Internalization of Media Appearance Ideals and College Women’s Intrinsic Motivation for Their Major: Indirect Effects Through Self-Objectification and Self-Surveillance

Abstract

The current study investigates the process by which the internalization of stringent appearance ideals promoted by Western media is related to intrinsic motivation for college women’s academic pursuits. This internalization of appearance ideals has many maladaptive consequences, including increased self-objectification and self-surveillance. Although previous research connects internalization of media appearance ideals, self-objectification, and self-surveillance to diminished cognitive performance, no study has examined their potential relationship with college women’s intrinsic motivation for their chosen major. College women (N = 343) completed questionnaires related to study constructs. Path analyses indicated the internalization of appearance ideals was indirectly related to intrinsic motivation for one’s college major through trait self-objectification and subsequent self-surveillance. Specifically, the internalization of appearance ideals predicted increased trait self-objectification, which in turn predicted increased self-surveillance. This self-surveillance was subsequently associated with decreased intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. Implications and future directions of findings are discussed.

Keywords

media appearance ideals self-objectification self-surveillance intrinsic motivation

Introduction

Prescriptive norms for success, whether focused on work-life, materialism, relationships, or appearance, may impede the ability to cultivate one’s own personal development and flourishing. For women, many of Western industrialized society’s narrow and rigid standards relate to one’s body and appearance (Crawford et al., 2009; Ogle & Damhorst, 2003). Although the body-image and eating-related consequences of internalizing these rigid demands are most commonly studied, maladaptive outcomes may extend into other life domains, including psychological well-being, quality of life, and sense of identity (Becker et al., 2019; Cary et al., 2021; Mercurio & Landry, 2008). Attempting to meet unrealistic norms for appearance may require a good deal of cognitive, emotional, physical, and material resources, potentially diverting motivation within the self from authentic personal development and growth, conceivably limiting and constraining the self (Dimas et al., 2021; Nelson et al., 2018; see also Maor & Cwikel, 2016). The current study seeks to investigate the process by which internalization of these stringent appearance ideals and standards is related to women’s intrinsic motivation for specific academic pursuits in college.

Objectification Theory

Objectification theory is a feminist psychological theory positing that the sexual objectification of women is rampant throughout western society and has important ramifications for women’s mental health. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) theorize that the mainstream visual media, which saturates American culture, is one of the (if not the) primary contributors to the rampant sexualization and objectification of women. Indeed, empirical research supports this notion that visual media across a variety of platforms frequently sexualizes women, including popular magazines (Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008), television (McDade-Montez et al., 2017), and internet advertisements (Slater et al., 2012). More recently, social media has become a primary platform for viewing images, with 84% of young adults reporting social media use, most commonly using Instagram, Snapchat, and Tiktok (Pew Research Center, 2021). Social media provides ample opportunities to be exposed to sexualized or objectified images of celebrities, beauty or body influencers, and users’ own peers. Indeed, previous content analyses of “fitspiration” posts, “thinspiration” posts, profile pictures, and selfies have indicated that sexualized, gender-stereotypical, and objectifying photos are relatively common (Deighton-Smith & Bell, 2018; Döring et al., 2016; Ramsey & Horan, 2018; Talbot et al., 2017).

Because of the ubiquity of visual and social media, there is great concern that people frequently internalize this objectification of women. Thompson and Stice (2001), pioneers of the concept of the internalization of media appearance ideals, define internalization as the degree to which a person endorses and affirms societal standards of appearance and attempts to emulate these standards. Although isolating the effects of visual and social media is quite difficult, empirical research does lend support to this claim. Ward (2016) conducted a literature review of 135 studies, both experimental and correlational, examining the relationship between the visual media and the objectification of women, with the reviewed literature overall indicating that exposure to sexualized/objectified content was associated with more sexist beliefs and a lesser view of women’s humanity. Studies involving cognitive neuroscience have lent empirical support as well. For example, Bernard et al. (2018), using EEG data, discovered that photos of sexualized bodies were visually processed by study participants more like objects (i.e., analytically) than photos of nonsexualized bodies, which were visually processed configurally, as is more typical when processing human faces and bodies (See Bernard et al., 2020, for a review). The internalization of this sexual objectification is not limited to adults; Peter and Valkenburg (2007) found a significant association between viewing sexually explicit material and viewing women as sex objects in both male and female 13–18 year olds. The results of these studies suggest that study participants had internalized (or cognitively “bought into”) the sexual objectification of women (Thompson & Stice, 2001).

