Alternative Versus Mainstream Media: Representing of Women’s Sport in Iranian Sports News and Users’ Comments

Abstract

This quantitative content analysis examines the framing of women’s sports in Iran by both mainstream and alternative media outlets and users’ comments on the posts. Data were collected in 2023 from Instagram pages representing mainstream (Varzesh3) and alternative (Iran International) media sources, yielding a sample of 149 posts and 14,442 user comments. The scheme code was executed based on data using quantitative content analysis and did not rely on previous research’s codebook. Media frames were categorized into seven thematic areas, while user responses were coded across eight distinct framing categories. Statistically significant differences emerged in some media frames. Significant differences in user framing were observed for all categories except one. Additionally, certain specific distinctions were observed in the framing of some media posts. User framing broadly reflected media-driven political orientations. The observed discrepancies between media and user framing underscore the critical role of the political information environment in shaping media consumption and production within both mainstream and alternative media contexts, suggesting that sports media can convene counter publics even in highly controlled media systems.

Keywords

alternative media mainstream media sports media female users

Gender politics within Iran have a controversial topic both inside and outside the country. Some asserted that the socio-political status of women in post-1979 Iran has been characterized by marginalization and systemic misogyny (Kamrava, 2024; Mohammadi, 2020). While their contributions to the economic sector remain constrained, Iranian women have advanced their competencies through increased literacy rates, heightened awareness, and expanded access to higher education, often positioned at the margins of social and political domains (Mousanejad, 2023). Additionally, their participation in sports has risen significantly (Ziaee et al., 2023). Within the sporting arena, the government’s instrumentalization of female athletes, coupled with instances of objectification, has fostered significant emigration among female athletes (Sadri et al., 2024). The active participation of female athletes in protests against state repression, exemplified by instances such as Elnaz Rekabi’s removal of her headscarf during competition, has resulted in the state-controlled media’s carefully managed and channeled coverage of women’s sports. In this context, female athletes constitute a marginalized group relative to their male counterparts.

Within Iran’s unique political structure, the government exhibits a pronounced tendency towards comprehensive control, extending to all aspects of the media landscape (Semati, 2023). This state-controlled media ecosystem facilitates the government’s strategic management of information flow, resulting in a homogenization of media narratives aligned with government objectives (Sadri et al., 2024). The government leverages its regulatory authority to disseminate information favorable to itself while suppressing content deemed antagonistic (Knotek et al., 2020). In this circumstance, the advent of the Internet facilitated the emergence of novel forms of digital journalism that cater to an expanding audience seeking alternative news narratives (Heft et al., 2020). Prior to the proliferation of Internet-based media, Iranian alternative media relied primarily on satellite television networks such as BBC Persian. However, the advent of internet-mediated platforms, including social media, has significantly enhanced the accessibility of alternative media sources within Iran, thereby establishing their prominence within the broader media ecosystem.

Alternative media serve to present “representations of issues and events that challenge those provided by mainstream media” (Haas, 2004, p. 115) and stand in opposition to established mainstream channels (Holt et al., 2019). Alternative media are perceived as a means to dismantle hegemonic frameworks and promote the democratization of media systems. These new media platforms often flourish in online environments, where they can more effectively bypass governmental oversight (Selvanathan & Lickel, 2021). They also depend heavily on social media for the distribution of their content (Haller & Holt, 2019).

The aim of the present research is to analyze the differences between Iranian alternative and mainstream media in the representation of women’s sports through social media posts and user comments. It is important to note that Iranian alternative media operating outside Iran differ from foreign media. The journalists, news editors, and directors of these alternative outlets are Iranian, many of whom were born and raised in Iran before joining these media organizations. As a result, they possess a deep understanding of Iranian culture. However, Iranian alternative media often apply a biased lens to their coverage, contributing to the significant gap between these two media landscapes. This contrast highlights the significance of this study within the Iranian context. While prior studies have yielded conflicting results on this topic, it is crucial to consider the context in which these studies were conducted, as it plays a vital role in shaping findings. Specifically, the influence of freedom of speech and the extent of state control over mainstream media are critical factors to consider. Additionally, the differences in ownership and underlying interests between mainstream and alternative media suggest that user responses to these media will vary significantly. Furthermore, in the context of Iran, other unidentified factors may also contribute to distinctions among users. For example, religious individuals or supporters of the Iranian government may be more inclined to engage with mainstream media. To address these questions, we employed a quantitative content analysis of posts on Instagram, examining the content published by one mainstream media outlet and one alternative media source within the sports domain, along with user interactions with this content.

This study makes three major contributions to the sports media literature. First, women’s sports have been marginalized in countries with socio-political situations similar to that of Iran, for example, Muslim countries including Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia (that prohibited female participation in the Olympic Games until the 2012 Olympics). Second, the Iranian media system is heavily controlled by the government. Given that state-controlled media systems are underexplored in sports communication research, this study could serve as a foundational step in expanding research in this area within such contexts. Third, while comparisons between alternative and mainstream media have been frequently conducted in broader fields, the sports media sector has not sufficiently addressed this issue. Therefore, this research will contribute to the development of a new subfield that examines both alternative and mainstream media across different political systems, including that of the United States.

