Abstract
Health behaviors decline during emerging adulthood, and social network members may attempt to influence or regulate emerging adults’ health behaviors using various health-related social control strategies. A paucity of research examines social control in emerging adults or moderators of the social control process. This study examined health risk perceptions as a moderator of the relationship between social control and affective and behavioral responses to control in 275 emerging adults. Moderated mediation analyses indicated that for those individuals with higher perceived severity of developing future health conditions, the links between positive control, more positive emotions, and more behavior change became weaker but the links between negative control, fewer positive emotions, and less behavior change became stronger. Understanding emerging adults’ health risk perceptions may be beneficial in health promotion for this at-risk developmental group.
Keywords
Emerging adulthood is the period between adolescence and adulthood where individuals experience greater independence than adolescence without fully taking on the responsibilities of adulthood (Arnett, 2000). Social relationships change, as emerging adults spend more time with friends and romantic partners but still seek out parents for advice and assistance, which allows for the development of identity and independence (Collins & van Dulmen, 2006). Emerging adults also report decreased fruit and vegetable consumption and physical activity, increased consumption of fast food, and poor sleep (Nelson, Neumark-Sztainer, Hannan, Sirard, & Story, 2006; Nelson, Story, Larson, Neumark-Sztainer, & Lytle, 2008). Declines in these health behaviors are associated with an increased risk of chronic illnesses including obesity, type 2 diabetes, and cardiovascular disease (Roberts & Barnard, 2005).
Since health behaviors decline in emerging adulthood, close social network members may try to improve emerging adults’ health by attempting to influence or regulate their health behaviors (i.e., health-related social control; Lewis & Rook, 1999). Social control research emphasizes that positive (i.e., persuasive) control tends to elicit positive affective responses and behavior change, whereas negative (i.e., pressuring) control is most often associated with negative affect and resistance to behavior change (Logic, Okun, & Pugliese, 2009; Tucker, Orlando, Elliot, & Klein, 2006).
Research examining social control in emerging adults suggests that social control is received from a variety of sources, including parents, friends, and romantic partners (Brunson, Øverup, Nguyen, Novak, & Smith, 2014; Thorpe, Lewis, & Sterba, 2008). College students who received social control for diet and exercise behaviors experienced negative affective and behavioral responses, including bulimic symptoms, body dissatisfaction, and lower self-esteem (Brunson et al., 2014). Similarly, young adults with type 1 diabetes who received negative control engaged in less behavior change, had fewer feelings of control over their behavior, and had decreased psychological adjustment. Positive control, in contrast, was associated with more positive affective responses but not with behavior change (Thorpe et al., 2008). It is important to note that participants in this study primarily received social control related to their diabetes, which may have influenced their responses to control.
A variety of factors may moderate the relationship between social control and affective and behavioral responses to social control. While some research examines cognitive–affective reactions as mediators of social control and behavioral responses to control (e.g., Logic et al., 2009), it is unclear how more stable cognitive factors, such as health risk perceptions, may influence the social control process. Health risk perceptions (i.e., perceived likelihood and severity about developing an illness) influence health behaviors and behavioral intentions (e.g., Craciun, Schüz, Lippke, & Schwarzer, 2010; Johnson, McCaul, & Klein, 2002; Mantler, 2013) and are underlying components of many health behavior change models. These models suggest that individuals who experience higher risk perceptions for an outcome are more likely to form behavioral intentions or engage in behaviors to reduce that risk (Janz & Becker, 1984; Schwarzer, 2008; Weinstein, Sandman, & Blalock, 2008).
Little research focuses on health risk perceptions in emerging adults. In general, emerging adults have an inflated sense of invulnerability to harm, including negative health outcomes (Millstein & Halpern-Felsher, 2002). This may cause them to react negatively when others try to influence or regulate their health behaviors. However, emerging adults who have greater perceptions about the severity of and their vulnerability to future health conditions may respond more favorably to influence attempts. Therefore, the goal of this study was to examine how risk perceptions moderated the relationship between social control and affective and behavioral responses to control. We predicted that the indirect effect of positive and negative control on behavior change and behavioral resistance through positive and negative affective responses to control would be moderated by health risk perceptions. Specifically, higher health risk perceptions were expected to enhance the beneficial effects of positive control and offset the deleterious effects of negative control.
