Land,Labour and Market: Exclusion of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh

Introduction

Land, labour and market are three significant pillars of the economic structure. In the Indian scenario land ownership is associated with one’s status in the social hierarchy of society, since India is divided into different social groups called castes and ownership of property is based on one’s status in the caste hierarchy. Caste not only determines the ownership of property but also determines employment and labour of the people belonging to different social groups and hierarchy of caste. While considering caste status with labour, notion of untouchability plays significant role in imposing compulsory labour and the existence of enduring servility of division of caste in most menial, filthy and defiling occupations both in rural and urban areas (Velasker, 1998, as cited in Gopal, 2013, p. 92).

Social exclusion has emerged as a discussion point among social scientists and policy makers in order to consider it as exclusionary mechanism of depriving and subjugating people from various spheres of society. It has also been noticed that social scientists have recognized the linkages between social exclusion and high poverty and deprivation among various social groups which experience discrimination and exclusion for ages (Sen, 2000, pp. 3–6; Thorat, 2006, p. 2432). However, the issue of discrimination of Dalits in land ownership, labour market and market has received relatively less attention in the discourses of agrarian and labour studies. There are few exceptional studies related to discrimination in labour market which are associated with gender and caste (Thorat, 2008, p. 31). The lack of empirical and theoretical research on land ownership, labour and market has shaped our capacity to develop safeguards against discrimination and conceive of equal opportunity in spheres of land ownership, education and employment. Therefore, less empirical and theoretical studies related to discrimination in land ownership, labour market and local market provide us limited evidences to develop safeguards for social groups which have been victims of subjugation and discrimination for years.

The issue of land ownership, discrimination in labour market and market cannot be ignored because it creates adverse impact on income distribution, poverty, economics and development of excluded groups. Even the state should recognize the visible socio-economic disparity among various social groups and respond with policy mechanisms to ensure equality in every sphere of society instead of waiting for academicians to come up with optimal solutions. This has generated considerable debate around the issues of discrimination in land ownership, labour market and market with efforts to find out alternative ways to overcome the consequences. Therefore, the question of discrimination in market and labour market in terms of employment, wages, credits and renting out shop needs to be addressed. It is important to reveal the myth related to labour market discrimination in terms of inequality in accessibility to employment and wages—whether it is a matter of productivity or the result of prejudices characterized by ascriptive features of a group.

This article addresses some of the key questions surrounding ownership of land, discrimination in local market and labour market. These questions will be addressed by referring to various literature related to theoretical and empirical evidences collected from the field.

This article is based on a field study of Dalit community from two different villages, namely Bhainsa from Jaunpur district of Uttar Pradesh and Shankarpur village from Varanasi district of Uttar Pradesh, which lies in eastern part of Uttar Pradesh. The study draws on evidences from two sources: (1) empirical evidences collected from field, with the help of household survey and individual narrative interviews, and (2) secondary literature related to theoretical and conceptual understanding of caste, discrimination, exclusion and land, labour and market.

Caste and Land Ownership

The composition of hyms of Rigveda classified caste on the basis of varna into four social groups namely Brahmins or priests, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra or untouchables. Rigveda stated that the castes were created from Purusha the creature, where Brahmins originated from his mouth, Kshatriya originated from his arms, Vaishya from his thighs and Shudra from his feet. It was the beginning of caste classification which later became more rigorous in stipulating exclusive functions of the society (Porter, 1895, p. 24). Shudra is the last social group in the graded caste system. Ambedkar (1936) also has explained race theory of caste system, where people are divided on the basis of race. According to Ambedkar inequality is inherited in caste system, which is called ‘graded inequality’.

While referring to caste, Weber emphasizes that caste-based division of Indian society is very close to the theory of social stratification. Weber has described social stratification as ranking of people or groups of people within society. The theory of stratification also implies some form of inequality and ranking which is legitimated and unequal distribution of valued goods and resources. The feature of social stratification theory is very close to the characteristics of caste system in India (Heald, 2012). Occupation of household head determines economic status of household and domestic expenditure of household. Land is the primary source of livelihood and employment of people, around which socio-economic privileges and deprivation revolves. Dalits and tribes are labour in agriculture sector and the most deprived section from the point of land ownership (Mohanty, 2001, p. 3857). Land distribution and ownership pattern in India closely follow the social hierarchy, where most of the land owners belong to the upper caste and the agricultural labourers hail from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Mohanty, 2001, p. 3857). Dalits own less land compared to the upper castes (Dutta, 2007). They are predominantly landless labourers or small or marginal farmer household.