Literature Review

Framing and Female Athletes

Framing encompasses the processes of selecting, excluding, elaborating, and emphasizing specific elements of a perceived reality (Entman, 2009). Although frame-building can be conducted by communicators such as journalists, thereby shaping audience perceptions, users in online media contexts also have the capacity to impose their own frames. As a result, cultural backgrounds can significantly influence the construction of frames. This interplay between cultural frames and the frames presented by other communicators, including media organizations, ultimately leads to the formation of cognitive frames (Engesser & Brüggemann, 2016). Furthermore, news framing can function as a mechanism of social control (McLeod, 2007), irrespective of whether the frames originate from state actors or individual users.

Traditionally, women have been underrepresented in media coverage of sporting events (Billings & Eastman, 2002) and across various media platforms (Bishop, 2003). Cooky et al. (2021, p. 352) reported that online sports news coverage allocated a mere 5.4% of its total volume to women’s sports. Adá Lameiras and Rodríguez-Castro (2021) demonstrated that the representation of female athletes remained marginal in both specialized and general media, with their presence being even lower in specialized outlets. This situation stands in stark contrast to the advancements made by female athletes in the realm of sports (Cooky et al., 2013; Eagleman, 2017; Kane, 2013). Some studies have asserted that media coverage of male athletes overwhelmingly surpasses that of female athletes in Australia (Scott et al., 2022) and the United States (Coche & Tuggle, 2023). While the issue of female athletes’ media coverage has been recognized as quantitatively unequal, qualitative aspects of their coverage have also been identified as problematic. For instance, instead of celebrating their achievements, media narratives frequently emphasize their physical appearance, femininity, and heterosexuality (Fink, 2015). Thus, this approach reduces female athletes to mere objects of sexual appeal (Sherry et al., 2016; Smallwood et al., 2014). When media coverage emphasizes the athletic achievements of female athletes rather than relying on sexualized imagery, it tends to foster a more favorable perception among audiences (Daniels et al., 2021; Nezlek et al., 2015). Furthermore, the disparity in media representation extends beyond mere coverage; qualitatively, female athletes are portrayed in a manner that differs significantly from their male peers (Billings & Eastman, 2002; Billings et al., 2010).

Despite this assertion, recent studies suggest an increasing trend in media coverage of women’s sports. Research has highlighted a growing emphasis on women’s visibility in sports media (Arth et al., 2019; Billings & Angelini, 2019; Johnson et al., 2022). Additionally, some studies have demonstrated a shift toward a less sexist and stereotypical portrayal of female athletes (Delorme & Testard, 2015). Content analysis of sports news also indicates no significant differences in coverage between male and female athletes (Sherry et al., 2016). However, it is important to note that the majority of these studies focus on the Olympic Games.

Media coverage of sports follows nation-specific patterns rather than representing a global trend (Antunovic & Bartoluci, 2023). Much of this research comes from western media representations, where notions of women’s empowerment through sport are portrayed in ways that serve to uphold male dominance and privilege within society (Kane, 2013), thereby reinforcing the advantages of the dominant group (male athletes) while marginalizing or neglecting the interests of female athletes (Bruce, 2016; Cooky et al., 2013; Hardin et al., 2005).

Alternative and Mainstream Media: One Story, Two Narratives

While various terminologies can be used to define alternative media (Atkinson, 2010), a key commonality is that it challenges or influences mainstream media. Holt et al. (2019) offer a multi-level definition of alternative media, characterized by: (1) the amplification of marginalized voices; (2) the influence of public opinion; (3) the provision of counter-hegemonic interpretations; and (4) the utilization of unconventional dissemination channels. These four levels can be consolidated into two key characteristics—content and processes—which help distinguish alternative media from mainstream media (Rauch, 2016).

In terms of content, alternative media predominantly offer critical perspectives (Sandoval & Fuchs, 2010) and advocate specific viewpoints rather than maintaining neutrality (Rauch, 2016). This is the primary distinction between mainstream and alternative media; alternative media prioritize critical content and the promotion of social change over profit (Fuchs, 2010; Rauch, 2016). Evidence suggests a systematic pro-state bias in mainstream media’s reporting (Watanabe, 2017). The operationalization and categorization of mainstream versus alternative media are significantly contingent upon the prevailing political context (Puschmann et al., 2024). Under these circumstances, even media organizations that are corporately owned may be classified as ‘alternative media' if they produce critical content that conveys a political perspective aimed at societal transformation (Fuchs, 2010; Sandoval & Fuchs, 2010). These outlets are often regarded as counterhegemonic in relation to mainstream media (Harcup, 2003). Harcup (2013) asserted that alternative media provide ‘access to alternative voices, alternative arguments, alternative sets of “facts,” and alternative ways of seeing’ (p. 78). Specifically, they engage audiences with more radical perspectives and foster a critical attitude towards mainstream narratives, thereby contributing to the formation of a counter-public opinion (Figenschou & Ihlebæk, 2019).

