Abstract
This study analyses the relationships between labour migration and community perceptions of gender relations and roles in Kyrgyzstan, the second-most remittance-dependent economy in the world. Based on 591 surveys and 34 qualitative interviews with adult household members in the At-Bashy rayon, we analysed migration decision-making processes as well as community perceptions of women’s migration, women’s labour patterns, and associations between migration and divorce. We found that migrant women are praised for their economic contributions to their households via remittances, yet also shamed by their communities for withdrawing from traditional gendered practices around child-rearing and marriage. Thus, our evidence suggests that migration contributes to some limited changes in social expectations regarding women’s traditional roles in rural Kyrgyzstan. This article demonstrates the importance of studying relationships between out-migration and gender across migrant and non-migrant households in origin communities.
Introduction
Scholars generally agree that women’s participation in international migration contributes to the transformation of traditional gender roles and norms in migrant-sending societies (Ajay, 2022; Salazar Parreñas, 2001). However, there is less agreement over whether these changes contribute to lasting improvements in gender equity. Some researchers have shown that the feminisation of migration tends to weaken gender discrimination against women (Hofmann & Buckley, 2013). Yet patriarchal norms in established societies are difficult to change and can reassert themselves in new ways when women migrate abroad (Ajay, 2022; Yeoh & Ramdas, 2014).
Using a mixed-mode primary data, we explore whether the feminisation of migration has led to changing gender dynamics and gender equity in this historically patriarchal society from the standpoint of left-behind community members. To do this, we examined, (1) left-behind community members’ perceptions of migration, (2) household decision-making processes, (3) attitudes of women’s migration and (4) the effects on family structures (namely, changing processes of marriage/divorce). Our evidence identifies multiple relationships between migration and community perceptions of gender roles. We found that, while community members commonly claim that migration can contribute to women’s social and economic empowerment, they articulate negative perceptions of women’s migration within their own families which suggests that patriarchal structures are sanctioned and rearticulated in new ways through women’s migration.
The Feminisation of Labour Migration
In Kyrgyzstan, a changing economic and social structure is producing new gendered relationships, with important implications for everyday life. High rates of international migration in search of employment are changing household composition and presenting new intra-household and community gender dynamics.
The contemporary wave of the global ‘feminisation of migration’ began in the 1960s, when women began to play a prominent role in labour migration (Castles et al., 2014). Empirical migration researchers began to pay more attention to women migrants, gender comparisons of the migration experience and gender roles in the migration process (Mahler & Pessar, 2006; Rashid, 2022; Yeoh & Ramdas, 2014). However, feminist geographers and other gender scholars continue to struggle for the inclusion of critical gender analysis in mainstream migration research and theory building (Donato et al., 2017). This article contributes to that effort by examining the relationship between gendered migration trends and changing local gender ideologies.
A substantial body of work has focused on the lives and gendered negotiations of left-behind family members—both male and female—particularly from the developing world (Boyles, 2015; McEvoy et al., 2012; Singh, 2019). Much of this scholarly work investigating the relationship between migration and changing local gender norms has focused on outcomes for women who stay behind when their spouses migrate. This research reveals mixed evidence regarding the effects of male out-migration for gender equity. For example, a study of migration in Mozambique found that left-behind women became responsible for all household and agricultural labour in the absence of their husbands, contributing to feelings of empowerment and improved livelihood resiliency that continued following their husbands’ return (Yabiku et al., 2010). However, other studies have found that male out-migration does not improve the circumstances of left-behind women and may even contribute to the disempowerment of women in vulnerable situations (Handapangoda, 2014; Pandey, 2021). For example, a study of the impacts of male out-migration in Nepal showed increased agricultural labour participation, food security and food self-sufficiency among left-behind women (Pandey, 2021). However, this change in household labour practices did not lead to a change in women’s decision-making in the community or control over household assets (Pandey, 2021). Whether left-behind wives are empowered or disempowered by their husbands’ absences depends on many factors related to both the social context (such as marriage customs, residence practices or women’s participation in the workforce) and individual identities (such as fertility, age, education, ethnicity and others) (Boyles, 2015; McEvoy et al., 2012; Pandey, 2021; Yabiku et al., 2010).
Another strand of scholarship in the field of gender and migration studies asks whether women’s migration contributes to their own empowerment. This body of scholarship has often suggested that women’s participation in migration contributes to greater gender equality by contradicting entrenched gender norms around women’s responsibility for social reproduction and the burden of reproductive labour (Choi et al., 2018). The principal argument is that when women migrate, they may be able to enhance their economic empowerment through improved earning potential and nascent access to employment and wage-labour opportunities that do not exist in their communities of origin (Chant & Radcliffe, 1996; FIDH, 2016; Handapangoda, 2014).
