citizen and in the workforce would be ensured. Boys who possessed these qualities would grow into dependable men: ‘These are the boys we depend on, our hope for the future – and when deeds noble and great, or the world’s work await, such boys will then prove to be men’. ‘Boy Wanted’ can be seen as a part of a curriculum which perpetuated the militaristic message that boys must sacrifice themselves for the duty of their country and to keep their nations strong.
In the years leading up to the war, there was also a strong emphasis on what it meant to be a ‘good man’ and the qualities that were deemed necessary to achieve this. The construction of a masculine identity was prevalent before the war began. In 1912, the same militaristic values of 1910s ‘Boy Wanted’ were repeated in ‘The Boys Who Are Wanted’. 19 The lines ‘Boys of skill, muscle, brain and power … are wanted every hour’ illustrate how the poem worked to construct ideal masculine qualities such as physical strength and intelligence. Mental and emotional qualities of nobility and determination were also shown to be important to masculinity, in lines such as ‘Not the idler’s cry “I can’t,” but the nobler one “I’ll try”’. The poem’s message can be seen as a subtle way to teach boys about the imperative embodiment of masculinity and willingness to fight, which later became core aspects of the construction of a soldier identity.
The practice of young boys in warfare also became normalised (Galway, 2012) throughout the School Journal. In pre-war years, the School Journal often included stories about young boys who had been at the front line or who had carried out brave deeds. ‘Brave Bugler Dunn’ 20 told the story of a fight that emerged between the Boers and the British Army only a few years earlier. The main character of the story was the young bugler John Francis Dunn who was only 15 years old. Described as ‘a mere boy with the heart of a man’, this highlighted the overt construction of manhood in young boys.
In this particular fight, the Boers had besieged the town of Ladysmith, and the British soldiers were attempting to break through and advance. The boy, young Bugler Dunn, was the front line with the rest of the army. They were hit by a terrible attack, and the young bugler boy was wounded badly in his arm, yet he continued on until he collapsed. The other officers and captain wrote to his father, also a soldier, to tell him how proud they were of the bugler boy and his ‘gallant conduct’. However, Bugler Dunn’s injuries worsened and he was sent to a hospital in England, where he was visited by Princess Christian, daughter of Queen Victoria, who asked whether there was anything he would like the queen to do for him when he recovered. Bugler Dunn requested he be sent back to the front again. Before he was sent back, Queen Victoria awarded him with a new, silver bugle for his brave deed. Young Bugler Dunn’s story can be seen as a clear promotion of soldierhood for young boys. War was often portrayed as exciting and enticing for the young boy (Bibbings, 2003; Collins, 2012; Dunae, 1980).
In addition to the promotion of war as an adventure, ‘Brave Bugler Dunn’ normalised the idea of boys being part of the front line, as he was only 15. The story also consolidated the message that boys should be ready and willing to serve their country and that this bravery and effort would be rewarded (Flothow, 2007). Bugler Dunn held the key qualities of a good soldier; he was courageous, dutiful and bold. The story also contained one of the most important propaganda messages that the School Journal perpetuated, that boys could help save the nation (Reynolds, 2009).
Throughout the war years 1914–1918, the promotion of duty and courage in young boys was further reinforced. In 1915, the poem ‘Our Heroes’ 21 instructed young boys to ‘stand firm by their manhood’, and by doing so, ‘they will overcome the fight’. 22 This suggests a clear link between the embodiment of masculinity and the empowerment of boys into active, militant men.
This construction of boyhood to manhood was also permeated through the idea of boys’ service to the country. In 1917, in ‘A boy’s resolve’, 23 boys’ duty to the Empire and essential qualities that were needed for the battlefield were shown in the line, ‘For if I love my country, I’ll try to be a man – my country may be proud of, and if I try, I can’. The poem reinforces the main purpose for boys as to grow into a man that is worthy of his country’s title. This is a clear example of the overt curriculum that encouraged boys to sacrifice their lives as a way to prove their manhood and masculinity (Collins, 2012).