In terms of process and procedures, there exist notable differences between mainstream and alternative media regarding their framing techniques (Cissel, 2012), discourse styles (Pepermans & Maeseele, 2018), financial backers (Bailey et al., 2007), as well as their underlying norms, values, and target audiences (Heft et al., 2020). Furthermore, alternative media often adopt a critical stance towards mainstream media (Cushion et al., 2021; Figenschou & Ihlebæk, 2019) and the prevailing political establishment (Rae, 2021).

Within the specific socio-political context of Iran, the present study focuses on radical media, according to Jeppesen (2016)’s typology of alternative media, which manifests as a form of oppositional discourse challenging hegemonic power structures. Given the government’s level of control in the media system there may be an easier way of demarcating the radical from the mainstream. Radical media outlets frequently adopt anti-authoritarian perspectives (Downing, 2000) and utilize an intersectional framework to analyze the interconnectedness of gendered and other forms of oppression (Breton et al., 2012).

It should be noted that some researchers have indicated that mediatized sport is influenced by power dynamics and the cultural framework of the respective society (Rowe, 2004; Wenner, 1998). Concurrently, sports blogs have the potential to emerge as alternative media sources and rivals to traditional mainstream media (Clavio & Eagleman, 2011). Just Women’s Sports (JWS), a women’s sports alternative press in the U.S., has challenged established representations within traditionally male-dominated sports media (Crawford, 2023).

Context and Hypotheses

This study focuses on Iran for two main reasons. Firstly, the country’s media system operates under government monopoly, prompting people to seek alternative media sources. Iranian media is characterized by a high degree of state ownership, with strict governmental control and reliance on state funding (Talebian, 2020) which is fundamentally different from Western countries, such as the United States, which have been extensively studied in this field. Additionally, the Iranian political system, along with similar systems, remains underexplored in the context of sports media research. Within the context of one-party systems, radical political factions and movements have historically perceived mainstream media as incapable of accurately conveying their ideologies and actions (Coyer et al., 2007). Secondly, the increasing active participation of Iranian women in sports and society is a significant factor. Following the 1979 revolution, the newly established government’s religious ideology significantly impacted women’s sports (Hartmann-Tews & Pfister, 2003) and their participation in certain sports and events, such as international water sports competitions, has been restricted. Despite the government’s restrictions on Iranian women’s participation in sports, the number of female athletes participating in international competitions has risen. Additionally, following the recent unrest in Iran’s women’s movement—sparked by the death of #MahsaAmini in 2022 while in the custody of the morality police for her hijab—sports media, like other sectors of society, have increasingly focused on women to challenge discrimination. This shift presents a contradictory perspective to the long-standing portrayal of women as a marginalized group.

Previous studies have indicated significant differences in the content produced by mainstream and alternative media. Alternative media tailors its content to engage a broader audience (Khiabany, 2000) and is more inclined to use inflammatory and polarizing rhetoric in political discourse compared to mainstream media outlets (Müller & Freudenthaler, 2022). Specifically, alternative media, with its focus on counterhegemonic narratives, has the potential to contribute to a more equitable sports culture (Nichols, 2025). Mainstream journalists tend to favor the powerful, whereas alternative media outlets often advocate for marginalized groups (Couldry & Curran, 2003; Kozolanka et al., 2012). Mainstream media may overlook instances of sexism in sports (Fink et al., 2011), while such issues could be prominently featured in alternative sports media. Sadri et al. (2024) demonstrated that state-run mainstream media tend to emphasize masculinity by focusing more on male sports, while alternative media shift narratives towards gender equality, political protests, and the politicization of sport. Building on the previous claims, the first two research questions are developed with a specific focus on identifying frames within alternative and mainstream media and analyzing their differences based on these frames:

RQ1: What were the frames of Iranian women’s sports (a) in mainstream media and (b) in alternative media?

RQ2: What female representation framing differences manifested among Iranian mainstream and alternative media?

Consumers of alternative media are often characterized by their politically extreme viewpoints and diminished trust in established mainstream news sources (Frischlich et al., 2021). The dilemma between alternative and mainstream media influences how audiences critically engage with media messages. Users of alternative media place significant importance on their identities as consumers of such content (Rauch, 2007). They contend that their exposure to alternative media enables them to counteract the dominant narratives often found in mainstream media (Rauch, 2010).

RQ3: What were the frames of users’ comments on Iranian women’s sports (a) in mainstream media and (b) in alternative media?

RQ4: What users’ comments framing differences manifested among mainstream’s and alternative media’s users?