Self-Objectification

One particularly pernicious consequence of the internalization of the sexual objectification of women is that it encourages women to self-objectify (Calogero et al., 2005). Fredrickson et al. (1998) define self-objectification as viewing and valuing one’s self and body from an external or third-person point of view, neglecting one’s other important physical and nonphysical attributes (Fredrickson et al., 1998). Additionally, the authors split self-objectification into two types: (1) trait self-objectification, or a person’s overall and general level of self-objectification, and (2) state self-objectification, which might be triggered by a certain social situation, such as swimsuit shopping (Fredrickson et al., 1998).

Trait self-objectification has been tied to many maladaptive body- and eating-related outcomes, including increased levels of body shame, restrained eating, drive for thinness, appearance anxiety, and bulimic symptoms in college women (Calogero et al., 2005; Muehlenkamp & Saris–Baglama, 2002; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998). Relationships between trait self-objectification and psychological constructs not related to body image/eating have also been examined, with results indicating that trait self-objectification significantly predicts higher levels of depression as well as lower levels of reported well-being, self-esteem, and life satisfaction (Breines et al., 2008; Mercurio & Landry, 2008; Muehlenkamp & Saris–Baglama, 2002).

Although research investigating relationships between trait self-objectification and body-related outcomes is largely correlational, studies focusing on state self-objectification are often experimental and therefore able to better determine causality. State self-objectification has historically been induced in participants by the swimsuit-sweater paradigm, pioneered by Fredrickson et al. (1998), in which participants try on and evaluate either a swimsuit or a sweater. Although this paradigm is common, other studies (e.g., Aubrey et al., 2009) have participants view either sexualized images of women or control images in order to trigger state-self-objectification. More recently, given the high prevalence of social media use in today’s western culture, more recent research has used taking selfies or selfie-editing to induce a state of self-objectification. For example, Salomon and Brown (2021) found, in a sample of college men and women, that taking a “selfie” increased state self-objectification. State self-objectification has been found to increase body dissatisfaction (Aubrey et al., 2009), body shame (Quinn et al., 2006a), and restrained eating (Fredrickson et al., 1998), as well as decrease self-esteem (Rollero, 2013).

Self-Objectification and Cognitive Performance, Flow, and Intrinsic Motivation

Although these body image and eating-related consequences of self-objectification speak in and of themselves to its importance, self-objectification has negative cognitive and academic outcomes as well. In a seminal study, Fredrickson et al. (1998) examined state self-objectification’s relationship with math performance. Using the swimsuit-sweater paradigm, participants filled out questionnaires, including a math exam taken from the Graduate Management Admission Test (GMAT), while wearing either a swimsuit or a conservative sweater. Results indicated that, controlling for participants’ self-reported SAT/ACT math scores, women in the swimsuit condition performed significantly worse on the math exam than women in the sweater condition (Fredrickson et al., 1998). This experimental procedure has been replicated successfully using more ethnically diverse participants (Hebl et al., 2004) as well as with other cognitive tasks, including the Stroop color-naming task, helping rule out stereotype threat as a potential confounding variable (Quinn et al., 2006b). Most pertinent to this study, Dimas et al. (2021) found that state self-objectification reduced intrinsic motivation for the tasks related to the experiment. Although all of these studies have focused on state self-objectification triggered by the experimental condition, it is theoretically plausible that women experiencing high levels of trait self-objectification also experience decreased cognitive performance and intrinsic motivation consistently. However, limited research exists examining whether trait self-objectification is associated with decreased cognitive performance or intrinsic motivation. Put differently, the extant literature focuses on “in the moment” associations between self-objectification and cognitive performance, but how might the compounded effects of these repeated “moments” accumulate over time and affect cognitive performance?

McKenney and Bigler (2016) conducted two studies examining a similar process, specifically how internalized sexualization is related to adolescent girls’ academic performance. Results of their first study indicated that, consistent with expectations, internalized sexualization was negatively correlated with grades in math, English, social studies, and science, as well as with math performance on a math assessment included as part of the study (McKenney & Bigler, 2016). Similarly, their second study found that internalized sexualization significantly predicted worse performance on a mock journalism broadcast as well as increased time spent on appearance in preparation for the broadcast (McKenney & Bigler, 2016). The current study seeks to build on these initial results by situating this observed relationship between internalized sexualization and academic outcomes more squarely within Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) theory and model of objectification. Specifically, we seek to test whether increased self-surveillance and decreased intrinsic motivation might function as mechanisms underlying the link between internalized sexualization and academic outcomes.

To the best of our knowledge, only one study has examined whether trait self-objectification is associated with diminished intrinsic motivation. Specifically, Gapinski et al. (2003) found that women high in trait self-objectification reported significantly lower levels of general intrinsic motivation than women low in trait self-objectification (d = .48). More commonly, research examining relationships between trait self-objectification and cognitive outcomes often focus on the concept of ‘flow.’ Flow, a concept stemming from positive psychology, refers to a time in which someone is completely immersed or absorbed in an activity (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014). Although research connecting these two constructs is limited, some studies have found higher levels of trait self-objectification to be significantly associated with fewer reported flow states (Szymanski & Henning, 2006; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004).