Land is a very important economic asset which is the base of all kinds of economic activities (Rawal, 2008, p. 43). It also symbolizes status and recognition (Rao, 2011). It is a very important asset in the Indian context because India’s major population depends on agricultural activities. It is the primary means of production in the rural economy of India (Rawal, 2008, p. 43). Land holding is the backbone of rural economy in India and also a symbol of wealth, but there is high disparity in landholding patterns in India.

There are some social groups which hold a big share of land, whereas some of the marginalized social groups are landless. Landlessness may be defined by households which do not hold arable land except homestead land. In this study landlessness refers to the households which do not have agricultural land except homestead land. In rural society, land ownership symbolizes social status, and its unequal distribution becomes an important indicator of the inequalities in the society (Rao, 2011, p. 1). Dalits comprise around 16 per cent of the total population in India, but their landholding is much less in comparison with their population proportion (Bakshi, 2008, p. 2). According to Thorat and Newman (2007) that denial from the right over natural resources is one of the elements of the Dalits’ social exclusion.

Unequal land ownership patterns among Dalits in the present development scenario in India can be reasoned as a resultant of the oppression they have faced throughout history which has led to their deprivation from rights over land. Due to existence of the caste system, Dalits are denied access to land (Thorat, 2002, p. 577). Respondents have pointed out that they are landless. They claimed that the historical oppression and denial of rights over natural resources are one of the major causes of their landlessness. A respondent has pointed out that the cause of his landlessness is historical subjugation, livelihood dependency and upper caste domination. Due to caste-based occupational division, Dalits are dependent on upper caste land owners, for their means of livelihood, because they are landless and they do not have any other option for livelihood. The respondents have pointed out that they are landless from their ancestral times.

Historical ownership over natural resources is very important in order to ensure rights of present generation over land and other natural resources. Land is the main source of livelihood in rural India, whereby more than 70 per cent of rural population depends on agriculture (GOI-UNDP, 2012, p. 3). Unequal distribution of land shows inequality in society, whereby Dalits are in lower position in society and they are also at the bottom in land-holding pattern of the society. The caste system provides community-based regulatory mechanism to regulate caste and its functions in society through social ostracism and further justified by some philosophical elements of Hindu society. The fundamental characteristics of caste is fixed social and economic rights, which restrict change and implies ‘forced exclusion’ on one caste by other castes (Thorat, 2008, p. 35). It can be substantiated by data that has emerged from the field, whereby a respondent who does not own land has given the following reason:

My father had some land but that was taken away by upper caste person where my father was employed as agricultural labour. We did not have courage to ask that upper caste person regarding land because our entire family was dependent on him for food and employment in his land.

Dalit respondents pointed out that landlessness has made them dependent on the upper castes for their livelihood. According to them, denial to access of land is the ‘only’ cause of their landlessness. This denial becomes an exclusionary mechanism for Dalits, which excludes them from economic sphere of society. There are various social scientists like Ambedkar, Lal and Scoville who have argued that the caste is a socio-economic organization that is governed by certain customary laws, rules and regulation (Ambedkar, 1936, pp. 14–15). The caste system is based on the division of people into certain social groups in which their economic, social, political and cultural rights are ascribed by birth. Fundamentally, caste system does not fix only civil, political, cultural and economic rights of some groups, but it also implies forceful exclusion from equal rights and opportunities which other castes are enjoying (Kumar, 2011, p. 37).

Labour of Dalits is their means of survival which is highly dependent on large size of land owned by upper caste people. In the present study the respondents have pointed out that their employment was dependent on upper caste land-owners. The hierarchical or graded nature of caste determines entitlements to civil, economic, political and culture of different castes and it became narrower as one went down the hierarchical ladder of the caste system. Those castes that are at the top or high in the ladder of the caste system always get privileges in every sphere of society (Thorat, 2007, p. 2). Upper caste people are involved in higher levels of occupation, whereas Dalits are non-agricultural labourers. Land is one of the livelihood assets on which people depend in many ways for their livelihood. It is also a symbol of identity for indigenous and tribal group in India. Land is one of the assets that contributes to a great extent as means of production, but Dalits are denied access to land since the early existence of Hindu society, which is more or less influenced by Hindu scriptures. Dalits are dependent on those who have control over land for their means of production and livelihood. This seems to mark Dalit exclusion from resources and makes them dependent for their livelihood. In fact, they have very limited options and opportunity for their livelihood.