Method

A quantitative content analysis was conducted on news articles to examine posts from both Iranian alternative and mainstream media. The analysis focused on two specific online media outlets: Iran International Sport (ایران اینترنشال ورزشی), identified as an alternative media source, and Varzesh3 (Sport 3 in English, ورزش 3 in Farsi), categorized as mainstream media within the Iranian media landscape. The selection of one outlet from each media type was based on the definition of sports media for media outlets. While some Iranian alternative and mainstream media covered sports news, most did not have a specific section dedicated to it. Therefore, these two media outlets, Iran International Sport and Varzesh3, were chosen as they align more closely with the concept of sports media. Additionally, the rationale for selecting these particular outlets is primarily based on their substantial social media followings. Iran International Sport boasts 1.6 million followers on Instagram, 32,880 subscribers on Telegram, and 250,795 followers on X (formerly Twitter). In contrast, Varzesh3 has a larger following, with 4.9 million Instagram followers, 1,081,359 Telegram subscribers, and 28,140 followers on X.

While Varzesh3 has not explicitly declared itself a state-owned media outlet, its parent company, Farakav Holding, maintains close ties with the Iranian Audio Visual Media Regulatory Authority (SATRA), a state-controlled institution within the Iranian media system. Notably, although Varzesh3 was founded by Iranian sports journalist Pezhamn Rahbar, its ownership structure shifted following its emergence as a prominent player in the sports media market. In contrast, Iran International, which operates a sports division within its media enterprise, is a Persian-language satellite television channel and multilingual digital news Web site founded in May 2017, and headquartered in London. Iran International is owned by Volant Media UK Ltd, an entity whose stated mission is to disseminate impartial information.

Data Collection

The dataset was compiled by aggregating all available news posts released by the sports division of Iran International and Varzesh3 concerning Iranian women’s sport throughout the entirety of 2023. This specific timeframe was chosen to illustrate the ‘natural history’ of alternative media creation (Lacy et al., 2015, p. 3). Ultimately, after eliminating duplicate entries and those lacking captions or containing excessively brief captions (e.g., A grandmother; fan of F.C. Esteghlal [A Football Team in Iranian Football National League]), a total of 149 Instagram posts were identified, comprising 70 from mainstream media and 79 from alternative media.

In order to analyze comments, Instagram posts’ comments on both alternative and mainstream media were collected. Initially, all comments related to female sports were manually extracted and recorded in an Excel file, resulting in a total of 17,865 comments. To refine the dataset, irrelevant comments (e.g., ‘Believe in yourself and focus on your goal. Take risks. I took risks. He [commenter’s mentor] has truly been a wonderful businessman and mentor to me.’ [A sort of advertisement by users in comments which totally was unrelated to the main discussion]), duplicates, and those containing only emojis were removed. Consequently, the final dataset comprised 14,442 comments, with 9406 originating from mainstream media users and 5036 from alternative media users. To clarify the practical definition of users in this study, it is important to note that while terms such as follower, audience, and consumer are often used in similar research contexts, user was deemed the most suitable term for capturing the concepts under investigation. Accordingly, active engagement—specifically commenting on news posts—was considered a key indicator for distinguishing between users and non-users of news outlets (Larsson, 2018).

Coding Scheme Development

Given the use of a quantitative content analysis approach, the coding scheme was derived from the dataset. To develop a comprehensive coding scheme, a three-step process was employed: the training phase, frame extraction, and coding of the remaining sample. During the training phase, a subset of data was selected, comprising four posts from each media type along with 723 user comments—471 from mainstream media users and 252 from alternative media users. To ensure objectivity, the subsample for the training phase was randomly selected from media posts and their associated comments published outside the study’s timeframe. This selective approach was designed to ensure that the content used during the training phase remained distinct from the primary study sample (Riffe et al., 2019). During the training phase, coders abstained from coding any content to eliminate any preconceived notions. Instead, they reviewed the content to gain insight into various data elements and potential themes. Following this, in the second step, 10% of the total sample was randomly chosen from both alternative and mainstream media responses to establish initial frames. A randomized selection process was employed, wherein 10% of the content from each media outlet was systematically sampled. After identifying the unique frames, a coding scheme was formulated. Finally, a subsample of 15% of the content was coded by two researchers to evaluate intercoder reliability. To achieve this, the selected posts and comments within the 15% subsample were coded according to the finalized coding scheme, with each frame assigned a specific numerical identifier. This systematic approach facilitated the calculation of intercoder reliability and enabled a more structured comparison between the two media outlets. The manual coding of all posts and comments was conducted by one of the authors, while an external Iranian researcher, not affiliated with the research team, also participated in the coding process. An evaluation of intercoder reliability, determined by the consistency between two coders, resulted in a Kappa Cohen coefficient of 0.91, which reflects a satisfactory level of agreement. In the final step, after achieving satisfactory intercoder reliability and finalizing the coding scheme, the remaining dataset was coded by one of the coders.