Although flow is not synonymous with intrinsic motivation, flow states have been both theoretically and empirically linked with intrinsic motivation. Nakamura and Csikszentmihalyi (2014), prominent researchers of flow, describe flow as “intrinsically motivated activity” (p. 89). Additionally, flow states are often referred to as “peak motivational states” (e.g., Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004). Empirical work supports this connection as well. For example, Kowal and Fortier (1999) found intrinsic motivation to be positively associated with flow, whereas amotivation, in which a person lacks of desire or purpose to act and/or sees little connection between one’s actions and outcomes, was negatively associated with flow (Deci & Ryan, 2000a; Kowal & Fortier, 1999). Furthermore, Hektner and Csikszentmihalyi (1996) found, in a sample of adolescents, that as frequency of flow states increased, so did reported intrinsic motivation. However, despite this theoretical and empirical connection with flow states as well as the preliminary evidence that state self-objectification decreases intrinsic motivation, no study besides Gapinski et al. (2003) has investigated intrinsic motivation as it relates to trait self-objectification. The current study seeks to address this gap, investigating how trait self-objectification might be associated with a developmentally relevant outcome, specifically college women’s intrinsic motivation related to their specific academic pursuits.

An additional research question needing to be addressed relates to what mechanism/s account for this link between self-objectification and diminished cognitive performance, whether it be decreased scores on a math test or fewer reported states of flow or peak motivation. Although literature testing specific mechanisms is lacking, Quinn et al. (2011) proposes several potential mediators, including self-surveillance, which indeed is the mechanism suggested by Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) in their initial model of objectification. Self-surveillance, or spending cognitive energy thinking about the way your body looks (especially the way it looks to others), is so closely linked with self-objectification that it is often used as a proxy for it in empirical studies. Specifically, trait self-objectification is usually measured using one of two scales: the Self-Objectification Questionnaire (SOQ; Fredrickson et al., 1998) and the Surveillance subscale of the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). However, Calogero et al. (2011) questions the construct validity of utilizing the OBCS as a measure of self-objectification. The authors argue that the SOQ and OBCS assess different constructs and should therefore not be used interchangeably. Specifically, the SOQ measures the relative importance/value of observable versus non-observable bodily traits to a person, whereas the OBCS measures self-surveillance (i.e., how much time and energy one spends thinking about how his or her body looks). Therefore, Calogero and colleagues (2011) argue that self-surveillance is actually a cognitive and behavioral consequence of self-objectification, not self-objectification itself. In turn, self-surveillance might function as a pathway or mechanism of indirect effects between self-objectification and related outcomes. This argument seems consistent with Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) theoretical conception of objectification. This theoretical claim has found some support in empirical literature. For example, Vandenbosch and Eggermont (2012), studying girls ages 12–18, found that self-objectification partially mediated the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance. However, it is important to note that the direct relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance was also significant. Similarly, Vandenbosch and Eggermont (2013) replicated this pattern of relations in adolescent boys. This evidence supports Calogero’s (2011) theoretical claim, suggesting that self-objectification and self-surveillance are not the same construct, and that self-objectification might function as a partial mediator between internalization of beauty ideals and self-surveillance.

Again, research examining self-surveillance as a mediator between trait self-objectification and these cognitive or performance-related outcomes is lacking. However, as previously mentioned, two cross-sectional studies (Szymanski & Henning, 2006; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004) have examined relations between self-objectification, self-surveillance, and reported flow states. First, Tiggemann and Kuring (2004) surveyed 286 college students (171 women) and found that self-surveillance indeed mediated the relationship between trait self-objectification and reported flow states for both women and men. Szymanski and Henning (2006) then attempted to replicate this finding beyond college women, recruiting a sample of 217 women between the ages of 18 and 63. Again, self-surveillance mediated the relationship between trait self-objectification and flow states. However, unlike Tiggemann and Kuring’s (2004) article, Syzmanski and Henning (2006) also found a significant direct effect, with higher reported levels of trait self-objectification significantly predicting fewer flow states. The current study seeks to build on these initial findings by examining whether the relationship between self-objectification and college women’s intrinsic motivation for their chosen major, a more specific peak motivational state very relevant in the lives of college women, is likewise mediated by self-surveillance.

