Emerging Strengths: Challenges and Coping Strategies in Emerging Adulthood Among at-Risk Young-Adult Arab Palestinians in Israel

Abstract

The present exploratory study investigated the challenges and coping strategies employed by at-risk young adult Arab Palestinians in Israel. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 35 individuals aged 18–29 who were receiving or received formal support. The findings revealed two categories: (a) socio-familial, cultural, and educational challenges, and b) coping strategies, including outward-facing strategies reflected in taking an active role in transforming challenging circumstances to accomplish their developmental tasks, and inward-facing strategies which draw on personal resources to enhance cognitive processing and emotion regulation. The discussion addresses the study’s findings in relation to the existing literature on risk, coping, and resilience, with a focus on the emerging adulthood period. Recommendations for practice include the integration of strength-based interventions that cultivate coping abilities; the development of mentorship opportunities which allow working with role models from the same background who demonstrate self-agency; and the design of context-informed interventions that build resilience.

Keywords

resilience coping strategies challenges young adults Arab Palestinian society

Introduction

Emerging adults navigate a range of critical developmental and instrumental tasks such as pursuing employment, education, and building social networks. This life stage, referred to as emerging adulthood, is characterized by significant transitions across multiple areas, often leading to a sense of instability and uncertainty that can result in periods of crisis and vulnerability (Arnett & Mitra, 2020). Research suggests that this period becomes more fragile and complex within challenging sociocultural contexts, particularly for individuals facing insufficient personal and environmental resources or minoritized communities (De Marco & Berzin, 2008; Sulimani-Aidan, 2020a; Syed & Mitchell, 2013).

The Study Context: Arab Palestinian Citizens in Israel

Since the establishment of the State of Israel, Arab Palestinian citizens (hereinafter, Arabs) became an indigenous minority within the state, resulting in a deep ethnic divide between them and the Jews. This division is rooted in the historical Israeli Arab conflict that emerged during the 1948 war (Bickerton & Klausner, 2018).

Arab citizens constitute the largest ethnonational minority group in Israel, making up 21% of the population (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics [ICBS], 2022). It includes three main groups: Muslims (the largest group, constituting 83% of the Arab population), Christian (7%), and Druze (8%). The three groups share several socioeconomic factors such as high rate of poverty, high birth rate, and lower participation in the labour market rather than that of the Jewish population; and live in segregated predominantly Arab towns and villages located mainly in the geographic and social periphery of the country. A smaller portion resides in mixed Jewish-Arab cities or Jewish cities (Diab et al., 2022). This population endures multiple forms of exclusion and discrimination that have solidified its minoritized status (Jamal, 2020). They are less integrated in the labor market and employment, and their wages are far below those of the Jewish population (ICBS, 2022), resulting in higher poverty rates—45.3% within Arab society compared to 18% in the overall population in Israel. There are disparities in living conditions between Jewish and Arab communities, Arab neighborhoods being characterized by higher poverty rates, crime, violence, and poor physical and environmental infrastructure (Daoud et al., 2017). Arabs have lower high school graduation rates and are underrepresented in higher education (Ayalon et al., 2019). This reality affects their wellbeing and they tend to report higher rates of psychological symptoms, lower life satisfaction, and fewer personal resources than Jewish citizens (Kaplan et al., 2010; Kushnirovich & Sherman, 2018; Zeidner & Ben-Zur, 2013). Arab society is deeply rooted in a traditional, collectivist, and patriarchal culture, where interdependence among individuals is highly valued. Personal identity is strongly linked to family and group membership. This collectivist structure often emphasizes male authority and control, with the entire family responsible for maintaining solidarity and upholding the family’s honor (Haj-Yahia, 2019).

Challenges Among At-Risk Young-Adult Arab Palestinians in Israel

Young adult Arab Palestinian citizens aged 18–35 make up approximately 22.5% of the young adult population of Israel (Israel Central Bureau of Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2023). Fifty-one percent of them are unemployed, and around 40.5% live below the poverty line. Additionally, 14% do not meet the eligibility criteria for a high school diploma—a rate twice as high as that of their Jewish counterparts. Geographically, 91.2% of Arabs live in Arab localities and 8.8% in mixed cities (Faibish, 2024).