In order to address the research questions, the content underwent a systematic coding process that resulted in two main categories. Firstly, the captions of the posts were classified. Each post was associated with a minimum of one frame and a maximum of three frames. This analytical approach uncovered seven unique frames: (a) female and sport, (b) female and fandom, (c) female and government, (d) female and sexism, (e) female and athletic performance, (f) female and media, and (g) female in relation to male (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Frame Categories of Posts and Examples of Content.

Frame	Definition	Example
Female and sport	Focusing on disseminating informative news related to women’s sports, including details such as league schedules and event updates	In the 12th week of the premier Women’s football league, the match between Sepahan and Zare Batri Sanandaj teams …was stopped several times and lasted for more than 4 hours, and finally it ended with a two-to-one victory for Sepahan, while the Sepahan’ players had many objections to the conditions of holding this match. (Mainstream media)
Female and fandom	Offering analyses and reporting on the participation of female fans and the presence of women in sports stadiums	On the sidelines of the meeting of the Kurdistan [one of the west provinces in Iran] football Board, head of the football federation, Mahdi Taj, announced the presence of women in Azadi stadium from next week. In this regard, he said: I believe that the required infrastructure for the presence of women in the Azadi stadium will be available from next week, and I am optimistic about this matter. (Mainstream media)
Female and government	Analyzing discussions centered on the Iranian government’s role and interventions in either advancing or hindering the development of women’s sports	Forough Kanani, researcher and social activist, in a conversation with Armin Ghobadi Pasha said: “At first glance, when we talk about women’s activities, the government speaks as if it is doing women a favor by allowing them to exercise and women athletes, the government see them as rebels who have defied the government laws” (alternative media)
Female and sexism	Examining posts discussed sexism towards female or referring to narratives about sexual harassments faced by women within the structure of Iranian sports	Atefeh Ahmadi, a former member of Iran’s national alpine skiing team, said: “Gender discrimination first exists in Iranian society and then enters sports. In Iranian sports, women are subjected to sexual and gender slander.” (alternative media)
Female and athletic performance	Commending the athletic achievements of female athletes or highlighting media coverage that portrays their performances in a positive light	The historic gold of the world for the Iranian Taekwondo star. Nahid Kayani won the gold medal at the 2023 world Taekwondo championship in Baku with a 2–0 victory over his Chinese opponent in the weight of −53 kg. It should be mentioned that after 9 years, an Iranian representative won the gold medal in the world championship. Kayani won the world gold medal for Iranian women’s taekwondo for the first time. (Mainstream media)
Female and media	Promoting the broadcasting of women’s sports and critically analyzing the extent, nature, and quality of media coverage dedicated to female athletes and their competitions	On Fri, 14:00, the two teams “Pikan-Serik” will face each other in the finals of the women’s volleyball premier league. Watch this sensitive meeting exclusively and for free on the Web site and application of Antenna. (Mainstream media)
Female in front of male	Positioning female athletes in contrast to their male counterparts to construct a gendered narrative or interpretation within the context of Iranian sports	Elham Farhamand, a player of the women’s national football team, addressed the players of the men’s national team: I wish you wouldn’t talk about the remittance of car imports. (Mainstream media)

In the second phase of the analysis, users’ comments were systematically coded. Due to the predominantly brief nature of comments on Instagram, a single, significant frame was chosen to represent each comment. A total of eight unique frames emerged from the coding process, which included (a) politicization, (b) accreditation, (c) belittlement, (d) hijab, (e) sexism, (f) governmentalization, (g) sport technical analysis, and (h) providing additional information (see Table 2).

Table 2.

Frame Categories of Users’ Comments and Examples of Content.

Frame	Definition	Example
Politicization	The characterization of individuals or groups as political actors, either in support of or in opposition to the government	Blessed, my dear, it’s a pity that you have to work so hard for this government
Accreditation	The practice of recognizing, respecting, and actively supporting the contributions and achievements of female athletes	Greetings to the legend of women’s football…Negin Zandi
Belittlement	The act of demeaning, undermining, or casting doubt on the legitimacy and significance of women’s sporting achievements	You can see goals in women’s football which would bugs in FIFA [EGames]
Belittlement		God, women’s football is like disabled men’s football! how funny
Hijab	The discourse surrounding the hijab, encompassing arguments both in support of and opposition to its practice or enforcement	Iranian girls are world champions, but in Iran, hijab is more important than medals
Sexism	The application of gender stereotypes and the utilization of discriminatory or offensive language directed at women based solely on their sex	Some of them [refers to female athletes in picture posted] seem to be male, rather be female
Sexism		Dishonorable bitch! [refers to a female athlete]
Governmentalization	The legal frameworks, disciplinary measures, and institutional policies enacted by governing bodies to regulate and manage the treatment of women	You all will be arrested tomorrow! [due to behaving against the government’s idea]
Sport technical analysis	An in-depth analysis of various dimensions of sports, including the strengths and weaknesses of Iranian female athletes	Her second goal was nearly impossible for Europe’s first-level attackers
Sport technical analysis		In my opinion, she [a female Iranian weightlifter] has lifted weight wrongly!
Providing additional information	Incorporating additional details about narratives that may have been underrepresented or omitted by media	This lady is blogger and has come to get followers [for her Instagram]. She is also a journalist. This interview has been arranged!