Intrinsic Motivation in College Women

For college students, one of the primary developmental tasks at hand is the successful completion of their undergraduate degree, a task which will have immense implications for their future careers and adult lives. Indeed, choosing one’s field of study and career, and specifically developing one’s identity within a certain career, is an important element of identity formation and is often included in psychometric measures assessing identity (Balistreri et al., 1995). Indeed, Erikson (1968) considered occupational identity development crucial to identity formation during adolescence, believing that it is “the inability to settle on an occupational identity which most disturbs young people” (p. 132). Furthermore, intrinsic motivation is strongly tied to identity formation, with Waterman (2004) going so far as to posit that intrinsic motivation should be added as a third domain to exploration and commitment in classifying identity statuses.

Therefore, the selected outcome in the current study is college women’s intrinsic motivation for their chosen major. Intrinsic motivation is linked with many desirable educational outcomes, including higher levels of creativity and critical thinking, greater perseverance, and improved learning outcomes (Hektner & Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2000b). Finding significant relationships among internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, self-surveillance and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major could have potential salient applications for college women.

The Current Study

The purpose is to examine a process model by which internalization of media appearance ideals is connected to motivation for major studies in college women via the intervening variables of self-objectification and self-surveillance. Our hypotheses are as follows (See Figure 1 for proposed model):

1. It is hypothesized that internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, and self-surveillance will all be positively associated. Conversely, it is hypothesized that intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major will be negatively associated with internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, and self-surveillance.

2. It is hypothesized that self-objectification will partially mediate the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance. Specifically, it is hypothesized that higher reported levels of internalization of media appearance ideals will be associated with higher levels of trait self-objectification, which will in turn be associated with higher levels of reported self-surveillance. However, based on previous research (e.g., Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2012), it is hypothesized that this mediation will be partial, and the direct path from internalization of media appearance ideals to self-surveillance will be significant as well.

3. It is hypothesized that self-surveillance will mediate the relationship between self-objectification and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. Specifically, it is hypothesized that higher reported levels of trait self-objectification will lead to higher levels of self-surveillance, which will in turn lead to lower levels of intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major.

4. It is hypothesized that there will be an indirect path linking internalization of media appearance ideals to intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. Specifically, we hypothesize that internalization of media appearance ideals will be associated with higher levels of trait self-objectification, which subsequently will be associated with increased levels of self-surveillance, which will then be associated with lower levels of intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major.

Figure 1.

Proposed model. Note: plus signs (+) indicate positive hypothesized relationships; negative signs (−) indicate negative hypothesized relationships.

Method

Descriptive analyses were conducted in SPSS 26, and path analyses were conducted in R using the package ‘lavaan’ (Rosseel, 2012). All research materials, including raw data as well as analysis code and syntax, are available by emailing the corresponding author. We report all decisions related to participant exclusion and measures in accordance with current guidelines on nonexperimental quantitative research (e.g., inclusion/exclusion criteria of participants, internal consistency of applicable measures; Applebaum et al., 2018). The current study was not pre-registered with any open-science organization.

Participants and Procedure

Data for the current study are drawn from Project S.H.E. (Self, Health, and Expression), a larger study examining body image, eating and exercise patterns, and sense of self in college women. Female first- and second-year students were recruited from a private university in a medium-sized Midwestern city via a Psychology Department participant pool as well as flyers posted around campus. To be eligible, participants had to identify as women, be at least 18 years old, and speak English fluently. Overall, we received 365 sign-ups, with 343 women going on to complete the study (58.6% first-year students; M_age = 18.82, SD_age = 0.72). Questionnaires took approximately 1 hour to complete and were completed online via Qualtrics, an online survey platform. Participants were compensated either $15 or extra credit in their Psychology classes.

The majority of students reported a female biological sex assignment at birth (99.7% female, 0.3% male) and a female gender identity (99.4% female, 0.3% non-binary, 0.3% other). The racial makeup of the sample was relatively homogenous, with 77.7% of the sample identifying as White/Caucasian, 4.4% identifying as Black or African American, 7.6% identifying as Asian, 7.9% identifying as Multiracial/Multiethnic, and 2.3% identifying as a different race or ethnicity. Additionally, students reported their major (or, if they had not declared a major yet, what they planned on majoring in). Although most participants (45.8%) were science majors, many reported majoring in social science (25.4%), business (9.0%), engineering (7.3%), and the humanities (6.1%). Fewer students reported majoring in the arts (2.9%), music (0.3%), and mathematics (3.2%).