Many of the influences of migration, and the resulting outcomes, are different for women and for men (Chant & Radcliffe, 1996; Mahler & Pessar, 2006). Despite the potential for women’s participation in migration to contribute to gender equity and women’s empowerment, the noneconomic factors that shape their social and cultural environment can mitigate and even supersede the benefits of migration to their autonomy (Handapangoda, 2014; Pandey, 2021). Any empowerment gains for migrant women might be better explained by other contextual factors such as intra-household familial relationships, education levels, community relations and social networks (Ajay, 2022; Baada et al., 2019; Teke Lloyd, 2019). Women’s participation in labour migration can make them susceptible to a stigma within their households and communities for having flouted traditional gender divisions of labour (Chant & Radcliffe, 1996; FIDH, 2016; Handapangoda, 2014). The emotional burden of their absence often contributes to strong feelings of isolation and depression in migrant women (Salazar Parreñas, 2001). These women can be perceived in their origin communities to be simultaneously household economic heroines and deficient parents for leaving their families behind (Ajay, 2022; Salazar Parreñas, 2008). The decision to migrate and leave family behind for women is especially difficult because women who migrate are often more impoverished and more socially isolated, more at risk of sexual violence, have less access to healthcare, are less educated and obtain less-desirable jobs in their destination compared with male counterparts (Briones, 2009; Chant & Radcliffe, 1996). However, a notable difference in vulnerability exists in the outcomes for migrant women, depending on their level of human capital and participation in skilled labour opportunities, with high-level workers more often lauded for their economic contributions in origin households and communities (Ajay, 2022; Khattab et al., 2020).
Taken together, this literature on the feminisation of migration suggests that women can be, when compared with their circumstances in their origin communities, empowered within destination communities. Male out-migration is also shown to have mixed impacts on empowering women within origin communities. Yet, since most of this research has focused on the experiences of migrants themselves, we know relatively less about attitudes and perceptions towards women’s migration among members of communities of origin. The above literature has suggested that women migrants’ economic empowerment is limited by gender norms held by members of their communities of origin. The purpose of this paper is to examine these relationships between migration and changing gender roles in southern Kyrgyzstan.
International Migration and Social Transformation in the Kyrgyz Republic
The Kyrgyz Republic is a multi-ethnic mountainous former Soviet Union nation located in Central Asia. It borders Kazakstan to the North, Uzbekistan to the West, Tajikistan to the Southwest and China to the South and East. With a population of just under 7 million (National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2019), it has an economy that has rapidly liberalised since the nation declared independence from the USSR in 1991 (Steimann, 2011).
The Kyrgyz Republic is the second-most labour migration–dependent economy in the world, with almost one-third of its GDP derived from remittances (World Bank, 2019). Young, working-age women form an increasing share of this migration stream; in one estimate, women make up 40% of Kyrgyz migrants (FIDH, 2016; Federal Migration Service of the Russian Federation, 2016). The growing trend among Kyrgyz young adults is to work abroad to increase their earnings or move internationally for postsecondary studies (M-Vector Research & Consulting, 2017). Despite these strong trends, scholars know relatively little about relationships between gender dynamics, migration and socioeconomic conditions in Kyrgyzstan (Nedoluzhko & Agadjanian, 2010, 2015).
Migration has a long and complex history in Central Asia. During Soviet rule, regional migration was enforced to accommodate the centrally planned economy (Olimova & Olimov, 2007; Schmidt & Sagynbekova, 2008). Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and owing to a lack of employment opportunities, limited arable land and a shortfall of financial capital, rural people in Kyrgyzstan increasingly turned to domestic and international migration as a means of providing for their families (Sagynbekova, 2016; Schmidt & Sagynbekova, 2008). It is estimated that up to one-third of the nation’s working-age population has migrated and resides abroad (Schmidt & Sagynbekova, 2008).
In rural areas, migration is so common that some communities are becoming depopulated, especially of young working-age adults (Gentile, 2007). With limited employment opportunities across Kyrgyzstan, sometimes migrants never return from abroad. This is often because they have put down roots in their destination or because tragedy has befallen migrants working in dangerous circumstances (Sagynbekova, 2016; Schmidt & Sagynbekova, 2008). These long-term absences have meant that left-behind household members, often young women and children, are markedly more vulnerable (Dávalos et al., 2017; FIDH, 2016). The growing prevalence of households led by single parents and by grandparents has altered intergenerational relations, gender dynamics and social status structures across Kyrgyzstan (FIDH, 2016; Nedoluzhko & Agadjanian, 2010; Sanghera et al., 2012).
