Ethnoarchaeology of Pastoral Transhumance in Kashmir Himalayas

Introduction

The ethnographic and archaeological profile of the Kashmir Himalayas indicates the development of pastoralism as early as 4000 BP (Spate, 2019; Yatoo, 2012). Subsequent to the domestication in the Neolithic period at 5000–3000 BP (Betts et al., 2019; Pokharia et al., 2018; Sharma, 2013), pastoralism may have developed in response to herd management and obliquely paved the way for establishing a network of cultures (Spate, 2019) via ‘Inner Asian Mountain Corridor’ (IAMC) (Frachetti, 2012). Archaeological research in the region has been crucial to the interpretation of the progression of domestication in the Neolithic period that has triggered a shift from agriculture to pastoralism. Tangible evidence like Kushan ceramics found in the mountain regions of Kashmir valley by Shah (2012–2013) and Yatoo (2012) has been used as substantial evidence for scholars seeking to develop cultural-historical chronologies in the area. However, the data pertaining to the studies on the material culture associated with mobile pastoralism in the region have seldom been applied to the interpretation of the socio-ecological adaptation. Besides, pastoralism remains poorly documented from an archaeological perspective (Robertshaw, 1978) as the high degree of spatial mobility leads to less accumulation of fragile goods (Cribb, 1991), thus creating a perception of the inadequacy of the archaeological record.

Mountain ranges of Inner Asia play a crucial role in understanding the development of pastoral activities in the area until the present time. However, very little work from an ethnoarchaeological point of view has been done in Kashmir Himalayas. To do so, as part of our doctoral research, we attempted to answer three questions through this research in the mountain ranges of Kashmir Himalaya. The first question relates to spatial mobility and its impression on the production, use and abandonment of the pastoralist material culture. Second, the pastoral mode of subsistence is proportional to residential mobility, so it needs to be questioned how the material culture produced and utilised in such mobile conditions correlates to their means of subsistence. Lastly, how the study of the contemporary pastoralist groups can affect the interpretation of the past in the northwest Himalayas. A few studies were conducted in the region to answer these problems, but due to limited resources and access, questions nevertheless anticipate answers (Dar, 2022). So, this article offers evidence from intensive ethnoarchaeological investigation among Bakarwal pastoralists in Kashmir Himalayan meadows to provide a brief account of the aforementioned research problems though limiting ourselves to the present-day settlements and material culture.

Rationale

To better understand the material culture, mobility and pastoralist subsistence methods, the author spent around eight months living among the Bakarwal pastoralists in the north-western reaches of the Himalayas, moving between their settlements and different topographical zones. Many factors influence the preference of this group and region. Ecologically, there has been no substantial change in climatic conditions in this region since the first settlement of people in the Holocene, implying that present and recent pastoral life on valley sides and upper elevations are analogical to studies of ancient pastoralist cultures who lived in comparable climatic conditions. From a socioeconomic perspective, it constitutes a tiny proportion of the overall pastoralists who migrate to the higher Himalayan elevations (above 4,000 mASL) and follow the customary paths recorded in historical writings related to Kashmir valley like Kalhana’s Rajatarangini. Moreover, there is a sense of urgency: elderly informants have lost the younger populations’ desire for traditional pastoralism as a way of life, while the ethnographic collection of local knowledge and experience on traditional pastoralism in the valley is threatened by the ever-increasing passage of time. This places a high focus on gathering data under well-controlled study circumstances. Given the restricted scope of time, pandemic and other constraints, this study endeavour is unlikely to embrace traditional pastoralism in its entirety, so the scope of this article is limited to two particular lines of conclusion alone. The first point is concerned with the spatial movement of pastoralists and its relationship to their material culture creation and use. Second, how should pastoralist materiality be utilised to comprehend the past in empirical terms. The ethnoarchaeological analysis conducted for this research is expected to reflect both the breadth of the data accessible and the topographical character of the study area, which makes it an excellent starting point for studying the ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in the Kashmir Himalaya.