Measures

Internalization of Media Appearance Ideals

Internalization of media appearance ideals was measured using the Internalization-General subscale of the Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance Questionnaire-3 (SATAQ-3; Thompson et al., 2004). Previous research (e.g., Thompson & Stice, 2001), has conceptualized this measure as “thin-ideal internalization.” However, because appearance standards for women now go beyond thinness and might be different for women of different ages, racial or ethnic backgrounds, it was conceptualized more broadly for this study (Overstreet et al., 2010). This nine-item subscale asks participants to rank their level of agreement with each item on a likert-type scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), with higher scores indicating greater internalization. Sample items include “I would like my body to look like the people who are in movies” and “I compare my appearance to the appearance of TV and movie stars.” Scores can potentially range from 9 to 45, with observed scores in this study also ranging from 9 to 45. This scale has been widely used in the literature, demonstrating sufficient reliability and validity (Thompson et al., 2004). For this study, Cronbach’s alpha was equal to .93.

Trait Self-Objectification

Trait self-objectification was measured with the Self-Objectification Questionnaire (SOQ; Fredrickson et al., 1998). For the SOQ, participants are given 10 body attributes, five of which are appearance-related and observable (e.g., weight, sex appeal) and five of which are not appearance-related and are unobservable, but are still related to the body (e.g., energy level, health). Participants must rank these 10 attributes from that which has the greatest impact on their physical self-concept (ranked as 1) to that which has the least impact on their physical self-concept (ranked as 10). In order to score this scale, items are reverse scored, then the sum of the appearance-related items are subtracted from the sum of the non-appearance-related items. Scores can potentially range from −25 to 25, and the observed scores also range from −25 to 25. Higher scores indicate higher levels of trait-self-objectification. This scale has been used widely across a variety of populations (Calogero, 2011) and demonstrated adequate construct validity (Noll & Fredrickson, 1998).

Self-Surveillance

Self-surveillance was measured using the Surveillance subscale of the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). This subscale consists of nine items rated on a likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), with higher scores indicating higher levels of self-surveillance (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Additionally, a “Not Applicable” option is available. Sample items include “I often worry about whether the clothes I am wearing make me look good” and “During the day, I think about how I look many times.” Scores can potentially range from 7 to 63, with observed scores in this study range from 15 to 56. The OBCS has demonstrated strong internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and construct validity (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .81.

Intrinsic Motivation for Chosen College Major

Intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major was measured utilizing an adapted version of the Motivation and Science Identity Inventory- Intrinsic Motivation subscale (MSII; Schmit et al., 2021). This 13-item subscale utilizes a likert scale that ranges from 1 (not like me) to 7 (exactly like me). Although the original scale was designed for science majors, we adapted this measure for use in our study so it would be appropriate for students of all majors. For the current study, each participant’s identified major was automatically included in each question. Prompted with “Please select the response that best describes the reason why you are currently majoring in or want to major in [your selected major], sample questions include “For the satisfaction I get when I broaden my knowledge about [selected major] and “[Selected major] is a fundamental part of who I am.” Scores can potentially range from 7 to 91, and the observed scores in this study range from 27 to 91. For this study, Cronbach’s alpha was .92.

Analytic Plan

Preliminary analyses consisted of inspection of variable distributions, descriptive information, and examination of missingness. Prior to major analyses, all continuous variables were standardized to a mean of 0 and standard deviation of 1. Major analyses included inspection of the correlations among model variables as well as specification and evaluation of the hypothesized model (see Figure 1). For this model, path analyses were utilized within a structural equation framework. Following examination of model fit, standardized path coefficients were examined, including hypothesized indirect paths. For all path coefficients and indirect paths, alpha was set at .05.

Results

Preliminary Analyses

As a first step in the preliminary analyses, the data were inspected for missingness. Inspection revealed the data were largely complete, with some notable missingness. Due to an initial error in Qualtrics, the first 21 participants who reported majoring in social science were not shown two items of the MSII. At this point in the data collection, this error was discovered and fixed. In order to account for this, an additional model was tested that controlled for being a social science major (see below). Additionally, five participants were missing one measure, and one participant was missing two measures. Four other participants skipped single items within measures. Overall, besides the social science missingness, missing data accounted for approximately 0.73% of the data for this study. Because this is a small proportion of missingness, full-information maximum likelihood (FIML) was used to estimate missing data.

Descriptive statistics for all continuous study variables were examined prior to analyses. Although skewness and kurtosis values were appropriate according to conventions, results of Shapiro-Wilkes tests indicated that none of the variables met this particular criterion for univariate normality. Similarly, results indicated that the proposed model violated the normality assumption, which can lead to biased values for model fit indices as well as biased path coefficients. Therefore, robust standard errors, also called sandwich standard errors or Satorra-Bentler standard errors, were utilized for the SEM. These robust standard errors, which rescale the χ² distribution based on the degree of multivariate nonnormality, have been shown to be robust to violations of the normality assumption (West et al., 1995).