In the years after the war, messages directed only at boys become less frequent, yet boys remained the main targets of war propaganda. In years as late as 1924, the essential components of masculinity were still detailed. In 1924, the poem ‘What can a little chap do?’ 24 detailed the way in which young boys could do their country proud. A little boy could ‘fight like a Knight for the truth and right’ and ‘fight the great fight, do with his might what is God’s sight’. The message was continually repeated throughout in this journal issue to demonstrate that to achieve as men, boys must be ready to fight for their country.
Open war propaganda in the journal had a clear objective – to incorporate young boys into zealous, diligent and obedient participants in war. The ideals of a masculine identity were overtly expressed and in such a way that they are seen as the embodiment of soldierhood. The Journal provided a masculine construction inescapable for children. Furthermore, manhood could only be fully achieved when boys embraced the masculine ideals of soldier identity.
Heroism, ANZACs and the masculine ideal
After the war, reading materials mythologised the soldier reinforcing the concept of heroism, honour and sacrifice for the greater good of the nation and Empire (Flothow, 2007).
In addition to the use of open war propaganda, masculine construction in teaching about war can be understood in terms of what Collins (2012) calls the ‘myth of the war experience’ (p.15). War participation in children’s literature was often romanticised and depicted war as thrilling and heroic. This promoted war to young boys and allowed for a masculine identity to be associated with soldierhood (Collins, 2012; Reynolds, 2009). The true horrific nature of the war was masked through the glorifying of the war and the idea that an ideal masculinity could be achieved through war (Collins, 2012; Flothow, 2007). Participation in the war provided a masculine profile that boys could strive to achieve; to be a soldier meant embodying valued characteristics such as ‘adventure, action, purpose, duty, courage and sacrifice’ (Collins, 2012: 15).
The essence of manhood was achieved through the notion of heroism, and the greatest manhood was expressed when men fought and sacrificed themselves for the greater good of their country (Bibbings, 2003). Stories about heroism in children’s literature inspired their support for the war. As Paris (2004: xiii) suggests, such stories involved the exploration of the character of the hero and his response to challenges set by the author. They clearly intended to provide role models through which the young male could negotiate his way to manhood.
The construction of heroism in the New Zealand School Journal can be seen as a strong part of the war propaganda used to encourage support for the war and moulded boys into the ideal masculine characteristics required in a soldier. In pre-war years, mythology often played a strong part in the construction of heroism. In 1913, ‘The Story Alexander the Great’ 25 can be seen as an example of mythology used to inspire militaristic values in pupils. The story described Alexander, the young Greek son of Prince Philip of Greece. As a child, Alexander was described as truthful, kind and just, as well as brave and daring – the essential qualities necessary for a good soldier. Alexander loved stories of Greek heroes and deeds, and so he decided that he too would become a hero.
Alexander’s chance to prove himself came when he was left in charge of his country, with enemies attacking him from all sides. Despite his age, the elders of the country were surprised to find that Alexander led his soldiers well and beat all his foes. After his victory, Alexander became worshipped by all and was crowned King at just 20 years of age. He went on to win many great battles. The story of Alexander the Great worked to show him as a young boy who embodied the essential qualities and masculine prowess required in a soldier; he was bold, courageous and dutiful, and this led him to victory.
As Paris (2004) suggests, main characters in old myths were often young, ordinary boys, faced with great adversity, who embodied typical male characteristics which led them to victory. This type of story not only normalised the participation of young boys in battles but also provided a role model for young boys and a particular masculine framework that boys could aspire to (Bibbings, 2003; Flothow, 2007; Galway, 2012). ‘The child soldier becomes an image of patriotism, heroism and agency as youngsters take it upon themselves to participate in their own defence, and in defence of the broader community’ (Galway, 2012: 300).
The notion of heroism in the School Journal was strongly reinforced through the legend of Gallipoli and Anzac Day celebrations. In 1916, ANZAC soldiers were referred to as ‘the heroes of the Dardanelles’ in ‘The Making of a Solider’. 26 In the years during the war, the legend of Gallipoli played a strong part in the construction of New Zealand’s masculine identity (Eldred-Grigg, 2010).