Recent studies indicate that young adults Arabs face a disproportionate burden of stressors, including NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) status, economic difficulties, discrimination, and substandard neighborhood conditions (Achdut, 2024; Karram-Elias & Sulimani-Aidan, 2024). At-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel confront challenges that intersect across sociopolitical, sociocultural, and interpersonal contexts (Elias et al., 2019). As minoritized young adults, they experience social and economic marginalization, resource scarcity, and discrimination (Elias & Sulimani-Aidan, 2024; Sulimani-Aidan et al., 2024). Moreover, prior research examining challenges faced by at-risk young adults highlights the significant impact of conservative and traditional cultural norms on their lives, demonstrating that these individuals often face high expectations to conform to established social standards and fulfill specific family duties dictated by these norms (Sulimani-Aidan, 2020b). For example, young Arab men, adhering to traditional masculine roles, are often expected or feel obligated to financially support their families. Similarly, young Arab women identify the Arab cultural context as a barrier to pursuing their educational and career aspirations, as they are frequently expected to marry at an early age. The strong emphasis on family and cultural obligations can limit their freedom to fully engage in the exploration and self-discovery typically associated with emerging adulthood (Hadad Haj-Yahya et al., 2018). Moreover, Sulimani-Aidan (2020a) found that young Arab adults face barriers rooted in their family backgrounds, such as economic hardship, educational gaps, and strained or unstable relationships with their families. They also face a significant lack of professional guidance and emotional support crucial for navigating the complexities of transitioning to adulthood (Sulimani-Aidan, 2020a). Those most vulnerable are young women, individuals from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, and those from broken families (Shoshana, 2020; Sulimani-Aidan, 2020a, 2020b). We suggest that this cohort experiences emerging adulthood from a significantly more vulnerable position than their Jewish counterparts in Israel, who benefit from substantial state investments in employment, housing, and healthcare, which have facilitated economic development and higher living standards (Daoud et al., 2017). This disparity parallels observations in other Western countries where emerging adulthood has been characterized as a “luxury” available primarily to those with adequate resources, typically white middle-class young adults (Hendry & Kloep, 2007; Tajfel, 1981).

Against this backdrop, the crucial question of how at-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel endure and cope with their vulnerabilities remains understudied. Scholars argue that, despite facing risks and adversity, some at-risk young adults achieve positive outcomes and healthy trajectories, showcasing their coping abilities and resilience (Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 2011). In the current study we sought to address this gap in the literature by examining how minoritized, at-risk young adults adapt to stressors and challenges during emerging adulthood.

Coping in Emerging Adulthood

In the current study we leaned on Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) Transactional Model of Stress and Coping. This model defines coping as “cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person” (p. 141). The model highlights the transactional relationship between stress, stress appraisal, and coping processes, and distinguishes between two general types of coping. The first, “problem-focused coping,” is aimed at solving the problem at hand or taking action to alter the source of stress. The second, “emotion-focused coping,” focuses on reducing or managing the emotional distress triggered by the situation.

Studies have indicated the effectiveness of coping strategies in building resilience during emerging adulthood, but this knowledge base remains limited (Compas et al., 2017; Leipold et al., 2019). There is a significant gap in understanding how at-risk young adult Arab Palestinians in Israel cope, given the multiple challenges they face. For the purpose of this study, we relied on research on Muslim minoritized young adult populations worldwide. For example, a study examining the socioemotional and educational adjustment of Muslim students in the US found that their religious identity contributed to more positive affect, a stronger sense of belonging, and heightened vigilance against anti-Muslim bias (Totonchi et al., 2022). Research suggests that Muslim Americans often cope with discrimination by seeking solidarity and support within their communities, demonstrating the effectiveness of coping strategies (Agrawal et al., 2019; Rodriguez Mosquera et al., 2013; Saleem & Ramasubramanian, 2019). A study on Arab American emerging adults demonstrated that a strong ethnic identity positively contributed to psychological wellbeing, suggesting that identity affirmation may serve as a protective factor against stress and discrimination (Sheldon et al., 2015). A recent study on Muslim American college students revealed that they coped with discrimination by fostering a sense of pride in their Muslim identity, cognitively reframing their experiences of discrimination and actively resisting stereotypes and discriminatory behaviors (Colgan et al., 2024).

As noted, research on coping strategies of at-risk young adult Arab Palestinians in Israel is limited but available studies offer valuable insights. For example, a study exploring the coping strategies of Bedouin Arab adolescents facing the threat of house demolitions revealed a predominant use of problem-solving strategies that proved effective in managing psychological stress (Braun & Lewensohn et al., 2013). Another study examining acculturative stress among Arab students in Israel found that female students were more likely to use active coping strategies than their male counterparts (Abu-Kaf & Khalaf, 2020). These findings illustrate the significant role of gender in shaping coping mechanisms within minoritized groups. Research investigating the challenges faced by Arab students in Israeli academic institutions also identified several coping strategies, including reliance on social support, aspirations for social change, and a focus on self-actualization—particularly among female students (Cohen-Azaria & Zamir, 2021).

Research Goals

Drawing on emerging adulthood theory (Arnett, 2000), and Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) Transactional Model of Stress and Coping, we had two primary aims in the current study. First, we aimed to gain a deeper understanding of the challenges faced during emerging adulthood from the perspective of at-risk young-adult Arabs. Second, we wished to explore how this cohort employed coping strategies to navigate the challenges they encountered within their complex sociopolitical, sociocultural, and interpersonal contexts. This exploration will contribute to the theoretical literature on coping and adaptation among minoritized, at-risk emerging adults providing a nuanced cultural and contextual understanding.

Method

In this study we used a qualitative, interpretive epistemology (Galbin, 2014), asserting that knowledge is constructed within specific social, cultural, temporal, and situational contexts of inequality and marginality. Accordingly, we adhered to a constructivist grounded theory approach (Bryant & Charmaz, 2010; Charmaz, 2014). The analysis of in-depth, semi-structured interviews with at-risk young-adult Arabs aims to capture the meaning and understanding of this population’s coping processes.