Social norms have gravitated towards acceptance of women’s labour market participation in Kyrgyzstan, especially since the 1990s. During Soviet times, women were prominent figures in the communist labour structure. Many women internalised the intrinsic value of labour as an individual’s responsibility to society (de la Croix, 2016; Kuehnast, 2000). Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, faced with increased economic stagnation, many families saw unemployment not only as an embarrassment but more so as a moral failure (Kuehnast, 2000). At the same time, work—as an all-encompassing term including the act of reproductive labour—is seen as virtuous and is a sign of a good person who honours their family and community (de la Croix, 2016).
Migration has become a principal source of financial capital for rural households, and remittances provide an influx of cash to subsistence agriculture–based villages (Schoch et al., 2010). While semi-nomadic agropastoral practices are still the dominant livelihood strategy in rural areas, this way of life is being transformed by the new consumption practices enabled by remittances (Olimova & Olimov, 2007). Rural markets and social interactions are becoming increasingly monetised (Kuehnast & Dudwick, 2002). Agrarian practices are often perceived as unable to elevate households out of poverty, reinforcing the need for further labour migration (Schoch et al., 2010). The change in economic perspective has brought about a new era of what exactly it means to be “Kyrgyz” and what the perception of ‘the good life’ is in a nation where labour migration is increasingly driving the urban–rural socioeconomic and cultural divide (de la Croix, 2016; Flynn & Kosmarskaya, 2012). This massive transnational movement implies that migration and remittances are actively shaping Kyrgyzstan’s future, along with accompanying increases in socioeconomic disparities.
Gender Norms Around Marital Practices and Migration in Rural Kyrgyzstan
The rapid increase in international migration carries significant implications for the patriarchal norms that surround marriage and marital residences in rural Kyrgyzstan. The traditional practice of bride kidnapping, although illegal, still occurs in rural Kyrgyz communities (FIDH, 2016). These acts of abduction sometimes entail sexual violence, represent a serious human rights violation (Borbieva, 2012; Kleinbach & Salimjanova, 2007; Nedoluzhko & Agadjanian, 2015) and are indicative of oppressive patriarchal attitudes in the region (Borbieva, 2012; Hofmann & Chi, 2021; Kleinbach & Salimjanova, 2007). However, other research has shown that couples engaged in consensual ‘kidnapping’ intend to subvert cultural norms around arranged marriages and other restrictive nuptial arrangements (Kleinbach & Salimjanova, 2007; Thieme, 2008). This historical legacy of bride kidnapping renders marriage norms an important point of consideration in the study of migration and gender norms.
Although both husbands and wives gain social authority from marriage, intergenerational authority structures within households keep young wives in a subordinate and vulnerable position and tie their social standing in a community to their husband’s status (de la Croix, 2016; Ismailbekova, 2014). Traditional patrilocal customs dictate that young married couples must reside in the groom’s community, which means uprooting the bride from her life and social connections in her home village. It often is incumbent on the new wife to assume responsibility for much of the domestic work (Ismailbekova, 2014). In this way, household labour roles are traditionally defined and could be altered through the migration of one spouse.
Relationships between marriage and migration in Kyrgyzstan are multifaceted. Married couples often migrate together (Nedoluzhko & Agadjanian, 2010; Thieme, 2008). It is estimated that 57% of migrant men bring their wives and that 90% of women who migrate with their husbands find work for themselves at their destination (FIDH, 2016). The threat of non-consensual bride kidnapping prompts many young women to seek endorsement from their parents to migrate, which allows them to both avoid forceful abduction and to support their families economically (Borbieva, 2012; FIDH, 2016; Thieme, 2008). Yet, kidnap marriage may also contribute to male labour migration by enabling men to have a bride who can help his parents with household labour while he is absent (Hofmann & Chi, 2021). Moreover, for many young Kyrgyz male migrants, the social pressure to have a lavish wedding is a strong motivating factor for labour migration (Kuehnast, 2000; Thieme, 2008). Marriage can therefore be a push or pull factor for the migration decision for both men and women Kyrgyz migrants.
Conversely, the dissolution of a marriage might also be a driving factor in rising rates of women’s migration. In recent years, the Kyrgyz divorce rate has risen markedly (National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic and UNICEF, 2014). Divorce may accentuate the vulnerability and isolation of left-behind women and children (FIDH, 2016; Schmidt & Sagynbekova, 2008). In the event of a divorce, women who reside with their in-laws are likely to be kicked out of the household, often unable to remarry. Divorced women often lose access to land and other assets (Giovarelli, 2004), potentially driving them to migrate (Giovarelli, 2004; Ismailbekova, 2014). Our findings described below suggest these socially accepted patterns of discrimination and vulnerability of divorced women could be changing.