Method
Participants and Procedure
All study procedures were approved by the Institutional Review Board at the private Midwestern University where the study was conducted. Participants were recruited through the psychology research subject pool and mass e-mails sent to students. Two hundred and seventy-five emerging adults (M age = 20.36; SD = 1.7; range = 18–25) completed an online questionnaire. The majority of participants were female (86.5%), non-Hispanic (92.4%), Caucasian (86.4%), and enrolled as a student (97.1%). Almost half of participants (44.7%) were in a serious romantic relationship.
Measures
Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for study measures.
Descriptive Statistics of Study Measures.
aBehavior change was measured using a single item.
Social control
Participants identified how often social network members used 15 positive and 6 negative social control strategies to influence their health behaviors (i.e., dietary, exercise, and sleep; Thorpe et al., 2008) over the past month using a 5-point scale (1 = never, 5 = all of the time/every day). To account for variability in the size of participants’ social networks, scores for each strategy were summed across social relationships and averaged based on the total number of social network members from whom a participant indicated receiving health-related social control. On average, participants reported interacting with 2.42 social network members (SD = 1.2; range = 1–7).
Affective responses to social control
Participants indicated the extent to which they experienced six positive and six negative emotions in response to social control over the past month on a 7-point scale (1 = not at all, 7 = very much; Derogatis, 1975; Fekete, Geaghan, & Druley, 2009). Scores for each subscale were summed across social relationships and averaged based on the total number of social network members from whom a participant indicated receiving social control.
Behavioral responses to social control
Participants indicated the extent to which they complied with requests to change their behaviors or resisted changing their behaviors in response to social control on a 7-point scale (1 = not at all, 7 = very much; Lewis & Rook, 1999). Items included a single item on behavioral change and three items on behavioral resistance. Scores for each behavioral response were summed across social relationships and averaged based on the total number of social network members from whom a participant indicated receiving health-related social control.
Health risk perceptions
Participants reported their health risk perceptions (perceived likelihood and severity) for chronic illnesses linked to dietary, exercise, and sleep behaviors, including heart disease, hypertension, stroke, breast/prostate cancer, colorectal cancer, any other form of cancer, and type 2 diabetes mellitus on a 7-point scale (1 = certain NOT to happen, 7 = certain TO happen). These measures were derived from scales utilized by Shiloh, Wade, Roberts, Alford, and Biesecker (2013). Responses were summed and averaged across health conditions to create an overall scale of each type of risk perception.
Analysis Plan
Any sociodemographic variables correlated with a mediator or outcome were retained as covariates. Thus, gender and relationship status were controlled for in all analyses. Men reported higher levels of behavioral resistance, and women reported higher levels of perceived likelihood of developing an illness. Individuals who were single reported higher levels of behavioral resistance, negative affective responses, and more behavior change than individuals in a serious relationship. Analyses were conducted using PROCESS in SPSS version 23 (Hayes, 2013), and separate models were conducted for each outcome. A moderated mediation analysis examined conditional indirect effects with the expected interaction occurring between social control and health risk perceptions in explaining affective responses to social control. To examine how the conditional indirect effects changed as health risk perceptions increased, the relationship between the predictor, mediators, and outcome variables were examined at different percentile ranks of the moderator (i.e., 10th, 50th, and 90th) for models with significant interactions. Bias-corrected bootstrapped confidence intervals (CIs) created with 10,000 samples were used to examine the significance of each percentile rank, and the index of moderated mediation was used as an indicator of the overall moderation effect. CIs that did not contain zero were considered to be significant (Gardner & Altman, 1986).