Participants

The study sample consisted of 35 at-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel who were taking part, or had taken part previously, in the national program for at-risk young adults in Israel, “Yated” (“stake”), funded and operated by the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Social Services. Participants had to meet two eligibility criteria: a) being between 18–29 years of age (reflecting the developmental period of emerging adulthood), and b) young adult Arabs struggle with persistent deprivation or distress in one or more key areas of life, including education, employment, and skills development; social and familial connections; well-being and emotional health; food security; and overall health and protection (Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs and Social Services, 2023).

Among the 35 participants, 29 (82.9%) were young women, and six (17.1%) were young men. The average age was 23.41 years for women and 22.83 years for men. All participants were single, except for one who was married with a child. Most participants, 29 (82.9%) were Muslim, and six (17.1%) were Druze. Regarding education and employment, 48.6% were pursuing a BA degree, and 51.4% were high school graduates working in non-professional and temporary positions (e.g., marketing and delivery). Twelve (34.2%) live in an Arab city, twelve (34.2%) live in an Arab village, and thirteen participants (37.1%) live in a mixed city. The majority (77.1%) lived in their parents’ homes, whereas the remaining 22.9% lived in supervised apartments for care leavers during the study, primarily because living with family was not an option. One participant lived with her husband. Their risk backgrounds were diverse and included economic difficulties, educational gaps, history of abuse and neglect, and social exclusion.

Procedure

The study received approval from the Institutional Review Board of the authors’ academic institutions and Israel’s Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Social Services. All participants signed consent forms. After obtaining ethical approval, the first author contacted social workers who work with young adults through her role in social services, requesting contact details of at-risk Arab young adults. A convenience sample of individuals aged 18–29 was then randomly selected. Potential participants were initially contacted by phone, informed about the study’s goals, and asked for their consent to participate. Those who agreed were interviewed via Zoom (due to the COVID-19 pandemic) in 2021-2022. Interviews were conducted in Arabic, the native language of the study population, by the first author, and lasted 1–1.5 hours on average. At the beginning of each interview, participants were assured of anonymity and confidentiality and were informed that they could terminate their participation at any stage or refrain from answering specific questions. They were also informed that if they experienced any stress or difficulty during or after the interview, they could contact or seek support from counseling services for at-risk young adults. Participants’ personal details have been changed or omitted in the current paper to protect their privacy.

Data for the study were collected using a semi-structured interview protocol with open-ended questions. The interviews focused on four main topics: (a) challenging and stressful life events experienced by at-risk young-adult Arabs during emerging adulthood; (b) strategies used when confronting challenges; (c) how these approaches contributed to positive outcomes despite challenging circumstances; and (d) participants’ reflections on how these experiences influenced their coping mechanisms during emerging adulthood. The main questions of the interview protocol were: (1) “As a young Arab Palestinian adult, can you recall an important event where you faced a significant challenge in coping?” (2) “What helped you cope with this event, and what actions did you take?” (3) “Did you cope with this event on your own or did you receive support from important figures in your life?” (4) “How did coping with this event strengthen your self-confidence and resilience?” (5) “How did the coping process help you gain new insights about yourself, particularly regarding coping strategies, and how do these insights manifest in your daily life?”

Following Lincoln and Guba (1985), the naturalistic interviews began with a broad, general question, allowing respondents to ease into the conversation in a relaxed atmosphere. The answers provided valuable insights into how participants perceived the overall context of their experiences. Follow-up questions became more specific, inquiring about how participants coped with challenges as part of an ethnic minoritized group in a collectivist culture and the extent to which their coping mechanisms contributed to resilience and the development of adaptive strategies.

Data Analysis

We applied a three-stage analysis process (Corbin & Strauss, 2015), involving constant comparative analysis through iterative inductive and deductive thinking (Chun Tie et al., 2019). The process began with each researcher reading the interview transcripts individually, followed by a collective review. Open coding was then conducted on each transcript, identifying emergent themes and grouping them into categories. In the second stage, we performed axial coding to differentiate and explore the connections and variations between the themes. Through selective coding, we constructed two core categories. In the third stage, theoretical coding was conducted to examine parallels between the core categories and the overarching theory. The goal of this analysis process was to construct a comprehensive framework for all identified themes, leading to the definition of the two main categories (Birks & Mills, 2015).

The following analysis standards were applied. To ensure credibility, we used documents, memoranda, analysis trees, and diagrams. We identified themes and formed categories based on our findings, ensuring that quotes were maintained in their original context. To ensure dependability, we documented all stages of the study analysis and based our findings on direct quotations, allowing readers to follow our reasoning process throughout the research (Franklin & Balan, 2005). For confirmability, we examined our interpretations of each interview individually and collectively to ensure internal coherence. Regarding transferability, readers may use their discretion to determine the applicability of our findings to other contexts and populations (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