Finally, migration has complex and sometimes contradictory impacts on women’s empowerment through access to paid work. Migration might be associated with women’s entry into the local labour market because male migration frequently causes an intra-household labour deficit (Sagynbekova, 2016; Sanghera et al., 2012; Thieme, 2014)—that is, women and girls face nascent avenues to perform agricultural work previously performed by men (Olimova & Olimov, 2007). However, migration can also have disempowering effects. In many cases, the burden of increased unpaid labour commitments within origin households falls disproportionately on young women (Dávalos et al., 2017). This suggests that women face increased pressure to perform unpaid labour within their households, thus leaving less time to participate in paid labour markets. Our study seeks to understand how community members perceive changes in women’s paid and unpaid labour contributions, and by extension, whether increasing migration has empowering or disempowering effects for women.
Materials and Methods
Research Design and Aims
The findings presented in this study are derived from a study conducted in 2016 about how labour migration is contributing to changing socioeconomic conditions in rural Kyrgyzstan. This study involved mixed-methods primary data collection in the At-Bashy rayon (district) of Naryn oblast (province). This location was selected for fieldwork to investigate rapid social and environmental transformation experienced by such rural regions—meaning a place with an evolving market economy and high-elevation environment. The changing livelihood strategies (a majority rural populous with blended agropastoral and migratory strategies), shifting political climate and overall reliance on remittances as a source of financial capital demonstrate the suitability of the selected location as a place undergoing socioeconomic and environmental transformations (Dekker, 2003; Maharjan & Joshi, 2013).
The qualitative research yielded emergent findings about the relationship between the feminisation of migration and changing gender norms which merited an analysis separate to the parent project’s main topic of study. Thus, the aims of this paper are to (1) examine perceptions of migration among origin community members, (2) assess migration decision-making structures within households, (3) analyse attitudes towards women’s migration at the community level and (4) explore local perceptions of relationships between migration and changing processes of marriage/divorce.
Our analytical framework outlines an inductive approach and was informed by focusing on community perceptions of migration processes and how shifting gender roles are impacted by those processes. The combination of events, not necessarily ordered sequentially, impacting the shifting community perceptions of gender roles can be seen in the resulting analytical framework (Figure 1). The impactful events are as follows: migration decision for the household, the type of employment a migrant obtains, the impact of the migrant’s departure on the labour allocation of the origin household, the decisions around how often and the amount of remittances a migrant sends back to their origin household, the household decision-making process of how the remittances are spent, the perception of migrants as financial providers for the origin household and potential marital issues that can occur during migration.
Analytical Framework for Migration Impacts on Perceptions of Gender Roles.
Study Site
The study site, Naryn oblast, is distinctly rural; it has the lowest population density of any oblast (Piersall & Halvorson, 2014). Naryn is among the poorest oblasts and has a heavy concentration of poverty and unemployment (Angioloni et al., 2018). Livelihoods are largely centred on agropastoralism, labour migration and artisanal mining (Azarov et al., 2020). Lush and abundant mountain pastures provide an ecological compatibility for raising livestock (Kulov, 2007). Within Naryn, the study focused on the mountainous At-Bashy rayon. It is the southernmost rayon in Naryn oblast and borders China. At-Bashy is located along a route of the Silk Road that connected trade throughout history. There are 11 municipalities made up of 20 primary and 25 secondary villages in At-Bashy. The total population was 54,851 in 2019, with individual village populations ranging from about 600 to 12,000. Village elevations range from 2,039 to 2,560 meters above sea level (National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2019).
Data Collection
This study included 34 interviews and 591 household surveys conducted in 13 villages. Villages were selected to provide diversity in population, elevation and municipal affiliation. All migrant data was collected via questions to their left-behind household members. An incentive was provided for interviews (500 soms, ~7 USD) and surveys (300 soms, ~4 USD). Interviews were conducted by a researcher accompanied by a Kyrgyz translator. Audio recordings were transcribed and translated. Local teachers were trained as enumerators for the surveys. Survey recruitment procedures used door-to-door appeals. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with an adult household representative using door-to-door appeals for a targeted oversampling of migrant households. Interviews were conducted with multiple male-female pairings between respondents, interviewers and translators to improve the quality of interview responses, providing gender variation for the face-to-face interactions during data collection. This paper focuses primarily on the qualitative data which brought forth the emergent findings on gendered relationships we discuss in the present paper, but also includes descriptive statistics related to migrants, and community perceptions about women’s migration collected through the household survey.
Verbal informed consent was obtained for all study participants. Institutional Review Board approval was obtained by (Pennsylvania State University) and the study was granted exempt-review status (ID: STUDY00005267) since it presented minimal risk to participants. Data collection and field coordination were conducted and supervised by (Guangqing Chi), the principal investigator of the parent project.