Results

A total of 149 Instagram posts were analyzed, comprising 70 posts from mainstream media and 79 from alternative media. Each post was assigned up to three coded frames, resulting in an overall total of 195 frames (1.31 frames/post). Specifically, mainstream media contributed 89 frames (1.27 frames/post), while alternative media accounted for 106 frames (1.34 frames/post).

Research Question 1 focused on identifying the most significant frames employed in both mainstream and alternative media. Table 2 presents the frequency of frames observed in the posts across the seven coding classifications.

As depicted in Table 3, three categories collectively represented over 70.8% of the content in mainstream media. The most popular frame was female and performance, which constituted 30.3%, followed by female and media at 29.2%, and female and sexism at 11.3%. In the realm of alternative media, three categories also comprised more than half (67.9%) of the content, with female and sexism being the most prominent at 24.5%, followed by female and government at 23.6%, and female and performance at 19.8%.

Table 3.

Post Frames.

Media type
Frame	Mainstream	%	Alternative	%	Total	%
Female and sport	9	10.1	5	4.7	14	7.2
Female and fandom	8	9	16	15.1	24	12.3
Female and government	6a	6.7	25a	23.6	31	15.9
Female and sexism	10b	11.3	26b	24.5	36	18.5
Female and athletic performance	27	30.3	21	19.8	48	24.6
Female and media	26c	29.2	12c	11.3	38	19.5
Female in front of male	3	3.4	1	1	4	2
Total	89	100	106	100	195	100

a: χ² = 8.63, df = 1, p < .01; b: χ² = 4.62, df = 1, p < .01; c: χ² = 7.95, df = 1, p < .01.

Research Question 2 examines the distinctions in framing between mainstream and alternative media. Table 3 shows that mainstream media exhibited a greater emphasis on female and performance (30.3%), compared to alternative media (19.8%). Conversely, the alternative media was far more focused on female and sexism (24.5%) than the mainstream media.

Paired chi-square tests were conducted between the content frame frequencies of the mainstream and alternative media. Table 3 reveals statistically significant differences in framing only for three categories: female and government, female and sexism, and female and media. No significant inter-media differences were observed for the remaining frames. Specifically, mainstream media exhibited a disproportionate focus on the female and media frame (χ² = 7.95, df = 1, p < .01). Conversely, alternative media demonstrated a disproportionate emphasis on the female and government (χ² = 8.63, df = 1, p < .01) and female and sexism (χ² = 4.62, df = 1, p < .01) frames.

Research Question 3 investigated the key frames that users adopt within mainstream and alternative media contexts. The findings are summarized in Table 4, which illustrates the use of eight different frames by users across these media types.

Table 4.

Users’ Comments Frames.

Media type
Frame	Mainstream	%	Alternative	%	Total	%
Politicization	1484	15.8	782	15.5	2266	16.4
Accreditation	3133a	33.3	2375a	47.2	5508	38.1
Belittlement	1903b	20.2	654b	13	2557	17.7
Hijab	77c	0.8	121c	2.4	198	1.4
Sexism	1546d	16.5	627d	12.5	2173	15.1
Governmentalization	612e	6.5	271e	5.4	883	6.1
Sport technical analysis	492f	5.2	11f	0.2	503	3.5
Providing additional information	159g	1.7	195g	3.8	354	2.5
Total	9406	100	5036	100	14,442	100

a: χ² = 152.79, df = 1, p < .01; b: χ² = 97.25, df = 1, p < .01; c: χ² = 60.03, df = 1, p < .01; d: χ² = 34.63, df = 1, p < .01.

e: χ² = 6.79, df = 1, p < .01; f: χ² = 84.69, df = 1, p < .01; g: χ² = 63.69, df = 1, p < .01.

According to the findings illustrated in Table 4, the sample encompassed a total of 8019 symbols. In mainstream media, the four primary categories comprised over 85% of the sample, specifically accreditation (n = 3133; 33.3%), belittlement (n = 1903; 20.2%), sexism (n = 1546; 16.5%), and politicization (n = 1484; 15.8%). In contrast, alternative media exhibited a similar trend, with these categories representing more than 88% of the sample, though arranged differently. The leading frames in alternative media were accreditation (n = 2375; 47.2%), politicization (n = 782; 15.5%), belittlement (n = 654; 13%), and sexism (n = 627; 12.5%).

Research Question 4 examines the distinctions in users’ comments framing between mainstream and alternative media. Table 4 illustrates these differences effectively. The analysis reveals that both media’s users exhibited a greater emphasis on accreditation (33.3% and 47.2% for mainstream and alternative media, respectively). Then, belittlement was attributed 20.2% in mainstream media, while this frame was frequented 13% in alternative media.