According to constructivist grounded theory, reflexivity is a crucial aspect that involves the active, persistent, and critical examination of the researcher’s preconceived assumptions and beliefs that might influence the research process (Charmaz, 2014, 2020). This perspective suggests that researchers cannot adopt a passive stance toward the data nor can they claim objectivity or authority. Instead, they must acknowledge and scrutinize their perspectives, values, and biases that inevitably shape the research process and their interpretations of the data. Reflexivity requires researchers to engage in reflective thinking to ensure trustworthiness by remaining aware of how their personal positions and values may influence the study process (Patton, 2015). To reach a consensus on the findings, the authors used self-awareness and reflection, both individually and through ongoing discussions in group meetings. As experts in the fields of coping, resilience, and emerging adulthood, they engaged in continuous reflection to mitigate potential biases arising from their professional and personal experiences. To ensure confirmability, the authors conducted peer debriefing meetings to review and refine the identified themes. Seventeen of the interviews were conducted in Hebrew and 18 in Arabic. Two authors, whose first language is Arabic and second language is Hebrew, translated the selected excerpts from Hebrew and Arabic into English. The excerpts were then back-translated into Hebrew by a third author, after which all the authors reviewed the translations to ensure accuracy and consistency in meaning.

Ethical and Critical Standards

Participants received comprehensive information about the study goals and were assured of confidentiality and anonymity before interviews began. Interviewers explained the research objectives and obtained verbal consent from each participant. All identifying information was rigorously protected to ensure confidentiality. The research questions took into account the ethnic and national context of the study participants, and questions about challenges and coping strategies were asked in relation to their identity as Arab Palestinians.

Findings

Our findings revealed two main categories: (1) challenges faced by at-risk young-adult Arabs Palestinians in Israel, and (2) coping strategies utilized by at-risk young-adult Arabs Palestinians in Israel.

Challenges Faced by At-Risk Young-Adult Arab Palestinians in Israel

The first category focused on the challenges faced by at-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel. Participants highlighted challenges across two primary domains: (1) socio-familial challenges stemming from both their particular family situation and traditional patriarchal-collectivist values, which limited their ability to pursue typical emerging adulthood developmental tasks; and (2) educational challenges stemming from their sociocultural and sociopolitical position as an ethnic minoritized group.

Socio-Familial and Cultural Challenges

Seventeen participants described their interpersonal family dynamics as a significant challenge during their transition to adulthood. In this context, a 25-year-old woman living in a supervised apartment for care leavers in Arab city, lacked a relationship with her family and had an Egyptian father who resided in Israel and was violent toward her. She said the following:

When I was 17, I lived with my father. When I lived with him, I was never allowed to go out; he wouldn’t let me leave the house. He constantly told me that my life wasn’t worth living and that I would die without anyone having known me. When he was upset with me, he would become violent. This experience was very hard for me because, at times, I started to believe him.

Familial challenges that affected the functioning of the entire family were also identified as significant sources of difficulty. A 24-year-old young-adult woman living in an Arab village described her family’s struggles with multiple risky circumstances, leading her to drop out of school:

The situation at home was terrible and very difficult. My father was addicted to drugs, my mother has a disability with her hand. She’s also an older woman and can’t work now. My brothers don’t help us either. I dropped out of school and started working as a hotel cleaner.

Notably, the young-adult female participants in the study described how their families’ and culture’s traditional orientation often limited their opportunities to engage in tasks typical of emerging adulthood. For example, a 26-year-old woman living in a mixed Arab-Jewish city stated:

I frequently had conflicts with my parents. They constantly refused to allow me to work outside the city. There were various courses I wanted to take, aiming to build a career in makeup artistry, but they didn’t allow me. Their lack of trust in me left me feeling confused and frustrated.

Another 22-year-old woman, who left her home due to risky circumstances, now resided in a supervised apartment for care leavers in Arab city. She said:

The most terrible and difficult thing at home was the violence, the expectations, and the patriarchal nature where men control women through violence. The situation at home was horrible and difficult; we lived for several years without electricity. I felt I should help my family by taking responsibility and working to improve our circumstances, but they wouldn’t let me work. Sometimes I would go out to work anyway.

Educational Challenges Arising From Their Ethnic Minoritized Status

Twenty-one participants repeatedly highlighted the importance of attaining higher education but noted numerous challenges that hindered their efforts and aspirations. Participants’ statements indicated that barriers to higher education were interwoven with the sociocultural context of Arab society in Israel, characterized by low integration in higher education. This is reflected in how their status as first-generation college students in their families poses significant challenges. The sociopolitical context also emerged as relevant, as participants described how belonging to a minoritized group in Israeli academic institutions hindered their access to facilitators and opportunities necessary for educational advancement.

Participants reported having difficulties such as failing to meet admission requirements, which hindered their integration and acceptance into higher education. For example, a 21-year-old woman from an Arab city, a first-generation student in her family, shared:

After completing high school, I applied to university but was rejected due to my low score on the Amiram exam [English-language exam], part of the admission requirements. This rejection was an extremely stressful and frustrating experience for me.

Another challenge arose from being a first-generation student in the family and lacking academic experience, which complicated the adjustment to university life, as reflected by a 26-year-old woman living in Arab city:

When I began my bachelor’s degree in nursing, I didn’t know how to manage the extensive requirements and course materials. No one in my family had pursued an academic education, so I didn’t understand what it entailed. I failed all my courses in the first semester.