Results
Table 2 presents the sources of social control reported by emerging adults, and Table 3 presents the frequency that different health behaviors were targeted. As illustrated in Figures 1 and 2, positive control was associated with greater positive affective responses, whereas negative control was associated with fewer positive and more negative affective responses. Positive affective responses were associated with behavior change, whereas negative affect responses were associated with behavioral resistance. Figure 1 further reveals that significant interactions emerged between positive control and perceived severity in explaining the links between positive control and greater positive affective responses and between negative control and perceived severity in explaining the links between negative control and fewer positive affective responses. As perceived severity increased, the conditional indirect effect of positive control on behavior change through higher positive affective responses became weaker. In contrast, as perceived severity increased, the indirect effect of negative control on less behavior change through lower positive affective responses became stronger. No appreciable differences emerged in the strength or direction of these results when they were conducted without including covariates.
Sources of Social Control Reported by Emerging Adults.
Most Frequently Targeted Health Behaviors by Social Network Members.

Perceived severity as a moderator of the links between social control, affective responses to control, and behavior change/behavioral resistance. Model controls for gender and relationship status. Values represent unstandardized regression coefficients (b), standard errors (SE), and p values (p). Additionally, dotted lines are used to represent paths in the model that were not statistically significant. Bolded values represent the path coefficients between positive and negative affective responses and behavioral resistance. Conditional indirect effect of positive social control on behavior change through positive affective responses after controlling for gender and relationship status: IE conditional = .048, SE = .01, confidence interval (CI)bootstrap = [.032, .066] for 10th percentile; IE conditional = .040, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [.029, .059] for 50th percentile; and IE conditional = .034, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [.022, .050] for 90th percentile; index of moderated mediation = −.006, SE = .003, CIbootstrap = [−.01, −.001]. Conditional indirect effect of negative social control on behavior change through positive affective responses after controlling for gender and relationship status: IE conditional = −.052, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [−.083, −.029] for 10th percentile; IE conditional = −.066, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [−.096, −.042] for 50th percentile; and IE conditional = −.076, SE = .02, CIbootstrap = [−.111, −.047] for 90th percentile; index of moderated mediation = −.01, SE = .006, CIbootstrap = [−.024, −.002].

Perceived likelihood as a moderator of the links between social control, affective responses to control, and behavior change/behavioral resistance. Model controls for gender and relationship status. Values represent unstandardized regression coefficients (b), standard errors (SE), and p values (p). Additionally, dotted lines are used to represent paths in the model that were not statistically significant. Bolded values represent the path coefficients between positive and negative affective responses and behavioral resistance. Conditional indirect effect of positive social control on behavior change through positive emotional responses after controlling for gender and relationship status: IE conditional = .034, SE = .01, confidence interval (CI)bootstrap = [.022, .050] for 10th percentile; IE conditional = .04, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [.027, .054] for 50th percentile; and IE conditional = .046, SE = .01, CIbootstrap = [.031, .063] for 90th percentile; index of moderated mediation = .004, SE = .002, CIbootstrap = [.0002, .001].
No significant interactions emerged in the model examining perceived likelihood as a moderator of the social control process (Figure 2). However, when the analyses were conducted without covariates, the marginally significant interaction between positive control and perceived likelihood in explaining positive affective responses became significant. In both the model with and without covariates, the conditional indirect effect of positive control on behavior change through positive affective responses to control became stronger as perceived likelihood increased.
Discussion
Consistent with prior research (e.g., Logic et al., 2009; Thorpe et al., 2008), when emerging adults received positive control, they experienced more positive affect and engaged in behavior change. In contrast, negative control was associated with more negative affect and behavioral resistance. Inconsistent with hypotheses, as emerging adults’ perceived severity of developing a future chronic illness increased, the relationship between positive control and more behavior change through positive affect decreased, rather than increased. Moreover, the relationship between negative control and less behavior change through lower positive affect became stronger, rather than weaker.