Data Analysis
Qualitative data were analysed using a two-step coding process that identified and verified key themes. The first round of coding involved creating descriptive categories for gender issues, migration and other primary topics. The second round of coding analysed respondent perceptions and sentiments. Pseudonyms were used for quoted passages using Hvoslef’s (2001) analysis of contemporary Kyrgyz names.
Bivariate statistical analysis for the survey dataset included two aspects: (1) gender-disaggregated analysis of individual migrants identified in the survey and (2) gendered comparison between respondents. Statistical significance tests were conducted for each measurement. A two-sample t test with equal variances and chi-square goodness-of-fit tests were used for comparing across genders.
Results
Migrant Characteristics: Survey Results
Respondents provided information on 496 migrants when surveyed about adults currently living away from their households. The survey results demonstrate how migration processes are perceived by community members. More than one-third of all migrants referenced in the sample are women (38%) (Table 1). Male and female migrants were similar in age (~30 years), had children (~1.5) and were away from home for around 5 years. However, significant gender differences in marital status and education levels were found. Fewer women migrants (44% compared with 62% of men) were married and women had higher levels of education (Table 1).
Migrant Characteristics.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
Women were more likely to migrate internationally (72% female and 57% of males) (Table 1). The primary international destination for all migrants was Russia, followed by Turkey, Kazakhstan and Italy (Figure 2), in alignment with previous studies (Sagynbekova, 2016). The prevalence of migration to Russia is largely because many Kyrgyz understand and can speak Russian, they do not need a visa to enter Russia, have deep historical and cultural ties to Russia and jobs are available to them (Sagynbekova, 2016). In contrast to other studies on Kyrgyz migration, the women in our sample were more likely to migrate internationally compared to men and more likely to migrate internationally than domestically (Ibraeva & Ablezova, 2016: p. 150). However, this finding also speaks to the potential adaptability of female migrants in their ability to obtain jobs in destinations that may not be as linguistically or culturally similar to their origin community.
Figure 3 presents an occupational pyramid for jobs currently held by migrants abroad. We found that 44% of women migrants are employed as shopkeepers for small businesses (‘trade’ in Figure 3). The finding is consistent with previous studies showing that Kyrgyz migration to Turkey is characterised by prominent female migration and employment in ‘petty trade’ (FIDH, 2016; Thieme, 2008). Meanwhile, construction is the most popular occupation for males (33%) (Figure 3).
Gender Roles in Migration Decision-making
Survey Results
Surveys inquired into the migration decision-making process. We found that both female and male migrants were perceived by survey respondents to be equally likely to (1) make the decision to migrate alone (~50%), (2) decide how much money to send home (~75%) and (3) decide how remittances should be spent (~20%) (Table 2). This may indicate that factors other than gender can explain household decision-making regarding migration. Thus, we analysed interview data regarding migration decision-making to identify additional factors and found that household status (e.g., parent–child relationship or spousal relationship) does help explain women’s roles in the process.
Migration Decision-making Processes (as Perceived by Survey Respondent).
Qualitative Findings
We analysed the migration decision-making processes between spouses and between parents and their migrant children. Among spouses, no predominant patterns were identified. While some women have had the desire and opportunity to migrate along with their husbands, others faced limitations to their agency in the migration decision-making process vis-à-vis their husbands. Alma, who wanted to move along with her migrant husband, explains: I thought it would be more effective [if] all of us [in the family] stayed and worked there. But my husband didn’t support my idea. He didn’t want me to leave my job, home, [and] livestock. In a small handful of cases, women noted that their husbands made the decision to migrate and leave the family behind without consulting them.
Women face an additional layer of family decision-making with parents that men do not seem to face—that is, women who had migrated (that is, the migrant adult daughters of survey respondents) were often described as having needed parental ‘approval’ or at least additional discussion to migrate compared with men (adult sons of interview respondents). The mother of a migrant, Anara, notes: [My] daughter came home and said that work in Bishkek (the capital city of Kyrgyzstan) not so good…but that abroad she can do it. My husband and I approve of her decision. For parents of sons, there is less emphasis on a family consultation and parental approval around the choice to migrate. For example, Zjyldyz, the mother of a migrant son, explains: I can’t insist on his return. It is his life, and only he decides what [to] do.