Other study participants faced challenges in pursuing their educational goals due to sociopolitical barriers, including experiences of discrimination and exclusion at college. This situation was evident in the description given by a 27-year-old young woman living in an Arab city and studying in college. She shared:

We were surprised to learn that Jewish students were eligible for exam accommodations that Arab students did not receive. This was very disruptive and frustrating for us.

From the same perspective, a 23-year-old young man living in an Arab city reported how not serving in the military hindered his eligibility for educational scholarships. He stated:

I struggle a lot thinking about how I can finance my tuition fees. I work a lot, but my earnings are not sufficient. I tried to search for scholarships, but unfortunately every scholarship has conditions that make only students who served in the military eligible, and as you know, as Arabs in Israel, we do not serve in the military.

In sum, young adults in the study consistently pointed out the significant challenges they faced during their transition to adulthood and pursuit of future goals. These challenges stemmed primarily from harmful or unsupportive family relationships, risks associated with their family backgrounds, constraints imposed by conservative patriarchal social structures that often impeded their aspirations, and barriers to accessing higher education shaped by their sociocultural and sociopolitical contexts.

Coping Strategies Among At-Risk Young-Adult Arabs in Israel

This category refers to two different kinds of coping strategies adopted by at-risk young-adult Arabs in addressing their challenges. The first category comprises outward-facing strategies, which are expressed through taking an active role and making proactive efforts. The second comprises inward-facing strategies, manifested through strengthening cognitive thinking and achieving emotion regulation by utilizing various personal resources.

Outward-Facing Strategies

This theme focuses on the outward-facing coping mechanisms adopted by 23 of the participants, characterized by active engagement and proactive efforts to confront their challenges. As one young woman stated: “I wanted to resolve things at home,” referring to her efforts to change her family’s circumstances. Other participants facing traditional constraints coped by behaving in ways that challenged common family perceptions and norms. For example, a 21-year-old young-adult Arab woman living in an Arab village shared her efforts to improve the situation at home by taking an active role:

When my father returned home from inpatient treatment, I stopped working and went back to school. I tried to help the entire family and stand by them. When I turned 18, I worked as a waiter in hotels for two years. I gave my entire salary to my family. I even worked two jobs to support them. There were months when I worked 28 out of 30 days. I paid for all the household expenses.

Regarding challenges at the cultural level, a 20-year-old young-adult Arab woman from a mixed city described her use of concealment to ensure the realization of her ambitions despite her family’s opposition. In her words:

Every day when I leave home, they ask me when I'll be returning and with whom I'm going. Sometimes I lie to them. Two days ago, I wanted to go to work outside the city. When I told them [about this], they said I couldn’t go. So, I went without telling them where I was going. I left without informing them and returned safely. Nothing happened.

Additionally, participants described their active engagement, via the use of practical approaches, in overcoming the challenges they encountered in higher education (i.e., due to their cultural status and their status as members of a minoritized). For example, a 22-year-old young-adult Arab man, living in an Arab city, shared:

During lectures, I would listen attentively and try to internalize the Hebrew language. Gradually, I began to understand more. I started to dare to ask questions; before that, I felt ashamed to do so. I also enrolled in two Hebrew-language courses as a result of which I began to practice speaking Hebrew. Additionally, what helped me was learning by watching the news. I would listen to news broadcasts in both Arabic and Hebrew, then translate between them.

Similarly, a 26-year-old Arab woman, a first-generation student living in an Arab city, was proactive in facing the educational challenges she experienced. As she said:

I sought advice and guidance from my friends, sharing my concerns and asking them how they studied and succeeded. I began to solve problems and answer questions with their help, which enabled me to better understand the course material.

Participants also utilized this type of coping to address experiences of exclusion and discrimination, as this 24-year-old young Arab man from an Arab city, a college student in his final semester, shared:

When I received a written notice from the college asking me to leave, I did everything I could to appeal this decision. I wrote and submitted a request to change their decision. I even sought help from a lawyer to support my case for readmission. It was crucial for me to complete my bachelor’s degree, as without it, I couldn’t work or find employment.

This aspect of the coping process illustrates how young adults actively confronted their challenges, using strategies that proved their agency and determination to overcome difficulties. Specifically, they demonstrated a willingness to address problems directly, adopting both instrumental and practical approaches that manifested as active, problem-focused coping strategies to effectively manage their challenges.

Inward-Facing Strategies

Fifteen participants employed inward-facing strategies to enhance cognitive processing and achieve emotion regulation. These strategies involved utilizing various personal resources, such as emphasizing to themselves the importance of strength, positivity, and perseverance in overcoming challenges. As one participant noted, “You should learn how to stand up for yourself and not give up”. Other participants highlighted inward-facing strategies by adopting a goal-oriented mindset, which supported their efforts to pursue future ambitions and aspirations. Some also emphasized a sense of self-efficacy cultivated through past experiences. Additionally, two participants described turning to religion to provide them with emotional comfort.