Historical dominance of upper castes in society and influence in local administration is another cause of landlessness of Dalits in studied area. Historically, upper castes have strong hold in local administration and they hold higher position in hierarchy of society which helps them to occupy more land with legal ownership. Dalits are not aware of their rights and they fear upper castes due to their lower position, which deprived them from land ownership. According to NSSO 2003 data, 41.6 per cent rural households of India do not hold land other than homestead, whereas the proportion of landlessness among Dalits is significantly high. Fifty-six per cent of Dalit households of the studied area are landless, except for having homestead land. The data from respondents substantiate the impression that Dalit households do not have land holding which create adverse conditions of their livelihood.

Caste and Labour Market

Labour market discrimination occurs in hiring for employment when people with similar employment experience, qualification, skill, education and training are discriminated against on the basis of various socio-economic characteristics (Thorat, 2008, pp. 36–37) like skin colour, religion, etc. Labour market discrimination can be defined as complete exclusion or denial of certain social groups in hiring by upper caste, which is unrelated to productivity and other economic attributes essential for employment. Selective inclusion or hiring, but with unfavourable terms and condition such as lower wages than others and unfavourable inclusion bound by caste obligation and duties reflected in over work, loss of freedom leading to bondage also come under labour market discrimination. For Dalits, this discrimination manifests as caste. Various kinds of caste-based discrimination were observed from the field data. Some of the most prominent manifestations include unequal hiring terms and conditions, low wages, unfavourable workplace, delay in payment of wages, long working hours and discriminatory behaviour of employer at workplace.

In this study, most of the respondents work as manual labour, therefore they have shared their experiences of discrimination in manual labour work. One of the respondent states:

We had experienced discrimination in labour market in terms of hiring …We do not get labour work easily, contractor hires us for work if only there is shortage of Gaderia (OBC) and Rajbhar (OBC) workers. ‘Ham log chhoti jatike haina to jo sabse chutjata hai vahi hame milta hai’ (We belong to the lower castes, so we only get that work which is left out by others)…

Dalits are facing caste-based discrimination in hiring for employment which significantly affects their income and increases their inequality in income. Even if they have equal work experience and skills the employer does not prefer to hire them for employment. Various social scientists and economists have recognized caste as an economic institution which operates through customary law and norms (Thorat, 2008, p. 34). The economic rights of untouchables or Dalits are determined by their status in terms of the hierarchy of society; as they hold the bottom position in the hierarchy of society, their economic rights are lower than others (Ajit et al., 2012).

Referring to the caste system, Ambedkar emphasized that economic rights and other social political rights of the groups are hierarchical or graded in nature because of the society where one social group is above another (Ambedkar, 1936, pp. 14–15). Caste system is a division of labourers, rather than division of labour (ibid.). The economic rights of people are determined by their social status in the graded social system. The economic organization of caste system is based on the hierarchy of the social groups or castes in which their economic rights are predetermined on the basis of their birth. The economic rights of the people are divided in unequal manner in the society, therefore the entitlement of lower social groups are always lesser than social groups which are at the top in the stratified society.

One important aspect of discrimination that could be observed in the above statement was that the discrimination was taking place in the case of Dalits only, whereas Other Backward Classes (OBC) people were receiving fairer treatment than Dalits at the same workplace. As remarked by another respondent:

This discriminatory behavior happens with us only. Other Backward Classes people (OBC) receive fairer treatment than us; if they commit any mistake employer will not say anything but if we commit, we have to listen to a lot of offensive comments and remarks.

Labour market discrimination is well defined. These are circumstances where lower caste workers get different treatment at workplaces and are excluded from certain categories of jobs which are called pure job. Thorat (2008) has found in his study that upper castes prefer to hire workers from their own castes or higher castes than Dalits, which result in restriction on Dalits in getting hired as labour for any work or selective work. ‘The upper caste will continue to support the caste system as long as it brings gains in the social, economic and educational sphere of society’ (ibid.). Dalits face discrimination in labour market in terms of working hours, behaviour at workplace and wages.