Methodology

For this research work, we conducted intensive fieldwork with the pastoralists to collect ethnographic data on present-day settlement, subsistence and material culture. The main aim was to capture the materiality of pastoralism throughout the region. The evidence demonstrates regional variation in subsistence practices, spatial mobility and settlement patterns, and through this knowledge, we were able to theorise how material culture in Himalayan pastures alters with elevation change. Concerning some material and non-material elements, however, Bakarwals have been unable to maintain the equilibrium, which is common to pastoralist groups worldwide. To this day, pastoralism contrasts sharply with what it was like around half a century earlier in the region (Khatana, 1984). From an archaeological perspective, taking the long view, this is too little time for a cultural shift to occur. To help present our findings, we conducted a survey of pastoralist tribe to determine how they use technologies, which may be archaeologically recoverable. By this, we did not seek to reconstruct exact historical facts of continuity and change across time. Instead, we sought to comprehend Bakarwal perspectives of the past.

The Study Area

The Himalayan Mountain line stretches approximately 2,500 km from northwest to northeast and varies in breadth between 230 and 330 km. Numerous intermountain basins exist in these ranges, and among them is the Kashmir basin, which, juxtaposed between the Zanskar and Pir Panjal Mountain ranges in the east-northeast and west-southwest, constitutes a more significant part of the NW Himalaya with basin and range topography (Bhat, 2017). The Kashmir basin is distributed across an elevation range of 1,560–5,550 m AMSL, with the maximum hydrographic dimensions being 185 km in length and 120 km in width. These topographic characteristics have resulted in the formation of three distinct zones of human activity on an altitudinally varied scale. The valley floors are extensively cultivated and settled, reaching a height of around 2,200 m ASL (Kaul, 2014). Margs, local for middle altitude meadows, fall between 2500–2750m ASL, while as high alpine meadows lie at the height of 3,000–3,500 m ASL (Lawrence, 1895/2005). At present, both types of meadows are used by transhumant pastoralists on a seasonal basis (Hussain, 2008).

The project’s fieldwork took place in three distinct topographical zones: the Greater Himalayas or Inner Himalayas, the Kashmir basin and the Pir Panjal mountains in the Middle or Lesser Himalayas (Figure 1). Throughout this article, these three zones are referred to as ‘the Kashmir Himalaya’ for convenience.

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Figure 1.

Kashmir Himalaya (Modified After Bhat et al., 2021).

Due to the topographic and climatic heterogeneity of the Kashmir Himalayas, there is also a high degree of ecological diversity, ranging from agricultural lands on valley floors to open meadows in the highlands. Kashmir basin is characterised by cultivated artificial habitats as well as marshy areas along the margins of water bodies and settlements. The mountain zones are dominated by temperate needle-leaf coniferous forests that transition to subalpine birch woodland above 2,700 m ASL (Spate, 2019). There is also considerable fluctuation in the rainfall pattern in pastoralists’ winter and summer pastures at various times of the year. Seasonal climate changes are critical to Bakarwals’ livelihood, as livestock relies on rainfall for healthy pastures. It typically rains in the Kashmir basin from April to June, and from July to September, grass grows abundantly in the highland meadows. As winter approaches, the temperature in the outer plains of the Jammu region drops to the point where livestock can survive easily from October to March without being exposed to the harsh climates of the Greater Himalayan ranges.

Ethnographic Archaeology

The region in the study contains an intriguing diversity of pastoral forms characterised by seasonal spatial mobility. Pastoralist households provide food for their livestock during the yearly seasonal cycle by utilising the numerous ecological niches present at various altitudes. This has resulted in a significant dichotomy, with the division of summer and winter pastures exerting a considerable effect on economic, sociological and archaeological fronts. Bakarwals, like all pastoralists in the Himalayas, must manage their herds in such a way that animals receive an adequate supply of food and water. For that purpose, the tribe follows a bi-seasonal migration pattern between their winter settlements in the lesser/middle Himalayas and summer pastures in the greater Himalayan Mountain ranges, where they spend up to 4–5 months of the calendar year. It takes around four months every year, and the journey’s enormous significance serves to cement the group’s identity where the entire families relocate, bringing their herds and possessions with them.