Participants frequently described developing a strong, positive mindset as an inward-facing strategy that helped them deal with challenges. For example, a 21-year-old young-adult Arab woman living in a supervised apartment for care leavers in an Arab city, who had survived sexual abuse in her childhood and did not receive support from her family, shared:

I would sit alone every day and tell myself that I am strong, and that I can be even stronger. I reminded myself that life has its ups and downs, and our responsibility is to think about how to cope, improve, and overcome stressors. I believed that as long as I had a genuine aim and desire, I could achieve my goals.

Being strong and moving forward in the face of challenges also contributed to the development of self-confidence, as stated by a 22-year-old young-adult Arab woman living in an Arab village, who was feeling stress after dropping out of an educational course:

I gave myself time to understand and internalize that I had dropped out of the course. I realized that one can’t stay stuck in the same place, regretting things one has lost. One must move forward. Over time, I began to understand that I was capable. I learned that I shouldn’t give up on anything in my life. I concluded that one can’t give up on anything, and I understood that for everything I want, I must work hard to get it. This way of thinking resulted in me becoming more self-confident.

Goal-oriented thinking was also described as an inward-facing strategy employed by participants, who emphasized their determination not to give up easily in the pursuit of future goals. This approach was illustrated by a 21-year-old young-adult Arab woman from an Arab village who lacked direction after high school and felt uncertain about how to pursue her aspirations:

After finishing high school, I felt I didn’t have a support network. I wanted to pursue higher education but didn’t know how to begin. I started to push myself, telling myself that I wanted to learn, improve, and develop. I convinced myself that I could do it, but I needed to search for the right path to achieve my desires and ambitions. I supported myself and didn't deny my desire to learn and find myself.

Another participant demonstrated the use of goal-oriented thinking as an inward-facing strategy that helped her persevere. A 23-year-old woman, living in a supervised apartment for care leavers in Arab city, who had difficulties finding a job due to the stigma associated with her background as an at-risk young-adult woman, shared:

When I submit my CV, employers focus on my identity, my family background, and why I’m not living in my village. This situation is very confusing for me, but I try to be helpful to myself by sitting alone and taking deep breaths. I keep a written list of my aims and goals that I aspire to achieve. I look at them, think about them, and plan how I can accomplish them. I know that sitting and crying won’t help me move forward.

An inward-facing strategy was also reflected in the strong sense of self-efficacy among some of the participants. They described how their life experiences helped cultivate confidence in their ability to cope with challenges. A 23-year-old young-adult man, from an Arab city who confronted educational difficulties along his academic path, shared the following:

I was admitted to college conditionally, pending the completion of several exams. I kept telling myself that I could pass them. I frequently engaged in self-dialogue to build a positive, optimistic mindset about the exams, believing in my ability to succeed. Eventually, I did succeed, and now I’m enrolled as a regular student without conditions. This experience taught me not to give up easily and to maintain positive thoughts when facing stressful life events.

Two participants also adopted an inward-facing strategy by turning to religion as a source of emotional comfort and spiritual empowerment in the face of challenges. As one participant stated, “I turned to prayer for comfort”. In addition, a 23-year-old young-adult Arab man from Arab city shared his experience of relying on prayer when navigating challenges in his academic path:

It was crucial for me to complete my bachelor’s degree, as without it, I couldn’t work or find the right career for myself. Throughout this process, I prayed constantly, asking God to help me overcome this stressor. I knew that if I gave up, I would lose my ambitions and dreams. I had gone through a long process, and I didn’t want to lose what I had accomplished in the past four years.

Overall, this aspect of the coping process helped young adults both cognitively and emotionally by leveraging multiple personal resources, including self-strengthening techniques, goal-oriented thinking, self-efficacy, and religious practices. These strategies enabled the young adults to build resilience and reduce negative emotions stemming from their challenging circumstances.

Discussion

In this exploratory study, we sought to investigate the challenges faced by at-risk young-adult Arabs Palestinian in Israel during emerging adulthood, as well as the coping strategies they utilized to address these challenges. The study’s findings contribute to the body of literature on coping and resilience in emerging adulthood, particularly among minoritized populations, where such studies remain scarce.

The participants reflected on the challenges they faced during emerging adulthood in the face of the limited and narrow opportunities available to young adult Arab Palestinians in Israel. This is align with previous studies on vulnerable young adults who struggle with limited personal and environmental resources, including racial and minoritized, young adults in protracted crises, those from lower socioeconomic statuses, and other at-risk populations (Lee et al., 2018; Phinney, 2006; Shand et al., 2021; Sulimani-Aidan, 2020a; Van Blerk et al., 2022). The challenges reported go beyond those mentioned in previous studies and demonstrate how these stressors create barriers to achieving developmental milestones during emerging adulthood. They also illustrate how this life stage is strongly related to the unique circumstances of minoritized groups within a collective society and accompanied by distress in multiple domains of life (Sulimani-Aidan, 2020a, 2020b). In this context, our findings suggest that young-adult Arabs face significant challenges stemming from their families’ risk factors and a lack of assets and resources. These difficulties are further compounded by the sociocultural context’s influence on family functioning, which often negates the young adults’ efforts to engage in the tasks of emerging adulthood. They also encounter substantial educational challenges arising from various factors, including sociocultural limitations due to a lack of individual and familial resources as first-generation students; language barriers as members of a minoritized in the Israeli academic system; and experiences of discrimination and exclusion. Importantly, the statements of the participants emphasized that these challenges, rooted in interpersonal, sociocultural, and sociopolitical contexts, were deeply intertwined with their life decision-making processes (i.e., those typical of emerging adulthood). These challenges hindered their ability to acquire the skills and experiences needed for a smooth transition into adulthood roles and responsibilities.