Finally, a one-way ANOVA with Tukey’s HSD pairwise comparisons was conducted in order to investigate potential mean-level differences in intrinsic motivation for one’s college major across the different major categories (science, social science, mathematics, engineering, humanities, art, music, or business). After accounting for multiple comparisons, however, there were no significant differences in intrinsic motivation between students of different majors (all ps > .05). Therefore, we proceeded under the assumption that there were no mean-level differences between students of different majors in their intrinsic motivation.

Primary Analyses

The first hypothesis was that internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, and self-surveillance would be significantly associated with intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. In order to test this hypothesis, bivariate correlations were examined (see Table 1). Significant associations in the expected directions were found between many study variables. Related to our first hypothesis, intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major was negatively associated with trait self-objectification (r = −.12, p < .05) and self-surveillance (r = −.22, p < .001). However, internalization of media appearance ideals was not associated with intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major (r = .07, n. s.). Therefore, our first hypothesis was partially supported.

Table 1.

Means, SDs, and Correlations between Study Variables.

	M	SD	1	2	3	4
1. Internalization of Media Appearance Ideals (SATAQ-3)	29.59	8.21	1.00
2. Trait self-objectification (SOQ)	−0.93	13.98	.46***	1.00
3. Self-surveillance (OBCS)	37.20	7.91	.56***	.58***	1.00
4. Intrinsic motivation for chosen college major (MSII)	69.09	13.52	−.07	−.12*	−.22***	1.00

Note. *p < .05; ***p < .001.

Next, the proposed path analysis was examined. Before interpreting results, we tested an additional model in which we controlled for being a social science major (SS) in intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major, with that path freely estimated. As previously stated, this additional model was tested in order to determine whether the missing data related to being a social science major described above held any undue influence on the proposed model. These models did not differ in terms of their model fit, in the significance of path coefficients, or significance of hypothesized indirect paths. Because being a social science major did not seem to change the results, results from the original proposed model without controlling for major are presented.

Results of the hypothesized model indicated excellent model fit (χ² (2) = 1.01, p = .60; CFI = 1.00; RMSEA 90% CI = [0.00, 0.09]; SRMR = 0.01; see Figure 2). Our second hypothesis was that self-objectification partially mediated the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance, with higher reported levels of internalization of media appearance ideals leading to higher levels of trait self-objectification, in turn leading to higher levels of reported self-surveillance. However, we also expected that the direct path between media appearance ideals and self-surveillance would remain significant in the context of the indirect effect. Our hypothesis was supported, as trait self-objectification indeed partially mediated the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals (Std. Est. = 0.19, 95% CI = [0.13, 0.24], p < .001). As expected, the direct path from internalization of media appearance ideals to self-surveillance was also significant (β = 0.37, p < .001).

Figure 2.

Fitted model. ***p < .001.

Our third hypothesis was that self-surveillance would mediate the relationship between self-objectification and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major, with higher reported levels of trait self-objectification leading to higher levels of self-surveillance, in turn leading to lower levels of intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. As seen in Figure 2, self-surveillance did fully mediate the relationship between trait self-objectification and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major (Std. Est. = −0.09, 95% CI = [-0.13, −0.04], p < .01). Therefore, our third hypothesis was supported.

The final hypothesis stated that there would be an overall indirect path linking internalization of media appearance ideals to intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. Specifically, it was hypothesized that internalization of media appearance ideals would be associated with higher levels of trait self-objectification, which subsequently would be associated with increased levels of self-surveillance, which finally would be associated with lower levels of intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. As seen in Figure 2, this indirect path was significant (Std. Est. = −0.04, 95% CI = [-0.06, −0.02], p < .01). Additionally, the total indirect effect (including both possible indirect paths from internalization of media appearance ideals to intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major) was significant (Est. = −0.12, 95% CI = [−0.18, −0.06], p < .01). Thus, our fourth hypothesis was supported.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to examine relations among the internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, self-surveillance, and college women’s intrinsic motivation for their chosen college major, as well as to investigate a process model of potential indirect effects. As expected, trait self-objectification partially mediated the relationship between the internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance. Similarly, self-surveillance fully mediated the relationship between trait self-objectification and intrinsic motivation for major pursuits. Finally, the overall path linking internalization of media appearance ideals and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major was significant.

Trait self-objectification partially mediated the relationship between the internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance. In other words, internalizing the beauty ideals put forth by the media was tied to valuing one’s physical appearance more and subsequently reflecting increased cognitive energy monitoring that appearance. However, internalization of media appearance ideals was also directly associated with self-surveillance. This pattern of relations is consistent with previous literature (Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2012, 2013), and it provides additional support for Calogero et al.’s (2011) argument that self-surveillance is not synonymous with self-objectification and instead is a consequence of self-objectification. Additionally, given the significant direct path, future studies could seek to uncover additional mechanisms of effect that further explain the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance.

