Abstract
The purpose of this study was to investigate which social role transitions typically related to the advent of adulthood are associated with the perceived adulthood status of Greek men and women aged 25–29 and 30–35. Participants were 313 (27.8% male, overall average age 29.9 years) Greeks who answered questions concerning the achievement of adult role transitions (getting married, bearing children, moving away from parental home, becoming financially independent, and employed) and their perceived adulthood status. Logistic regressions run separately per gender and age-group exhibited that the family condition and the living arrangement predicted the perceived adulthood status of women 30–35. None of the social role transitions predicted the perceived adulthood status of the remaining three groups. The discussion focuses on the importance of these findings for the study of emerging adulthood.
Introduction
The meaning of adulthood is affected by cultural, social, and economic factors (Mary, 2014). Following the war, Western societies witnessed a socioeconomic prosperity and security that made adulthood an institutionalized transition: Individuals are adults when they achieve socially designated role transitions such as marriage and parenthood. Recent demographic changes rendered this definition problematic (Arnett, 2000). In this new context, many researchers focused on the perceived adulthood status: Individuals are adults when they perceive themselves as adults. The connection between these two ways of defining adulthood remains largely unexplored (Nelson, 2009). This study investigated which social role transitions are related to the perceived adulthood status in Greek men and women aged 25–35.
The perceived adulthood status is typically measured with 1 item asking the respondents “whether they feel they have reached adulthood” (Arnett, 2000, p. 471). In addition to this item, Arnett (2001) devised a questionnaire in which the participants report whether they think that a set of criteria deriving from anthropological, sociological, and psychological perspectives must be achieved “before a person can be considered to be an adult” (p. 135). These criteria are grouped into seven subscales, one of which includes role transitions. These two questionnaires have been administered to participants in several countries and cultures around the globe (e.g., Arnett & Padilla-Walker, 2015; Sharon, 2016). A persistent finding is that individuals in their 20s perceive themselves as being adults in some but not in other respects, and that they do not consider criteria related to role transitions important for defining adulthood.
This last finding is often interpreted as evidence that role transitions are not that important for defining adulthood (e.g., Arnett, 2001). This interpretation disregards the possible associations between role transitions and perceived adulthood status. Limited research has investigated these associations (Nelson, 2009). In one line of research (e.g., Zacarés, Serra, & Torres, 2015), people are distinguished in categories according to whether they perceive themselves as adults or not and whether they have achieved role transitions or not. These categories are then compared based on some outcome variables. In a second line of research (e.g., Barry, Madsen, Nelson, Carroll, & Badger, 2009; Zupančič, Komidar, & Levpušček, 2014), respondents indicate the extent to which they think that they have achieved the adulthood criteria suggested by Arnett (2001; see previous paragraph). Their answers are used to yield scores in an overall scale of achieved adulthood criteria (Zupančič et al., 2014) or in seven subscales, one of which is the role transitions (Barry et al., 2009). Both lines of research acknowledge a link between role transitions and perceived adulthood status but do not warrant attention to the importance of each role separately.
We located three studies warranting attention to this importance. Facio and Micocci (2003) investigated Argentinians and found that cohabiting or being married (as opposed to being single) and having children were not associated with perceiving oneself as adult, while working full-time or working and studying (as opposed to being a homemaker) was associated with perceiving oneself as adult in women only. Reitzle published two studies investigating Germans. In one study, he analyzed the data from men and women separately and found that being married was associated with perceiving oneself as adult in noncollege-bound women (Reitzle, 2006), while in the other, he did not take gender into account and found that having a relationship and living with one’s own family were associated with perceiving oneself as adult (Reitzle, 2007). These studies are relatively old (Argentinian data were collected in 2000 and German data were collected in 1991) and they refer to one age-group only.