Resilient individuals believed to aptly handle crises and distress, displaying adept coping strategies in their behaviours (Eini et al., 2023; Wu et al., 2013). To the best of our knowledge, the present study is among the few in which coping and adjustment among at-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel were examined. To cope with their challenges, the participants used a range of strategies that reflected their resilience (i.e., the second category explored in this study) as they navigated emerging adulthood. The findings indicated that these at-risk young adults were in the process of developing the ability to cope with and withstand challenges within their intricate contexts. In other words, they were actively constructing their inner strength and coping strategies while making efforts to persevere through the obstacles within their complex and multifaceted circumstances. This aligns with the suggestion that emerging adulthood is a period of self-exploration and opportunities for positive growth and resilience, demonstrating that resilience is developmentally shaped (Gama & Theron, 2023). Consistent with the resilience literature (Van Breda, 2018), although the participants experienced multidimensional challenges, they appeared to function reasonably well. From this perspective, resilient functioning is not necessarily concerned with the ability of individuals to avoid adversity but rather their ability to successfully handle risks. The present study extends the literature by showing how intersectional stressors and a developmental period can lead to positive outcomes such as using coping strategies.

According to Lazarus and Folkman (1984), coping refers to the cognitive and behavioral efforts used to manage the demands of stressful situations that are perceived to exceed an individual’s psychological and social resources. Our findings indicate that young Arab adults used both outward-facing strategies (e.g., taking proactive actions) and inward-facing ones (e.g., cognitive-emotional processes) to cope with challenges and pursue their goals during emerging adulthood. Coping strategies, including both behavioral and cognitive approaches, serve as effective mechanisms to mitigate adverse environmental factors and reduce internal threats arising from stress (Carver & Connor-Smith, 2010). Building on this perspective, our findings reveal the unique manifestation of coping strategies by young adult Arabs as a minoritized group, particularly in meeting the challenges in their complex interpersonal, sociocultural, and sociopolitical environments (Elias et al., 2024). The use of these strategies also aligns the social-ecological view of resilience (Ungar & Theron, 2020), that challenges the notion that resilience depends entirely on personal characteristics. Rather, it suggests that the ability to adapt effectively to stressors is connected to a combination of personal resources (e.g., biological and psychological), relational resources (e.g., supportive parents, families, or peers), and institutional support (e.g., effective schools or mental health services) (De Leeuw & Malcolm-Smith, 2023; Masten et al., 2021; Ungar & Theron, 2020). Our findings also revealed that the participants showed resilience to be the product of their intersectional stressors, consistent with the perspective that resilience is understood as a complex phenomenon flowing from the intricate interaction between socio-political, social, environmental, and human systems, which can either facilitate or obstruct it (Masten et al., 2021).

Participants’ outward coping strategies were expressed through both proactive actions and passive or active resistance as they confronted their disadvantaged backgrounds, traditional cultural norms, and experiences of exclusion and discrimination. These approaches demonstrated the young adults’ emerging sense of agency, self-reliance, and ability to resist and overcome both external and internal sources of oppression within their communities and broader society. They identified and assessed their challenges and actively developed strategies to address stress-inducing problems, such as providing financial support to their families, entering the labor market despite family opposition, and seeking help from their environment. These forms of coping align with the problem-focused coping approach, which promotes strategies used by individuals who perceive their stress as manageable and see themselves as capable of controlling and resolving it (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). By revealing the role of outward coping strategies in shaping how young adult Arabs handle stressors, this study extends the literature on the coping and resilience of at-risk, minoritized emerging adults in collective cultures. The findings suggest that emerging adults who effectively use outward coping strategies are better able to persevere and overcome personal, cultural, and contextual challenges, enhancing their transition to adulthood and potentially leading to more positive outcomes during this life stage. The findings are consistent with those of previous studies, which describe how emerging adults use approach-oriented coping strategies during their transition to college and throughout their studies (Jenzer et al., 2019), and the role of task-oriented coping in reducing the risk of substance use disorders in emerging adulthood (Wingo et al., 2015).

Study participants also employed inward-facing processes to cope with their challenges, manifested in cognitive-emotional processes such as “positive internal speech,” self-strengthening, goal-oriented thinking, self-efficacy, and reliance on religion as a source of comfort. These findings align with findings from previous studies demonstrating the role of emotion focused strategy to enhance coping and resilience in emerging adulthood (Chan & Rawana, 2021; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014). However, although the model of coping and stress (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) relates to some of these coping patterns as “emotion-focused coping,” which focuses on reducing or managing the emotional distress triggered by the situation, our study’s findings revealed that these coping strategies (i.e., the inward-facing processes) not only regulated negative emotions, they also helped participants regulate their negative emotions in a way that enhanced their adjustment and their resilience. As such, although these coping strategies are cognitive/emotional, they may lead to proactive steps or increase young adults’ ability to endure stress and cope efficiently with the developmental challenges of emerging adulthood and the vulnerabilities associated with their contextual circumstances. These intrinsic strengths are well documented resilience enablers (Masten, 2014) in systematic reviews of African youths’ resilience as well (Theron, 2023; Van Breda & Theron, 2018).