From 1920 to 1925, the remembrance and commemoration of ANZAC day became a prolific part of the School Journal, which may have been a result of the introduction of Anzac Day as a public holiday in the 1920 Anzac Day Act (McLintock, 1966). The repetition of Anzac Day celebrations in the New Zealand School Journal from 1920 to 1925 can be seen as a way to portray war as a ‘necessary and exciting fight’ (Flothow, 2007). This mediated the way the war was presented to children – glorification of soldiers was a tactic used to downplay the horrific nature of the attack and the many lives that were lost (Flothow, 2007: 147).
The Anzac soldier was a hero who provided a masculine profile that was unique to New Zealand. While the Anzac hero could be seen to represent the evolution of a new, masculine identity, imperialist ideology in the journal ensured that the patriotic duty to the Empire was still rooted firmly in the soldiers’ hearts (Malone, 1973). Soldiers encapsulated a masculine identity that was highly valued at this time and provided a framework of masculinity that young boys and men in New Zealand could strive to achieve. A good soldier was one who exemplified the patriotic values of bravery, duty and sacrifice which were central to New Zealand’s national identity (Malone, 1973).
In 1920, in ‘Anzac Day’, 27 the anniversary of the 1915 landing at Gallipoli is celebrated. The story describes how the men arrived at the shores to attack the enemy. The worship of the Anzac soldiers is clear. Men who fought at Gallipoli were described as ‘some of the finest specimens of manhood that this country has ever produced’.
Anzac soldiers became glorified through their commemoration. Deified as ‘sacred beings’ 28 who ‘walked like kings in old poems’, 29 soldiers who fought at Gallipoli did so with ‘dauntless bravery’ and patriotic duty to prove their loyalty to the Motherland. The Anzac soldiers were described in such a way that they held up ideal masculine characteristics – they were brave, strong and willing to face the hardships that the Dardanelles presented, and they would sacrifice their lives for the greater good of their country. The sacrifice of soldiers in the Anzac campaign is exemplified in 1924, in ‘A-N-Z-A-C’ 30 through the line, ‘Many a brave deed was done, and many a brave life was lost’.
Although the fight at Gallipoli led to a heavy defeat for the ANZACs, this did not matter to the men, who were instead victorious in their ‘Anzac spirit’ (Daley, 2010), which was clearly attributed to their masculine ethos. The Gallipoli legend lived on in the School Journal through constant vigilance in remembrance of the brave men who fought on the shores in Turkey. In 1925, in ‘Heroes in Gallipoli’,
31
this is reiterated: It is with both pride and sorrow that we honour the memory of such men, they willingly suffered pain and misery, and even death itself, in order to save their country. Their glory will never be dimmed, and for all time – At the going down of the sun, and in the morning, we will remember them.
32
The constant commemoration and representation of heroic exploits of such ‘gallant beings’ position the School Journal with a clear motive in teaching about war. Mythology in the School Journal provided boys with examples of male heroes, who held traditional and valued masculine characteristics. In particular, the portrayal of ANZAC soldiers in the School Journal had a clear purpose – to encourage boys into a masculine ethos. The depiction of the soldiers as sacred beings enabled boys to believe that they too could achieve a heroic status through mirroring the qualities of bravery, courage, duty and sacrifice.
Conclusion
Close analysis of the New Zealand School Journals during the years 1907–1925 demonstrates their influence on the ways in which contemporary attitudes towards war were expressed, transmitted and reinforced in schools. In particular, the School Journals perpetuated the masculine ideals essential for the making of a soldier. The School Journals served to reinforce the patriotic ideal and duty to Empire as well as introducing a strong sense of nationhood and creating and fostering a new Anzac identity. This served a practical purpose in as much as it created war-ready men. It consolidated notions of what it meant to be a man, but more importantly what it meant to be a soldier.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.