These differences might be explained in part by the perception that migration is a security risk for young women, particularly unmarried women. Altynai says: As a mother, I don’t wish her (the daughter) to be alone [in] a foreign country. If she is married and goes there with a husband, I don’t mind it. While migration is portrayed as a safety risk for unmarried women, for unmarried men migration is seen as an opportunity to establish themselves financially. Indeed, parents often encourage their unmarried sons to go abroad. For example, Damiragul, the mother of a migrant, states: The youngest son will go to Russia again soon. He wants to earn some money before marriage. I let him go to work while he is unmarried. This gender difference provides evidence of entrenched patriarchal perceptions, especially considering how the high rates of gender-based violence within Kyrgyzstan would seemingly run counter to the perception that migration is more dangerous for young women. As discussed more below, the hesitancy some participants articulated about their daughters migrating alone is also related to parental fears that they will lose their ties to traditional practices.
Only a few interview participants were specific in noting that men were the primary decision-makers regarding remittance money. For example, when asked who decides how much money to send the family, Almaz, the wife of a male migrant, responds: Of course, my husband. He tells us on what we should spend the money. But for some respondents, remittance decision-making was mutual. For example, Altynai posits: Nowadays families [are] smarter; they understand that decisions made by all family members are more effective. The issues regarding spending are done together with my husband, son, and daughter. Altynai went on to contrast her own, self-described modern family with a more traditional family structure in which the men oversee spending. She says, If the family is a traditional, conservative family, the father will decide everything himself without considering others’ opinions. Altynai contrasts previous decision-making by the father with more contemporary ‘modern’ approach to collective household decision-making, demonstrating how her household, especially in regard to remittance spending, is enacting a change to a traditionally gendered practice.
Community Perceptions of Migration and Gender
Survey Results
Community members did not necessarily want to migrate although they perceived economic advantages to migration. It should be noted that the survey sample is inherently biased towards community members that are not currently engaged in migration because the survey was conducted in the origin community and many of the respondents are already left-behind family members of migrants themselves. Drawing from survey data, less than one-quarter of both women and men desired to migrate (Table 3), indicating that, respondents have a desire to remain within their origin community. This contrasts with previous research which, without noting gendered differences, has shown that a strong majority of people within Kyrgyzstan view migration favourably (Sagynbekova, 2016). However, a majority of both women and men agreed with the statements that ‘migration benefits the children of the family’ and ‘migration changed my community for the better’ (Figure 4). Moreover, both women and men were equally likely to say that the household’s material situation has improved since migration—the most common response (Table 3).
Perceptions of Migration by Survey Respondents.
**p < .01.
Qualitative Findings
Community members also offer specific comments on the economic benefits of women’s migration; that is, women are often considered ‘nimbler’ in finding work. According to Zjyldyz, whose husband and son are migrants, women’s ability to find work has to do with their ‘soft skills’ (‘nimble’ and ‘soft skills’ are terms used by participants in referencing female labour). These terms were referenced with regard to women having more versatile skills for obtaining jobs in migrant destinations, highlighting a potential advantage of the feminisation of migration from the community. In this way, women are perceived to have a greater range of employment opportunities and potential destinations compared to men. She elaborated, stating: In my opinion, the girls are more flexible, they can easily find common language with official authorities, [and] they are good at negotiating. Anara describes her migrant daughter as very strong, with men’s solid, resolute character, suggesting that women who behave like men are successful. These comments suggest that women migrants are seen as having less-rigid gender roles (in terms of obtaining positions in their destination) than men, which positions them better in labour markets abroad. The fact that women are seen to have more employment opportunities abroad might explain why, in previous studies, Kyrgyz women have been identified as more reliable senders of remittances than their male counterparts (Thieme, 2008). However, these ideas of women’s flexibility in labour markets are most often used to describe younger women, while divorced women are viewed as needing money and are not necessarily associated with this favourable narrative. One sister of a migrant stated, She has divorced her husband before migration, left 2 daughters with relatives and went another country to work there. Her daughters missed mother a lot, I truly felt sorry for them. Many divorced women who migrated were criticised by community members for leaving their families.
Nevertheless, these positive perceptions of the economic benefits of migration overall, and women’s migration more specifically, are counterbalanced by concerns over migration-induced cultural changes. Respondents discussed living in a more commodified and socially stratified society compared to the previous generations. Their concerns are likely related to both the influx of remittances to rural areas and the broader social transformation that took place in Kyrgyzstan in the mid-1990s and 2000s, when a market-oriented economy, government social support policies and monetisation set in (Jermakowicz & Pankow, 1995). Some interview respondents expressed profoundly negative views of migration in the sense that it removes family member from their ancestral homeland, causing them to lose traditional Kyrgyz heritage and culture in exchange for the ability to earn remittances. One male respondent, Askar, underscored the importance of staying in the community when said, Well, in general I can say that a life is much difficult in there (migration destination); you cannot compare it with your homeland, where you always breathe with fresh air. No single foreign country can replace you homeland. Moreover, several respondents indicated that the community frowns on migration because of its consequences for traditional family structures. Others made a parallel statement that migration is leading to smaller family sizes and more emphasis on earning money instead of growing the family. According to female respondent Damiragul: Young people in search of material wealth refuse to have children… And when you get used to having money in your hands, earning, it is very difficult to live in the village. This respondent discussed how her generation gave birth to 5 to 10 children and the new generation only has 2 or 3 children because of the impact of migration.