It is possible that receiving any type of social control sent a message that emerging adults were not managing their health well. This in combination with having higher perceptions about the severity of developing a chronic illness may have elicited anxiety in participants, which may have decreased their positive responses to social control. Some research suggests that in individuals with high levels of worry or anxiety about developing an illness such as cancer, risk perceptions are related to poorer rather than healthier behaviors (Ferrer, Portnoy, & Klein, 2013). Additionally, negative control promoted behavior change in men living with HIV, but only if they were not at risk of being depressed (Fekete et al., 2009). As depressive symptoms and anxiety are highly correlated (Moffitt et al., 2007), it is possible that anxiety may also influence interpretations of social control. Since emerging adults are still developing strategies to regulate their emotions (John & Gross, 2004), the links between social control, anxiety, and less positive affect may be pronounced in this age-group. Future research should examine whether anxiety plays a role in the social control process, particularly in the context of health risk perceptions.
Without the inclusion of gender and relationship status as covariates, the beneficial effects of positive control were enhanced for individuals with higher perceived likelihood of developing an illness. Other research confirms that increased perceived susceptibility to illnesses encourages behavior change and may have a stronger relationship to behavior change than perceived severity (Brewer, Chapman, Gibbons, Gerrard, & McCaul, 2007; Janz & Becker, 1984). Notably, this finding was reduced to marginal significance after including covariates, possibly because individuals who were single reported more behavior change. Future research should examine how risk perceptions influence the social control process in emerging adults who are in romantic relationships versus being single.
Given that our interactions were smaller in magnitude, it is likely that other motivating factors also influence the health behaviors of emerging adults. For example, emerging adults may engage in healthier behaviors to change their physical appearance, which can be related to factors like social acceptance and romantic appeal (Leary, Tchividjian, & Kraxberger, 1994). Among college students, men valued being in shape or toned, while women expressed fears about gaining weight (LaCaille, Dauner, Krambeer, & Pederson, 2011). Thus, risk perception related to more immediate factors as opposed to longer term health risks may be more influential in changing the health behaviors among emerging adults.
Interestingly, the indirect effect of negative control on behavioral resistance through increased negative affect was not moderated by health risk perceptions. Negative control was associated with feelings of anger, irritation, and resentment, which in turn was associated with reactive behaviors including resisting change, pretending to change, and changing in the opposite direction of what was requested. In general, emerging adults tend to experience higher levels of psychological reactance when their freedom of choice is threatened (Miller & Quick, 2010). It is possible that the negative affect and behavioral resistance aroused by negative social control was strong enough that participants ignored that they were engaging in behaviors that may have severe health consequences and instead focused on establishing their sense of independence.
The present study has several limitations. Our study did not assess participants’ health behavior knowledge, and it is possible that participants did not associate poor dietary, exercise, and sleep behaviors with risk of developing future chronic health conditions. Future research should assess how health behavior knowledge plays a role in both the social control process and the development of risk perceptions. It would also be interesting to examine if a different pattern of results emerged if social control for health risk behaviors (e.g., substance abuse and risky sex behaviors) was examined.
The study was self-report and cross-sectional in design. Causal relationships cannot be inferred, and results may be inflated due to common method variance. Additionally, we averaged across sources of social control rather than examining sources individually. It is possible that emerging adults may have responded differently to social control from different social network members. Finally, the majority of the participants were White female students, so the generalizability of our findings is unclear. Among college students, men tend to respond more favorably to social control than women (Brunson et al., 2014). Although this was not true for our data, it is possible different results may have emerged if the gender of our sample was more equally dispersed.
The present study adds to the growing research on moderators of the social control process. Additionally, this study examined health-related social control in emerging adulthood, a developmental period where declines in health behaviors are common (Nelson et al., 2006, 2008). Understanding how emerging adults’ social networks are involved in health promotion may be useful for developing effective interventions for health behavior change. Further, addressing health behavior change in emerging adults is important to prevent the development of chronic illness later in life, especially because many middle-aged and older adults fail to adopt healthy behavior change once they have been diagnosed with a chronic illness (Newsom et al., 2012).
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to acknowledge Adrienne Miscimarra, Leah Bogusch, and Marc Cavella for their help in collecting data for this project.
Author Contributions
A. R. McErlean and E. M. Fekete contributed to design, acquisition, and interpretation; drafted the manuscript; critically revised the manuscript; gave final approval; and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of work ensuring integrity and accuracy.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