Another respondent pointed out that age is a factor of discrimination along with caste:

I am very old but for survival, I have to go for work; but I am the last preference of the employer because of my age and caste. I get employment when Rajbhar, Maurya and gaderiya (OBC) will not be available for work or when they deny going for work, because I belong to low caste. I also have to listen to lots of offensive comments and remarks even for minor mistakes. My eating plate is kept separate than other caste people.

The above statements of the respondents reveal the discriminatory behaviour of employers, who are mostly upper castes, with Dalits. It shows that Dalits consider that OBCs are preferred social group for manual labour over them. Both these respondents stated that the use of offensive remarks and abusive language is common, but these terms are limited to their caste group. One of the respondents also spoke of segregation when it comes to eating food, where his plate is kept separate from the rest. The use of such language and practices is representative of ways in which exclusion and social hierarchies are maintained. This has also been pointed out by scholars (Thorat, 2008), who argue that differential treatment at workplace reflects social discrimination of Dalits, and becomes a means for loss of dignity and equal rights.

This treatment may range from giving food in separate plate, asking them to work for longer hours than others, or rude behaviour by upper caste employers with them. Despite this, Dalits have no option but to continue, because of their economic conditions. Respondents argue that they are working to fulfil their minimal requirements as they ‘do not have any other option’. One respondent narrates:

We have to face various kinds of discrimination at workplace …. The employer misbehaves with us at workplace, our plate for eating is kept separate from those of others; but for survival we have to tolerate all these … We compromise with our dignity ….

Caste Relations in the Local Consumer Market

In rural areas, local moneylenders or shahookars are the major source of credit. Most of the money- lenders belong to upper caste and their existence shows that formal credit system has failed to operate in these areas. The local moneylender gives loans with a fixed rate of interest to the people who have urgent need of money. This practice is very old, but is still existing in eastern Uttar Pradesh.

A large number of Dalits have experienced discrimination when they tried to get loans from banks, local moneylender and even from microfinance. Market-based discrimination emphasized social exclusion of respondents from the economic sphere of society, which creates adverse condition for their livelihood. Thorat and Newman (2007) have explained that market-based discrimination generates a series of adverse consequences on income and economic distribution which leads to poor economic growth, inequality in income and poverty. Economic discrimination leads Dalits towards social exclusion and creates adverse conditions in society in the form of poor health, education and under nutrition.

Unequal economic rights deprive the Dalits from access to markets. They face discrimination in borrowing money even from moneylenders, which creates problems for their livelihood. Various kinds of barriers and discriminations have existed in the Indian society for thousands of years, where Dalits are not allowed to be involved in any other occupation except lower levels of occupation and employment (Kumar, 2014, p. 36). Caste-based occupation is one of the fundamental tenets of caste system in India (Narula & Macwan, 2001, p. 2). Due to the existence of caste-based occupations, Dalits have limited occupational opportunity that creates a limited economic boundary for them. They are not allowed to involve in any other economic activities for years except the caste-based economic activities.

Four fold of Hindu Varna system describes occupations for social groups on the basis of their caste. Occupation of Dalits is determined by the caste practices based on Hindu philosophical scripts. Thereby they hold lower position in the Hindu social order and are only allowed to be involved in low levels of employment or livelihood activities, particularly providing services to other castes (Kumar, 2014, p. 36). Due to the existence of caste-based economic activities, Dalits are excluded from the sphere of economic development and face challenges of economic inequality with social inequality.

A number of respondents stated that they have faced various kinds of caste-based discriminations in occupational activities in the studied area. Since most of the Dalits do not hold land and property in market they have to rent shops in markets to establish their own small business. But, the respondents pointed out that they are unable to rent shops in the market because none of the upper caste shop owners were ready to give them shops on rent as they belonged to lower caste. A respondent narrated his view:

We hail from lower caste therefore none of the upper castes will give us shop on rent. Even if somehow we could rent a shop and start a small business, none of the upper caste people will turn up at our shop because of our caste ….

Customary rules and norms thus become obstacles for Dalits in renting shop space in the market area. Another respondent made a similar statement:

In this market no one would give their shop on rent to a Chamar (Dalit) even though their shop will remain vacant for a year. It happens due to the existence of untouchability for centuries, which still continues in society. This is not new for us.