Settlements

The seasonal movement has resulted in regional diversity in settlement patterns, as the climate and availability of raw materials encourage pastoralists to adopt a variety of architectural elements. Each Bakarwal settlement comprises a wide array of structures, including households, animals and other associated features, depending on the site’s location. While some are present throughout the campsites regardless of their geographical location, others are exclusive to winter and summer bases, with varying numbers and types. Summer locations are often composed entirely of Bakarwal structures, each identifiable by its owner. In contrast, winter pastures have clusters of structures belonging to pastoralists and local agriculturalists who do not pursue this way of life. Additionally, animal fixtures are absent from the summer sites, but every dwelling at the winter sites has a structure dedicated to livestock and, in some cases, dogs.

Bakarwal houses exhibit substantial regional variation due to environmental variables and raw material availability. Along with these points, I concur with Nicolaisen and Nicolaisen (1997), who raised the question of ‘cultural influences’ from the ‘outside’ influencing the architectural aspects of such communities. By ‘outside’ in the Bakarwal context, we mean the influx and outflow of cultural components from the surrounding regions to the Bakarwal-inhabited places like Poonch and Gurez. Both, as well as the route, follow the lines described in literary texts such as Rajatarangini. Bakarwal dwellings are classified into two broad categories: non-portable and portable. The first group consists primarily of houses in summer and winter pastures, while the second category consists of typical tarpaulin or fabric tents.

Domestic houses, as seen in Figures 2–4, are built in distinct and predictable ways. Typically, each settlement is populated by a man, his wife and their children. If a man has more than one wife, the Kotha (local for hut) is divided in half or, in most circumstances, a separate structure is erected for each wife. As previously stated, livestock pens are not found in summer and intervening pastures, but rather in winter bases. Usually, livestock structures consist of a room attached to the habitational structure. The ground floor is used for livestock and the first floor is used for living. In some cases, a separate structure for the animals is also built. The Bakarwals do not fence their habitations, and hence entry is unrestricted.

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Figure 2.

Bakarwal Settlement at Summer Pasture.

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Figure 3.

Bakarwal Settlement Along the Migratory Route.

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Figure 4.

Bakarwal Settlement at Winter Pasture.

Every house in the community consists of a cooking area which is generally constructed on the front left or front right side. The area is separated into two distinct sections: Chuloh and Pandoh. Chuloh is the indigenous term for fireplace and is also used to refer to the kitchen, whereas Pandoh means utensils and refers to the area surrounding the hearth where the cooking articles are stored. Every home has a second hearth set up outside the house in the case of winter bases. Almost all families evaluated for this research relied heavily on wood for cooking and heating, indicating a significant reliance on fuelwood. The average fuelwood consumption was recorded at 18.07 kg per day per family. Due to seasonal variations in climatic conditions, the numbers fluctuate significantly between winter and summer pastures. However, this does give rise to ash heaps of different diameters throughout the stay at one location. These kitchen middens containing ash and organic leftovers serve as indicators of pastoral occupation in the otherwise unhabitable altitudes of the Himalayas.

It is, therefore, reasonable to put forth that the pastoral sites in the Himalayas can be considered independent archaeological sites. This demonstrates how the prehistoric archaeology of pastoral economies is still in its formative years in the Kashmir Himalayas. Pastoralism has been viewed in this region as a relatively new phenomenon that originated merely a century back and did not need the serious attention of archaeologists and anthropologists from a material perspective. However, by examining these pastoral locations’ structural rationales and morphological patterning using anthropological research, we can get meaningful insight into the economic position and functionality of analogous structures in the past. Additionally, the structural diversity of pastoral locations within these geographical divisions reflects the seasonal nature of such territory’s pastoral land use like the pastoral groups throughout the globe, such as Mediterranean Spain (Segui, 1999). It is evident by the structural characteristics of pastoral dwelling huts, rock shelters and open-air spaces, which identify specific patterns of economic exploitation of the surrounding terrain and flocks maintained in these locations.