Additionally, trait self-objectification was associated with increased self-surveillance, which was subsequently associated with decreased intrinsic motivation for college major studies. However, unlike the relationship between internalization of media appearance ideals and self-surveillance, there was no significant direct path from trait self-objectification to intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. This suggests that, in the context of the current model, the relationship between these two variables is fully mediated by an increase in self-surveillance. Additionally, this finding provides initial evidence that, not only is self-objectification associated with cognitive performance, flow states, and intrinsic motivation for the current task (Dimas et al., 2021; Fredrickson et al., 1998; Syzmanski & Henning 2006; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004), it is also significantly associated with decreased intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen major in college women.

There was a significant overall indirect path linking internalization of media appearance ideals to intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major through trait self-objectification and subsequent self-surveillance. However, as previously stated, internalization of media appearance ideals and intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major were not significantly associated (see Table 1). Although traditional approaches to mediation (e.g., Baron & Kenny, 1986) require a significant association between the independent variable and dependent variable, contemporary quantitative researchers argue that this significant direct association is not necessary for mediation (see MacKinnon et al., 2000). Specifically, because signs of certain paths within the model (e.g., trait self-objectification predicting self-surveillance) are positive, whereas other signs within the model (e.g., self-surveillance predicting intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major) are negative, the direct association might be suppressed even though the indirect path is significant. Taken together, this study provides initial evidence that the internalization of media appearance ideals is indirectly related to lower levels of intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major in college women.

Why might this pattern of relations be occurring? Several possibilities exist and seem plausible. First, both in line with Fredrickson and Robertss’ (1997) original model of objectification and supported by the current study’s model, women who have internalized media beauty ideals and engage in self-objectification spend additional time and cognitive energy thinking about their appearance. Given that human beings have limited attention and cognitive resources, spending time and cognitive energy on one’s appearance necessitates that other domains of one’s life, including academic studies, are receiving less attention (Baumeister et al., 1998). As previously stated, this mechanism of increased self-surveillance is what is argued by Fredrickson and Robertss’ (1997) in their original model as well as what was explicitly tested and supported by the current study.

Although increased self-surveillance is one mechanism explaining the link between motivation for college women’s chosen major and the internalization of media appearance ideals and self-objectification, other factors might also be explaining this increased self-objectification and self-surveillance and subsequent decreased intrinsic motivation for one’s major. For example, women who have internalized media appearance ideals and self-objectify might believe spending time and energy on their appearance is a better use of time than other things, as cultural messages from the media related to beauty argue that an attractive appearance is both an ethical ideal and necessary for women’s success (Peixoto Labre & Walsh-Childers, 2003; Widdows, 2018). Therefore, in order to be successful in life, women especially must invest in and prioritize cultivating an attractive appearance. There is credence to this line of thinking, as empirical evidence has overwhelmingly supported the notion that physically attractive people are perceived as more competent (Jackson et al., 1995) and are more successful across domains of life (Hamermesh, 2011). It follows, therefore, that being motivated to succeed in one’s academic major might not be sufficient for life success in the minds of these college women, therefore attention and energy must also be directed toward cultivating one’s appearance. Indeed, these cultural messages from the media related to beauty and appearance being essential for success might be driving this indirect process observed by the current study. This notion is necessarily speculative, therefore empirical research is needed to investigate this possibility.

Another potential explanation for these findings comes from interdisciplinary work on objectification. Papadaki (2010), proposes that objectification involves treating someone as an object specifically in a manner that denies or diminishes the person’s humanity, such as through treating that person as interchangeable with another or as lacking autonomy or self-determination. It follows, then, that women who engage in self-objectification might see themselves as lacking autonomy or self-determination. This perceived lack of autonomy or self-determination, then, would likely include diminished intrinsic motivation for a college woman’s chosen major. Because Papadaki’s (2010) work is theoretical, however, future research should investigate whether diminished autonomy might mediate the relationships observed by the current study.

These results hold potential implications for intrinsic motivation and identity development. Identity synthesis is a key task of adolescence, and there is increasing evidence that identity synthesis as a salient life task extends into emerging adulthood (Schwartz et al., 2005; Wood et al., 2018). Additionally, choosing one’s career and one’s identity within a certain career is an important element of identity synthesis and is often included in psychometric measures assessing identity synthesis (Balistreri et al., 1995). Similarly, several items on the scale measuring intrinsic motivation for one’s college major relate to one’s identity within the chosen field of study (e.g., “[Selected major] is a fundamental part of who I am.”). Although causation cannot be determined due to the cross-sectional nature of this study, it is possible that this process/indirect path involving the internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, and self-surveillance could potentially be impeding college women’s ability to identify with their chosen career or field of study, which could also potentially thwart their ability to successfully navigate this key life task of identity synthesis.