Women migrants were most often assigned the blame for changing attitudes among young people towards family formation. When asked how migration affects demography, Almambet, a male respondent, asserts: Women are fond of money now; they ceased to give birth. This highlights how the gender ideologies of some community members are resistant to change, even as women break out of their traditional roles by becoming labour migrants. Women migrants are seen by some in their communities to have materialistic interests that are critiqued for interfering with their traditional role of bearing children. At the same time, young men were described approvingly as having a motivation to migrate to fund increasingly lavish wedding celebrations. Thus, a contradictory narrative was presented, in that young men in pursuit of monetary gains are reinforcing traditional Kyrgyz familial values, while young women, also motivated by monetary incentives, are viewed as threatening those same values.
Migration and Divorce Patterns: Qualitative Findings
Interviews revealed that community members believe migration and divorce are driving a mutually reinforcing cycle of family separation. Bejsjekan, whose husband is a migrant labourer, explains the problem as follows: The risk of divorce is very high when living in Russia. The main cause of betrayal is a man’s need for a woman’s care. For example, a woman cooks, washes their clothes, and meets their biological needs. Some men have a second family there and get divorced [from their first wives]. The perception among interviewees was that there is a higher chance of extramarital activity and divorce if men migrate and leave their wives behind.
Respondents also commonly described divorce as a push factor for migration. As Dinara, a female respondent, explains: For instance, if the married couple decide to break up and they divorce, the children go to live with their mother. The point here is these divorced women with children are more likely to migrate to make money, so they leave the children with their parents. Due to this risk of divorce and of children being left behind with grandparents, community members often hold negative perceptions of women who migrate. As Kanat, a male respondent, says: A married woman should stay with her husband, but does she? … Children should be surrounded by both parents. And it is parents’ duty to bring them up…. In fact, even women left behind by their husbands face criticism and suspicion from the community. Damira, whose husband works abroad, discussed how she is called an adulterer by community members for living alone with only her children and not her husband. She stated: The negative side (of migration) is: When I live(d) alone with children, people said that I (committed) adultery… If my husband was here, nobody would say this bad gossip. Young men are also motivated to migrate following divorce to escape the negative social stigma of having a former spouse who initiated a divorce. One respondent mother, Dima, stated, regarding her son’s motivation to migrate, it was infamy for (a) Kyrgyz man to lose (his) wife. Our interviews clearly demonstrated that that women are bearing the brunt of the blame for family separations induced by the increasing cycle of migration and divorce.
Despite the negative connotations associated with divorced women, respondents express that a major transformation of values is taking place with respect to women’s right to divorce their husbands when facing oppressive or abusive marriages. As Fatima, a female respondent says: In the past, if your husband beat you, you had to have patience… [because of] money. … [Today] when the wife gets stressed and makes noise at home—if the husband beats her—then the wife would divorce. In this way, migration and associated economic changes might be contributing to women’s financial independence, possibly empowering them to leave violent or otherwise unsatisfying marriages.
Discussion
This study examines how the feminisation of migration in Kyrgyzstan may be impacting patriarchal gender norms in rural communities. Survey respondents provided insights into perceptions of the migration process in the origin community. Our survey found that one-third of migrants were women, female migrants were more highly educated, more likely to be married and more frequently moved internationally than male migrants. Interview respondents noted that women are seen as more ‘nimble’ when searching for jobs abroad, and this perceived success in labour markets might contribute to community support for their migratory pursuits. Respondents also felt that migration represented an avenue for women to gain financial independence and empower themselves to escape abusive or otherwise difficult domestic situations through divorce.
At the same time, our interviews showed that unmarried daughters face more critical reactions to their migration decisions than sons. Respondents held a mostly negative perception of migration as introducing a desire for money to rural communities and as threatening traditional family structures. In fact, many respondents saw migration and divorce as mutually reinforcing one another in a cycle of increasing family separation, and what’s more, that women bear the brunt of the blame for these separations. By contrast, men were subject to a gendered expectation to migrate in pursuit of targeted social goals, like starting a family or funding a wedding. Community scrutiny of the factors behind the erosion of traditional Kyrgyz familial structures was not applied to men in the same way it was to women.