The current study investigated which role transitions are related to the perceived adulthood status of Greek men and women aged 25–29 and 30–35. We looked at the two genders separately because the related literature has identified gender differences in the perceived adulthood status (Nelson & Luster, 2016; Sharon, 2016), in the average ages of achieving role transitions, and in the social pressure to grow up (Leontopoulou, Mavridis, & Giotsa, 2016). Following a suggestion by Furstenberg (2016), we looked at two age-groups, 25–29 and 30–35 (representing emerging and young adulthood, respectively), in order to investigate whether emerging adulthood is “special developmentally” (p. 237). We focused on the role transitions that we find most relevant in contemporary Greece at these age-groups, and, in particular, in the transitions referring to family condition (from single to married with no children to married with children), living arrangement (from coresidence to semiautonomous to independent living), and employment status (from unemployed to part-time to full-time employed). We decided not to focus on finishing education (e.g., Arnett, 2014), because most people older than 25 are expected to have finished some form of formal education.
Since the meaning of adulthood is affected by cultural, social, and economic aspects, it is important to have in mind these aspects in contemporary Greece. First, Greeks value their family a lot, they do not strive for autonomy and independence, and they continue to receive financial (Douglass, 2007) and emotional (Pnevmatikos & Bardos, 2014) support from it well beyond the age of 18. Second, the Mediterranean countries (including Greece) witness the latest home leaving and completion of education in Europe, even before the financial crisis (Douglass, 2007). Third, this financial crisis may have affected the way that young people view their transition to adulthood (Arnett, 2014). Fourth, Table 1 exhibits some statistics illustrating the current situation in Greece regarding differences between genders and age-groups. Finally, it is noteworthy that there is a steady increase in the average age of mothers at the birth of their first child and a steady decrease in the average annual net earnings (30.5 years and 12,096 euros in 2011, respectively).
Percentages of the Greek Population Concerning Family Condition, Employment Status, Living Arrangement, and Completed Education in 2011.
Note. The percentages are calculated on the basis of the statistics retrieved from www.statistics.gr (in Greek).
In summary, the literature has identified two ways of defining adulthood: one on the basis of having achieved transitions to roles typical for adults and one on the basis of perceiving oneself as adult. The intersection of these two ways remains largely unexplored. Therefore, the present study aimed to investigate which role transitions are related to the perceived adulthood status of Greek men and women aged 25–29 and 30–35.
Method
Participants
Participants were recruited for a larger study via a snowball procedure. The researchers invited their friends, acquaintances, and colleagues to participate in a study entitled “How much of an adult do you feel?” conducted in November 2011. These prospective participants were also asked to invite their friends, acquaintances, and colleagues to participate. The only criterion at this phase was that the participants needed to be between 20 and 40 years. For the needs of the present study, we chose the participants whose age was between 25 and 35 and who fell in one of the family conditions, the living arrangements, and the employment statuses in which we were interested (see Introduction). These criteria yielded 313 participants (average age = 29.9 years, s = 2.7). Table 2 exhibits their demographic information by gender and age-group.
Frequencies (and Relative Frequencies) of the Demographic Information per Age-Group and Gender.
Note. N = 313.
We could not calculate an attrition rate because we do not know how many prospective participants were invited.
Measures and Coding
The participants filled an online questionnaire consisting of a demographic sheet and of a question on the perceived adulthood status. The demographic information included gender, achieved educational level, birth date, marital status, number of children, employment status, living arrangement, and percentage of monthly expenses covered by parents. Table 3 describes the way we coded the answers to these questions. “Family condition” aggregated the questions on marital status and number of children, while “living arrangement” aggregated the questions on living arrangement and percentage of monthly expenses covered by parents. Finally, in line with Nelson and Barry (2005), we recoded the answers to the perceived adulthood status question to describe perceived adults (perceived adulthood status = “yes”) and perceived emerging adults (perceived adulthood status = “in some respects yes, in some respects no” or “no”).
Coding of the Variables.