Paired χ² tests compared user comment frame frequencies across mainstream and alternative media. Alternative media users significantly more frequently employed frames emphasizing accreditation (χ² = 152.79, df = 1, p < .01), hijab (χ² = 60.03, df = 1, p < .01), and providing additional information (χ² = 63.69, df = 1, p < .01). Conversely, mainstream media users disproportionately utilized frames of belittlement (χ² = 97.25, df = 1, p < .01), sexism (χ² = 34.63, df = 1, p < .01), governmentalization (χ² = 6.79, df = 1, p < .01), and technical sporting analysis (χ² = 84.69, df = 1, p < .01). These seven statistically significant differences collectively address Research Question 4.

Discussion

This study analyzes the differential representation of female athletes in Iranian mainstream and alternative media at a time when the rights of women are highly salient in the country. Despite some thematic overlap, Iranian alternative media outlet employed distinct framing strategies compared to Iranian mainstream counterpart. Furthermore, user responses to women’s sports news demonstrated significant divergence between users of mainstream and alternative media. Although not a dedicated audience study, understanding user framing provides valuable insights into media consumption patterns and their correlation with political stances.

A key finding of this study reveals that, despite limited overall framing differences regarding female athletes between mainstream and alternative media, alternative media presented narratives incorporating critical and underrepresented perspectives compared to the mainstream presentation. Specifically, the alternative media outlet observed conveyed content that would likely be suppressed within the state-controlled mainstream media ecosystem, thus highlighting the limitations imposed by media monopolies. While qualitative interviews with producers would confirm this point, the divergent framing in the two sets of outlets does likely reflect active choices by the media producers. This aligns with the findings of Holt et al. (2019) demonstrating alternative media’s function in amplifying marginalized voices absent from mainstream discourse. While prior research has noted the blurring of boundaries between mainstream and alternative media in digital environments (Holt et al., 2019; Rauch, 2016), this study underscores the need for critical examination of these boundaries, particularly within contexts characterized by state-controlled media systems. Content analysis reveals that while mainstream media largely adheres to state-sanctioned media policies, alternative media circumvent these constraints, offering novel perspectives. Within the study’s context of a politically and religiously conservative government, mainstream media demonstrated a significant avoidance of discussions that would challenge religious hegemony within the community. Alternative media outlets actively condemn the government’s suppression of women’s sports, often employing a combination of political and religious rhetoric, reflecting recent protests by Iranian women against religious regulations. The accessibility of alternative media content to the Iranian populace provides a platform through which alternative sports media coverage can serve as a conduit for articulating and consolidating critiques of governmental policies and actions.

A contentious issue within women’s sports concerns female spectatorship in traditionally male-dominated sports, such as football. This study reveals that alternative media framed the intersection of ‘female’ and ‘fandom’ significantly more frequently than mainstream media. While seemingly a purely sporting matter, women’s fandom in Iran has acquired significant political dimensions. Post-1979 Iranian Revolution, stadium environments have been deemed unsafe and hostile towards women (Mohammadi, 2020), transforming women’s resistance to stadium bans into a form of activism for women’s rights. Proponents of the government’s policies are thus incentivized to suppress this issue (Phipps et al., 2024). Consequently, mainstream media outlets demonstrate a greater propensity to reinforce the government’s stance regarding female spectatorship. To be wider, their tactics are combined of both suppress and ignore which it depends to country’s condition in terms of various factors like pressure from FIFA or other international organizations.

Conversely, mainstream media exhibited a greater emphasis on framing women within the context of sport and athletic performance compared to alternative media. This reflects a focus on sport-centric narratives within mainstream media, while the alternative media, by its nature, tends towards alternative perspectives. For example, while mainstream media coverage often centered on medals and historical achievements, alternative media addressed the marginalized aspects of women’s sports. Given alternative media’s advocacy for social change (Hamilton, 2001), and the documented role of Iranian women in recent social movements, it could be noted that alternative media outlet would frame women’s narratives differently from mainstream media to reflect broader societal attitudes toward women. Given Iranian mainstream media outlet cooperates closely with state-controlled organizations, it emphasized female athletes’ achievements to prominent national pride, while alternative media referred the underlying obstacles encountered by female athletes and ignored female athletes’ successfulness. Furthermore, mainstream media, due to its affiliation with the Iranian government, is more likely to have access to information about sporting events in which Iranian female athletes participate. In contrast, alternative media, to compensate for this gap, tends to provide a broader socio-political context.

Alternative media theory posits that counter-hegemonic representations challenge the dominance of mainstream media narratives (Jeppesen, 2016; Wold, 2022). The prominence of government-centric framing within alternative media may thus be interpreted as a strategic counter-narrative to mainstream media’s dominant frames. Indeed, content is a defining characteristic of alternative media, with a focus on directly or indirectly critiquing the prevailing narratives of mainstream outlets – a finding consistent with prior research (e.g., Couldry & Curran, 2003; Fuchs, 2010). Furthermore, in highly polarized media environments such as Iran, adherence to traditional journalistic principles, like objectivity and impartiality, is often abandoned (Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2010).