Traditionally, women have been expected to perform the work of social reproduction in Kyrgyzstan, while men have dominated the wage-labour market (Thieme, 2008). The feminisation of migration in the region has contributed to a slow shift away from this traditional model, albeit in a fashion that is anything but linear. This paper is in conversation with the literature documenting the relationship between rising labour migration and shifting gender roles in rural communities (Ajay, 2022; Rashid, 2022). We have shown evidence from the At-Bashy rayon that women’s entry into wage-labour markets abroad is shifting social norms around migration decision-making, child-rearing and the right to divorce; that is, women are recognised as critical actors in the migration economy. They are seen as ‘flexible’ and agile in labour markets, which encourages a positive attitude towards their labour migration among migrant-sending households. There is a documented Soviet history of women labourers being celebrated for their contributions to society and our findings suggest that this custom continues in modern times (Vullnetari & King, 2016). Changing norms are of particular significance and promise for women who are targets of domestic and sexual violence. The growing trend of international labour migration therefore has the potential to disrupt traditional patriarchal decision-making practices in rural Kyrgyz households.
On the other hand, as women come to express their greater autonomy by claiming the right to divorce from abusive husbands, and as they delay childbearing, childrearing and other traditional household-based roles, community members often reassert conservative values and resistance to change. Many interview respondents felt that mothers (with fathers), rather than grandparents, should raise children. These findings on the conflicting perceptions of women’s migration within sending communities align with the literature showing that women’s migration can be disempowering (Ajay, 2022; FIDH, 2016; Pandey, 2021). That is, our findings show that migration is related to women’s increased vulnerability in the absence of their spouse, marital dissolution, increased household labour responsibilities and community stigma for leaving children behind. These negative potential migration outcomes coexist with greater economic independence and some forms of social empowerment (FIDH, 2016; Yabiku et al., 2010). Our evidence from left-behind community members has thus identified conflicting sentiments, impacts and tensions over women’s changing traditional roles.
Study Limitations
This study was conducted acknowledging three major limitations. First, we conducted this research with household representatives in the origin community as opposed to directly asking migrants abroad, and thus, we were not able to include the voices of migrants themselves. However, it should be noted that survey data is considered to document the community perspectives. Firsthand accounts of interactions with migrants might provide a different perspective. Second, same-sex marriage in Kyrgyzstan is generally not accepted or common—and was illegalised via referendum in 2016 (RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service, 2016) therefore accurate statistics do not exist for the nation regarding same-sex relationships—and the impacts of migration on same-sex family dynamics are therefore not included in this study. Third, many of the topics addressed in the interviews and surveys are of a sensitive nature, so some of the answers may be subject to response error. To reduce this risk, interviews were conducted in private locations. Finally, changes in gender roles were analysed from the stated perceptions of respondents at one specific point in time and we were not able to track changes over time.
Conclusion
This research addresses an interesting moment of flux in rural Kyrgyzstan as society adjusts to the economic and cultural effects of the feminisation of migration. This paper highlighted community members’ simultaneous appreciation of and hesitation towards gendered social changes, and it contributed a nuanced perspective of the empowering and disempowering elements of the feminisation of migration. Our findings hold significance for the theoretical understanding of the relationship between migration, social transformation and progress towards gender equity, by demonstrating how women’s entry into the formal economy as labour migrants is simultaneously breaking, transforming and rearticulating traditional gendered divisions of labour and patriarchal marriage practices. Findings thus highlighted how a singular migrant story does not provide a blueprint for empowerment or vulnerability. Rather, the feminisation of migration provides an avenue in which to examine communities and households. Even as cultural context, intergenerational homesteads and lived experiences dramatically impact changing gender dynamics within the context of migration populations. As such, these findings support an argument for the critical importance of gender analysis in migration theorising (Donato et al., 2017). Future research should continue to analyse this continuous and non-linear process of social change as migration becomes increasingly embedded in the social fabric of Kyrgyz communities.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the field work support provided by Geoffrey Henebry of Michigan State University and Myrzagul Mamadiiarova and Kamilya Kelgenbaeva of the International University of Kyrgyzstan. We are also thankful for the assistance of Michaela Hoffelmeyer of the University of Wisconsin-Madison for her consultation.
Data Availability Statement
The anonymised data are available on request. The data are not publicly available because they contain information that could compromise the privacy of research participants. Translations of respondent quotes have been slightly modified by the authors for grammatical accuracy without changing the meaning of respondents’ statements.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: This work was supported in part by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (Award # NNX15AP81G), the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (Award # P2C HD041025), the USDA National Institute of Food and Agriculture (#PEN04796, #PEN04965, Accession #7006628), the National Science Foundation (Award # 2429010), and the Social Science Research Institute and the Institutes for Energy and the Environment of the Pennsylvania State University.