Elevation and spatial organisation can be identified as significant indications of summer/winter sites when adopting an archaeological approach to pastoral land usage. Generally, locations primarily utilised during the summer months correlate perfectly with the summer alpine meadows. They dominate the higher elevations and are more numerous in the greater Himalayan ranges. Winter sites, in contrast, are typically found at lower elevations in the Pir Panjal mountains. Additionally, sites scattered across the intervening meadows and valley floors are utilised as summer and winter sites, depending on the grass supply and time of year. Nevertheless, existing information indicates that pastoral areas are exceptionally adaptable in terms of location and seasonal/day-to-day use. The most significant aspect contributing to this flexibility is the region’s varied degree of human activity, particularly herding activity. The requirement for winter and summer livestock space necessitates the extensive use of stone and wood shelters and natural shelters in some circumstances. Additionally, more particular economic or cultural considerations such as land ownership may impact the positioning of winter sites, which also exhibit a more comprehensive inventory of associated tangible cultural items like agricultural equipment.

So, we may concur with Segui (1999) that pastoral sites are constructions defined in several ways by their locations and intricate interaction with the human and physical environment. And archaeologically, these interrelationships, in conjunction with the process of abandonment of such Himalayan sites, are altering both the original structure of these constructions and the pastoralists’ material assemblages that constituted the sites’ original functionality.

Discussion

As Grillo (2012) implied, we need to think beyond the concept of mobility when it comes to explaining the archaeological patterning of the material culture with respect to pastoral ecology. Contrary to the commonly accepted idea that more mobile communities have less material culture that may leave archaeological traces, the contemporary conditions suggest that the Bakarwals of the Kashmir Himalayas have extensive material cultures. Nonetheless, it has been proven that pastoral settlements frequently leave behind transitory remnants that can be identified in the archaeological record only via systematic surveys combined with anthropological observations.

Ethnographic information on traditional spatial mobility provides insights into several crucial issues of transhumance in the Himalayas. Nomadism is frequently viewed as a distinct way of life from the rest of the economic groupings. The former is supposed to move around the landscape, leaving no substantial archaeological traces (Cribb, 1991). However, the mobility parameters among pastoralists in the region are established and have existed for generations. The routes taken by pastoralists are recorded in classical writings such as Kalhana’s twelfth-century Rajatarangini. These routes were utilised by travellers, traders, administrators and monarchs in ancient times since they were Kashmir’s sole entry and exit points (Stein, 2007). Additionally, the sites occupied by the pastoralists at present had been occupied continuously for millennia, and ethnographic evidence also demonstrates that the mountain routes used by contemporary pastoralists were seen as critical geopolitical positions in the past. Furthermore, the Bakarwals’ only path to their summer pastures in Gurez may be the same as the ancient route to central Asian regions mentioned in early texts like Vedas. We were able to identify the markers, and it is reasonably apparent that modern pastoral activity in the northern and southern Himalayas, that is, the greater Himalayas and the Pir Panjal mountains, is analogous to the human activity in the past, which may include prehistoric activity as well. Although our research focuses on contemporary pastoralist spatial mobility, we acknowledge that more research on the route for archaeological signs is essential to offer a comprehensive picture of ancient and modern human activity in the area.

Sites utilised in the lowland pastures of the lesser Himalayas display a more sophisticated structure than those used in the intervening and summer pastures. It may suggest that the Bakarwals and other pastoral communities in the region engage in more diversified economic activities, such as agriculture. This may also be ascribed to the presence of both faunal as well as floral remains identified at the Burzahom neolithic site in the valley, which implies agro-pastoralism as the primary source of subsistence during that period (Sharma, 1980–1981). Similarly, the highland and intervening pastures utilised by the contemporary tribal groups are in some way analogous to the Neolithic settlements found in the highlands like Ladakh, which have yielded evidence of short-duration occupation, thereby supporting the dominance of transhumance pastoral pattern during the Neolithic period (Kumar, 2010). In addition, current pastoral settings are characterised by anthropogenic factors such as the region’s geopolitical structure and agricultural pursuits. Generally, pastoral sites are established in order to avoid direct conflict with the farming economy, or there may be the reverse case whereby the agricultural sites may arise out of the pastoral ecology. And we are optimistic in supposing that the scenario could have been similar in the past when people from the northwest migrated to the Kashmir Himalayas. As the flocks would have been considered a possible source of damage to agricultural regions due to uncontrolled grazing, the herders may have explored the nearby pasture lands in the Himalayas. Alternatively, in another situation, the agricultural groups may have compelled the pastoralists to explore highland pastures by turning the pastureland into cultivable areas. This might have benefited them in two ways: increased access to grazing fields and extension of the farming territory. These conjectures are also supported by the ethnographic accounts of the present-day pastoralism in the region. However, scholarly discourse on prehistoric settlement occupancy in the Kashmir Himalayas has been ongoing for decades, particularly during the Neolithic period. Nevertheless, except for a few recent studies from an archaeobotanical viewpoint, the extent of studies done from the standpoint of pastoralist ecology to understand this aspect is uncommon. Consequently, it becomes critical to comprehend land-use patterns in both circumstances.