Limitations and Further Studies

This study offers initial insights into the challenges and stressors faced by at-risk young-adult Arabs in Israel, as well as the unique coping strategies they employ to navigate these complexities within their intertwined sociopolitical, sociocultural, and interpersonal contexts. However, a few limitations should be acknowledged. First, our participants were predominantly young adult women, half of whom were pursuing higher education, with a significant portion identifying as Muslim. This overrepresentation of a certain demographic groups may limit the generalizability of our findings and potentially introduce bias, which could affect the understanding of the challenges and coping strategies of minoritized young adults in the broader population. Future research should aim to recruit a more diverse sample, including young men, individuals with varying levels of education, and participants from different religious backgrounds within the Arab society, such as Christian and Druze.

Second, the sample in this study comprised at-risk young-adult Arabs receiving professional care. As such, they may not have fully represented the broader population of young-adult Arabs in Israel, such as at-risk Arab young adults with no formal support or those without a history of risk at all. By broadening the sample, future studies could offer valuable insights into different challenges and coping strategies during the transition to adulthood. Such studies would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of coping and resilience among both minoritized groups and non-at-risk young adults.

Implications for Practice

The study expands empirical knowledge on coping strategies of at-risk young adults, particularly from ethnic minoritized groups. The larger representation of young adult women and participants in higher education refined our understanding of how gender and education differences influence coping strategies. Despite their lower status in Arab society, young women have learned to handle their stressors, showing strength and deploying multiple strategies to meet challenges. Academic experiences help emerging adults develop effective coping mechanisms and support personal growth. Education contributes to the coping and resilience of ethnic minoritized emerging adults. The study also offers valuable insights about minoritized emerging adults at-risk, informing social work practice about the interaction between risk and coping factors in building resilience. We recommend tailoring a context-informed interventions that considers the transition to adulthood of minoritized groups given the political, structural, and cultural barriers, and their unique challenges and risks stemming from their family backdrop. Using strength-based intervention, social workers can bolster young adults by helping them understand how their coping strategies are shaped by political, social, cultural, and interpersonal circumstances. Social workers can help young adults identify their internal strengths, resources, and skills, and develop their decision-making, problem-solving, cognitive coping, and leadership abilities. These interventions can clarify the difficulties young adults face, building effective skills for facing challenges. Mentorship with role models of similar backgrounds demonstrating self-agency can foster young adults’ social, emotional, and cognitive skills, and positive identity. Group-based interventions for young adult Arabs facing similar challenges and peers with similar political and cultural backgrounds can offer insights into coping mechanisms. We encourage key stakeholders like policymakers, service providers, and mental health professionals to better understand the context-specific and developmentally suited coping tools that support positive adaptation to be able to more effectively enhance resilience in emerging adults.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental Material - Emerging Strengths: Challenges and Coping Strategies in Emerging Adulthood Among at-Risk Young-Adult Arab Palestinians in Israel

Supplemental Material for Emerging Strengths: Challenges and Coping Strategies in Emerging Adulthood Among at-Risk Young-Adult Arab Palestinians in Israel by Samah Mahamid, Haneen Elias, and Yafit Sulimani-Aidan in Emerging Adulthood

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by The Israel Science Foundation and The Israel Pollak Fellowship Program for Excellence.

Transparency and Openness Statement

“The raw data supporting the findings of this study are available under the name of “at-risk young Adult Arabs” at “Maxqda platform” where we kept the qualitative coding manuals. All study materials, including questionnaires and experimental protocols, are available in our files. This study was not preregistered on any platform. To address ethical and legal constraints, we have chosen to retain the data and refrain from publishing it to ensure participant confidentiality. This decision is particularly critical given the study’s focus on at-risk young adult Arabs who face multiple forms of social exclusion and discrimination. For any details about the study and participants we can provide privately.

ORCID iD

Samah Mahamid

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Samah Mahamid is a Ph.D. candidate at the Bob Shapell School of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences, Tel Aviv University. Her research focuses on risk, resilience, and coping strategies among ethnic minorities, with a particular emphasis on at-risk young adults.

Haneen Karram-Elias is a senior lecturer, Head of social work Department at Ruppin Academic Center. Her work is context-informed perspective focused. Also, her work focuses barriers to receiving formal support, risk, resilience and future orientation among young adult Arabs in Israel.

Yafit Sulimani-Aidan is a Professor at Tel Aviv University, Bob Shapell School of Social Work. Her work is resiliency-focused and based in the strengths and assets that enable at-risk young adults to overcome challenges and thrive. Also, her work focuses on the experiences and factors that can help case workers and mentors better support various groups of at-risk young adults during the transition to adulthood.

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Supplementary Material

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