Statistical Analyses
First, we calculated the absolute and relative frequencies of the perceived adulthood status in the four combinations of gender and age-group. Second, we used the χ2 criterion to test for statistical significance of the associations between perceived adulthood status and gender, achieved educational level, and age-group. Finally, we ran four sets of hierarchical logistic regression analyses, one set for each combination of gender and age-group. Each set included three hierarchical logistic regressions, one for each independent variable (family condition, living arrangement, and employment status). In each model, the perceived adulthood status was the dependent variable, age was the independent variable at Step 1, and the role transition was the independent variable at Step 2. Thus, the effects of the role transitions on the perceived adulthood status represent the effects over and beyond the effects of age.
For each analysis, we report (a) the omnibus tests for model coefficients, which test whether the inclusion of the independent variables significantly add to the prediction of the dependent variable; (b) the pseudo R 2 indices, which represent an estimation of the variance in the dependent variable accounted for by age and the independent variable; (c) the correct classification rate of the baseline and of the full model; and (d) the odds ratio Exp(B) of the independent variables that predict the dependent variable. We performed all analyses using SPSS statistical package (IBM SPSS 24).
Results
As far as the participants aged 25–29 are concerned, 13 (44.8%) men and 58 (47.2%) women perceived themselves as emerging adults, and 16 (55.2%) men and 65 (52.8%) women perceived themselves as adults. As far as the participants aged 30–35 are concerned, 18 (34.0%) men and 37 (35.2%) women perceived themselves as emerging adults, and 35 (66.0%) men and 68 (64.8%) women perceived themselves as adults.
Perceived adulthood status was not associated with gender or with achieved educational level, χ2(1, N = 310) = .37, ns, and χ2(2, N = 310) = .80, ns, respectively, but was associated with age-group, χ2(1, N = 310) = 4.55, p < .05. As expected, individuals aged 30–35 were less likely to perceive themselves as emerging adults. Table 4 exhibits a summary of the hierarchical logistic regression models described earlier. We see that (a) the independent variables add to the prediction of the perceived adulthood status only in the models referring to family condition and living arrangement in women aged 30–35, (b) the pseudo R 2 coefficients are mostly lower than .10, and (c) the inclusion of an independent variable increased the classification rate in six models, left it unchanged in five models and decreased it in one model.
Summary of Logistic Regression Models Predicting Perceived Adulthood Status on the Basis of Family Condition, Living Arrangement, and Employment Status.
*p < .05. ***p < .001.
There were no statistically significant effects of the role transitions on the perceived adulthood status of men aged 25–29 and 30–35 and of women aged 25–29. Family condition and living arrangement were significant predictors of the perceived adulthood status in women aged 30–35. In particular, compared to being single, being married without children decreased the odds of perceiving oneself as emerging adult, while being married with children marginally decreased the odds of perceiving oneself as emerging adult, Wald(1) = 4.56, p < .05, Exp(B) = .27 and Wald(1) = 3.10, p < .10, Exp(B) = .30, respectively. Finally, compared to coresidence, semiautonomous and independent living decreased the odds of perceiving oneself as emerging adult, Wald(1) = 4.60, p < .05, Exp(B) = 3.2 and Wald(1) = 14.40, p < .001, Exp(B) = .08, respectively.
Discussion
The perceived adulthood status has been suggested as an alternative definition of adulthood to substitute the previous definition that was based on institutionalized social role transitions. The literature has investigated the link between the two definitions, but in ways that do not highlight the importance of individual transitions. This was the focus of the analyses presented here. In a sample of 313 Greeks aged 25–35, we found that family condition and living arrangement were significant predictors of perceived adulthood status in women aged 30–35. None of the investigated transitions was a significant predictor of perceived adulthood status in men aged 25–35 and in women aged 25–29.