A key finding concerns media audience framing. Analysis revealed that sport itself was not the central thematic element in user comments; rather, users tended to contextualize women’s sports through non-sport-related frames. Prior research indicates a greater propensity for politically partisan engagement among alternative media consumers compared to mainstream media audiences (Boyle & Schmierbach, 2009). Understanding Iranian media users requires consideration of media polarization, defined as the sorting of users into homogenous groups based on shared political viewpoints and corresponding media consumption (Fletcher et al., 2020). This concept helps explain observed differences in framing, particularly concerning accreditation and belittlement. Mainstream media users exhibited higher rates of belittlement, while alternative media users displayed greater use of accreditation frames. This disparity stems, in part, from the subjects of coverage. For instance, alternative media frequently featured athletes who directly challenged the government. While there was no specific code assigned to athletes’ orientation toward the Iranian government, the authors’ observational analysis during the coding process revealed that alternative media predominantly covered interviews with athletes who had faced challenges with the government. Furthermore, it is reasonable to posit the existence of systematic differences between the user bases of the two media types. Given the polarized nature of alternative media audiences, largely composed of government opponents, their comments often explicitly reflect their political views. Conversely, the higher incidence of belittlement among mainstream media users likely reflects prevailing societal attitudes towards women, cultivated by the Iranian government since the revolution. This polarized media landscape provides a fertile ground for the flourishing of alternative media, fueled by heightened antagonism towards mainstream sources (Heft et al., 2020).

This study demonstrates comparable levels of politicized framing of women’s sports across both mainstream and alternative media user comments. Following the 2022 #MahsaAmini protests, despite the government’s extensive control over media production and content (Danesh & Athari, 2024), social media platforms facilitated the articulation of dissenting voices, particularly on women’s issues. This likely motivated users to adopt politicized framing in their comments. Furthermore, the ‘hijab’ frame was notably prevalent among alternative media users. Mubarak (2025) highlights the consistent marginalization of hijab-related discussions within Iranian mainstream media outlets such as Press TV and The Tehran Times. Therefore, the absence of a given frame within media coverage may correspond to its reduced salience within user comments. This observation aligns with the finding that mainstream media users displayed a higher incidence of ‘sport technical analysis’ framing compared to alternative media users, likely reflecting the thematic priorities of mainstream media outlets.

Azad (2024) posits that social media platforms, especially Instagram, serve as significant sites of protest and mobilization within the context of women’s football. Furthermore, in highly polarized media environments, declining trust in established political institutions fosters a shift towards alternative media sources as a substitute for traditional avenues of political engagement.

Conclusion

Prior research has largely focused on the form-content dichotomy in media studies; however, this study emphasizes content-based differences in sports news coverage. This investigation is situated within the unique Iranian context, where sport and media are considered integral components of the government’s discursive apparatus. A comparative analysis of both mainstream and alternative media offers novel insights. Findings indicate that alternative media, unconstrained by the same censorship limitations, presented two distinct narratives regarding women’s sports, absent in mainstream media: one emphasizing political perspectives and the other focusing on cultural-religious dimensions. Notably, alternative media addressed women’s sports through the lens of sexism, giving greater prominence to issues such as sexual harassment, pressure, and inappropriate behavior, often downplayed in mainstream coverage. Furthermore, the political dimension of women’s sports media coverage was highlighted through the critical examination of the government’s role in the field, with alternative media outlets offering counter-narratives.

Within Iran’s politically controlled information environment, where media outlets are largely state-owned, alternative media functions as a counterpoint to the dominant narrative. Consequently, in representing women’s sports—a domain presenting significant challenges to the government—mainstream media endeavors to maintain a controlled portrayal, while alternative media transcends these constraints, framing women’s sports using non-sport-related themes. However, these findings may be applicable to other investigations if two conditions are met: the media system and social, political, and religious conditions similar to those in Iran.

Limitations and Implications for Future Studies

This study analyzed user comments within mainstream and alternative media contexts, but did not comprehensively characterize user demographics or online behavior. Future research could leverage Schwarzenegger (2023) typology of alternative media users to enrich this understanding. A significant limitation in definition of user is the challenge of distinguishing between individuals who merely engage in commenting and those who are actual consumers of the respective media. Additionally, this study was limited to a case study’s design. While there were several Iranian alternative and mainstream media, few Iranian media outlets could be found that both cover sport news specifically and professionally and are popular among Iranian. Thus, this serious limitation was a barrier for generalization of findings. Another study’s limitation was including one media outlet for both mainstream and alternative. Most of Iranian alternative media, like Persian BBC, don’t have specific sport division and are totally political news outlets. Also, their different ownership could have been created impurity in data, while in this study focus was on content, rather than other aspect of distinguished between alternative and mainstream media.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Mahdi Latififard

Michael Mirer

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