It is apparent from this ethnographic research that ethnoarchaeological data may also significantly add to our knowledge of material culture. Traditional herding in the Kashmir Himalayas defies archaeology’s widely held belief that pastoralist economies are devoid of diverse material culture. According to the arguments put forth, pastoral communities possess as much material culture as other groups in the region. With such variety in the kind and quantity of material culture, it is reasonable to predict that primary archaeological traces will be left behind. However, the fieldwork accounts also indicate that only a tiny proportion of the assemblages in the abandoned record can persist for extended periods. While some goods, like pottery and stone tools, can be preserved, the likelihood of investigators discovering these items intact in the archaeological record remains a legitimate concern. Thus, understanding the archaeological record only based on material discoveries might lead to inaccurate inferences, and it is, for this reason, that we must comprehend site abandonment in its entirety. Therefore, it is critical to establish a relation between the movable material culture and the pastoral sites as a whole to demonstrate the evidence for specialised pastoralism in the region. However, rock shelters in the region might serve as critical beginning sites since they are mostly undisturbed and maintained under decent preservation circumstances.

Owing to the opulence of the ethnographic present, there is unquestionably a need for more specialised studies on pastoralist archaeology, capable of contextualising and testing the varied methodologies provided by these anthropological studies. However, it is not required to map the present onto the past; instead, it is vital to unearth the present regularities and anomalies that might assist in the knowledge of crucial landscape aspects in time and space (Biagetti, 2014). With an uncertain future, pastoral ecology has established itself as a robust and sustainable way of life in the Himalayas but is increasingly beleaguered by a variety of external influences. Anthropology, particularly archaeological anthropology, should have a specialised academic intervention in this subsistence economy when pastoralism is gradually dwindling in the region on both a socioeconomic and an ecological bases.

Conclusion

Even though there is no direct historical link between the Bakarwals and archaeologically known groups in Kashmir valley during the Neolithic period, recent environmental data discovered on mountain flanks by Spate (2019) and Spate et al. (2022) and contemporary oral narratives indicate that pastoral activity was prevalent in the valley during the Neolithic period as well. Additionally, Kalhana cites dranga (watchtowers) in his Rajatarangini and mentions passages namely Dudakhut pass, Viji pass, etc. (Stein, 2007), which are used by the present-day Bakarwals for a long, indicating that this activity has existed for an extended period of time. We believe, based on the modern evidence, that pastoralist communities in the northwest Himalayas retained flexible ethnic identities, dynamic settlement and subsistence patterns, and maintained trade and exchange relationships with adjacent groups over this historical period, similar to the pastoralists in Kenya as studied by Sobania (1988, 2019). Moreover, several additional facets of Himalayan pastoralism are closely tied to animal husbandry but have received less attention from archaeology or anthropology. Thus, an interdisciplinary approach should be capable of producing more accurate models and warrants considerable attention during interpretation and analysis. From a material standpoint, this appears to be the fundamental effort based on fieldwork among the contemporary tribal population and is unquestionably restricted in scope. As a result, much more is to be added to this endeavour. The pastoral sites investigated and documented during the research have significant potential for additional multidisciplinary investigation, which should aid in better understanding the region’s endless pastoralism-related questions.