There are at least four ways in which these findings relate to the literature. First, the differences between older women and the remaining groups investigated are in line with the idea that adulthood does not have the same meaning for all individuals (Arnett, 2014; du Bois-Reymond, 2016). The related research has exhibited differences between genders (Leontopoulou et al., 2016), educational levels (Reitzle, 2006), and cultural contexts (Gfellner & Bartoszuk, 2015). In this study, we exhibited differences between age-groups. Second, the differences between men and women aged 30–35, as well as the similarity between men aged 25–29 and 30–35, are in line with the critics of the use of age to assign individuals to adulthood or emerging adulthood (Côté & Bynner, 2008; du Bois-Reymond, 2016; Van Dulmen, Claxton, Collins, & Simpson, 2014). It appears that, in Greece, emerging adulthood may last beyond the age of 30 for men. Third, the similarity between the two age-groups of men and of the younger age-group of women is in line with the finding that individuals in their 20s do not consider social roles as an important marker of adulthood (e.g., Petrogiannis, 2011; for the importance of null findings, see Arnett, 2016). Finally, the finding that statistically significant differences existed in women only is similar to the findings by Facio and Micocci (2003) and Reitzle (2006), which were summarized in the Introduction.
Findings from this work must be considered in light of certain limitations. First, our theory highlighted the importance of role transitions. However, our methodology only captured the importance of achieved transitions, not of achieving the transitions. In addition, focusing on each role transition disregards the interrelatedness of some transitions (Branje, Laninga-Wijnen, Yu, & Meeus, 2014). These problems could be healed by means of a longitudinal design and advanced statistical analyses that allow the investigation of more transitions simultaneously (as in Eisenberg, Spry, & Patton, 2015). Three or more measurements would allow the investigation of the reversibility of some transitions. Second, the distinction of three possible values per role transition may obscure some of the related nuances (Hall & Walls, 2016). For instance, the distinction between living arrangements as we did here excludes other important aspects such as the frequency of visits to the parents (Kins & Beyers, 2010). Future research could use different ways of operationalizing the related variables. For example, instead of a dichotomous scale, Lowe, Dotterer, and Francisco (2015) used a 5-point Likert-type scale to measure the parental contribution to tuition fees.
Third, the snowballing sampling procedure restricted the variation of the participants’ demographic characteristics. Thus, similar to the researchers’ status during the data collection, most of our participants were childless and of at least some form of postsecondary education (see Waters, 2015). Future research could focus on samples balanced in terms of their demographic characteristics (as in Kins & Beyers, 2010). Fourth, running the regression analyses separately for the four combinations of age-groups and genders increased the probability of Type I error due to the proliferation of tests. Given a larger and more balanced sample, future research could include two-way and three-way interaction terms in one regression analysis. Finally, the cross-sectional setup of the study does not allow the inference of causality direction: Is achieving role transitions a cause to or a result of perceiving oneself as adult or does increasing age lead to achieving role transitions and perceiving oneself as adult?
This study also has several strengths. First, it included a sufficiently large sample, given the exploratory nature of the analyses. Second, it extended the range of the participants’ age beyond year 25 or 30 (as is frequent in the emerging adulthood literature), thus allowing for age comparisons between emerging and young adults. Third, it investigated an innovative question, namely, the importance of each transition separately instead of the number of the achieved transitions. Fourth, it did so in a cultural and socioeconomic context that has received limited attention in the related literature. Further research is needed to take this exploratory study to the level of testing specific hypotheses on the transition to adulthood.
In conclusion, this study showed that the social role transitions that have been traditionally related to the transition to adulthood do not bear any importance for the perceived adulthood status of Greek men aged 25–35 and of Greek women aged 25–29, while they do matter for the perceived adulthood status of Greek women aged 30–35. This finding has implications for the age range at which emerging adulthood is investigated as well as for the possible combinations of different definitions of adulthood in a changing socioeconomic context.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to acknowledge the help of Eleni Nikolaki, Panagiota Stathoulia, Eleftheria Timotheidou, and Areti Toula for their contribution in the data collection.
Author Contribution
G. Vleioras contributed to conception, design, and acquisition; drafted the manuscript; critically revised the manuscript; gave final approval; and agrees to be accountable for all aspects of work ensuring integrity and accuracy. A. Mantziou contributed to interpretation, drafted the manuscript, gave final approval, and agrees to be accountable for all aspects of work ensuring integrity and accuracy.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.