Although the body- and eating- related outcomes of the primary study variables are well-supported in the extant literature, the results of this study hold potential implications for college women’s academic achievement and career success. In some ways, women today have more choices and opportunities than women in past generations. Women are receiving more bachelor’s and graduate degrees than men, and women continue to participate and succeed in the workforce (Parker, 2021; Perry, 2021). However, as previously stated, appearance pressures on women remain, and attempting to meet unrealistic norms for appearance may require a good deal of cognitive, emotional, physical, and material resources. In turn, such a restricted focus and investment may potentially divert one’s motivation within the self to pursue complex life options to a more narrow emphasis on appearance. Furthermore, as intrinsic motivation predicts improved learning, critical thinking skills, and perseverance during difficulty, this indirect path linking the internalization of media appearance ideals to decreased intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major supported by the current study could potentially be holding women back in their academic learning and career success (Hektner & Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2000a). Stated differently, this indirect process could be limiting these desirable outcomes of intrinsic motivation, potentially hindering college women’s ability to excel in their chosen academic field. Future research could attempt to extend the current model by empirically testing these theoretical possibilities.

It is important to note, however, that although the results of the overall indirect path were statistically significant, the effect was small. Although the effect of this objectification process should not be discounted, this small effect indicates that other factors are influencing the intrinsic motivation college women have for their chosen undergraduate major. Future studies should investigate other factors that could potentially be influencing college women’s intrinsic motivation for their chosen major.

This study could have important implications for media advocacy and interventions related to self-objectification beyond body mental health, body dissatisfaction, and eating behaviors. Although the body- and eating-related outcomes of the internalization of media ideals and trait self-objectification are worthy of intervention in and of themselves, the implications for intrinsic motivation in college add to the imperative. For example, media literacy interventions could seek to decrease the internalization of media appearance ideals, which could potentially lessen trait self-objectification and its subsequent effects, including increased self-surveillance and decreased intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major. In other words, a targeted intervention could help keep women off this path. This could potentially improve intrinsic motivation for academic pursuits, as well as intrinsic motivation across other domains of life. Future research could attempt to replicate similar findings using an experimental design to more fully investigate this potential.

Future research could also attempt to replicate a similar pattern of relations in other domains of life. Although academics and degree completion are salient life tasks for college students, these are certainly not the only elements of a college student’s life. Additionally, salient life tasks certainly change based on age, therefore intrinsic motivation for one’s chosen college major would not always be the developmentally appropriate outcome. Future studies could examine whether this process model is significantly associated with decreased intrinsic motivation for other domains of life, such as intrinsic motivation related to sports, health, music, relationships, or religion.

Although our model was theoretically derived and empirically reasonable, our data were cross-sectional and thus we could not examine time-ordering of the variables. Future studies could seek to investigate similar constructs longitudinally in order to determine the time-ordering of effects as well as examine potential bidirectionality. Additionally, our sample was relatively homogenous and limited to female university students in a specific Midwestern city. Although we recruited anyone who self-identified as female, almost all participants were cisgender women. Finally, the racial and ethnic composition of the sample was consistent with the student population from which participants were drawn, however future studies should prioritize a more diverse sample.

As previously stated, the current study sought to replicate and extend the literature regarding internalization of media appearance ideals, trait self-objectification, self-surveillance, and their potential relationship with intrinsic motivation for college women’s chosen major. Given the implications for women’s identity development and occupational success, findings from this study provide initial evidence that the relationships between these variables warrant further investigation.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material - Internalization of Media Appearance Ideals and College Women’s Intrinsic Motivation for Their Major: Indirect Effects Through Self-Objectification and Self-Surveillance

Supplemental material for Internalization of Media Appearance Ideals and College Women’s Intrinsic Motivation for Their Major: Indirect Effects Through Self-Objectification and Self-Surveillance by Jessica E. Hocking and Dawn M. Gondoli in Emerging Adulthood

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The current study was funded by the University of Notre Dame's Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts (#18245772).

Open Practice

The raw data, analysis code, and materials used in this study are not openly available but are available upon request to the corresponding author. The data collection and analysis were not pre-registered.

ORCID iDs

Jessica E. Hocking

Dawn M. Gondoli

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Jessica E. Hocking is a Doctoral Student in Developmental Psychology at the University of Notre Dame. Her research focuses on how objectification, body image, and identity influence the educational, physical, and socioemotional outcomes of girls and women.

Dawn M. Gondoli is a Professor of Developmental Psychology at the University of Notre Dame. Her research focuses on body image, parenting, and socioemotional adjustment during adolescence, young adulthood, and midlife.

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