Due to economic deprivation, Dalits are facing challenges in meeting their minimal requirements of life. They are forced to choose caste-based occupations because of the circumstances created by the upper castes in the studied area. Dalits are restricted from ownership of resources and property which in turn has the consequence of lesser ownership of private enterprise. The Dalits’ share of small enterprise ownership is very limited in comparison with their total share of population. Conversely, ownership of private enterprises in the hands of upper castes exceeds their total population share by a significant margin (Dutta, 2007, pp. 11–12). High ownership of small enterprise among Dalit household results in low income and high rate (Deshpande & Sharma, 2013, p. 2; Thorat & Sadana, 2009, pp. 14–15). In social science literature, the concepts of discrimination have been more extensively discussed from the angles of descriptive economics and social science in the context of race and gender. Mainstream economic literature elaborates more on discrimination that operates through transactions, market and non-market transactions. In the market discrimination framework, discrimination of a group or individual belonging to that group may operate through restrictions in market and non-market transactions or through ‘selective inclusion’ with unequal or unfair treatment in the market (Thorat & Newman, 2007, p. 4121).

It is amply evident that caste system has close links with occupation, especially in rural areas, whereby Dalits are still facing discrimination in the economic sphere which leaves them behind others in terms of economic development (Gang & Sen, 2012). A respondent narrated his views on caste-based discrimination in the following manner:

Nothing has changed in the society regarding caste system … people claim that we are competing with other countries but still upper castes continue their discrimination towards us … we continue to live in the same misery.

The above statement of the respondent shows his resentment of the discrimination. Discrimination leads to various kinds of deprivation, such as deprivation of livelihood, employment and so on, which creates adverse effects on their economy. Caste-based occupational divisions have made them more vulnerable with livelihood uncertainty, which further perpetuates economic insecurities.

The economic organization is based on the caste system where social groups are divided in a hierarchical order which determines their economic rights (Thorat & Newman, 2007, p. 4122). The authors have described economic organization based on caste and hierarchy which still exists and can be validated through empirical evidence collected from the field. There was significant number of respondents who claimed that they have faced discrimination in self-employment, therefore they are facing challenges in economic inclusion, which creates adverse impact on their income.

Most of the shops in the market are owned by the upper caste people as they do not want to give shop space to the respondents because of caste dynamics. This observation from the field data is in agreement with Thorat and Newman (2007) for whom caste is a regulator of economic life. It has been noticed that Dalits are facing denial of property rights in farm or non-farm enterprises for long period of time since the past. They also experience various kinds of restrictions and barriers in the market in very essential areas of operation of business or enterprises. Thus, one can say that historical denial of property rights of Dalits still continue and deprive them of participation in the market. They face restrictions and barriers in selling of goods and products in the market, which discourage them from owning or starting their enterprises. Thorat and Sadana (2009) have found in their study that Dalits face discrimination in selling of certain goods such as milk, vegetable and fruits in the rural market. It shows the existence of discrimination with Dalits in the market.

Conclusion

Exclusion has influenced day-to-day life of the Dalit people. In contemporary times, it has emerged as a structural problem of society, which has negatively influenced accessibility of employment and economic development of Dalits. It leads to various social, political, economic and cultural deprivations of the concerned people and excludes them from the mainstream of society, where they are unable to participate in community life. Social exclusion in contemporary society is a leading factor in creating adverse effects and inabilities in participating in community life for the excluded.

This article indicates that local politics and local administration play a major role in the exclusion of Dalits. Dominance of upper castes in the political domain of village is a major factor behind exclusion. The researcher concludes that Dalits are subject to the processes of social exclusion and the exclusionary processes, in turn, have been largely shaped by structural inequality within the mainstream of society; this further leads Dalits towards various kinds of deprivations such as deprivation from land, labour and local market. This study highlights the fact that the Dalits’ exclusion from the mainstream is a continuing trend of historical subjugation and oppression perpetrated by the upper castes. Historically, Dalits are facing denial in rights over natural resources such as land and water, which still exists in the form of their landlessness. The landlessness among Dalits of the studied area is inherited. Dalits are at the lowest position of the village in eastern UP and land is one of the assets which describe one’s position in the society; therefore landless Dalits are still at the bottom of the social hierarchy of the village.

Discrimination in the market can be linked with economic exclusion of Dalits and limitations to a particular type of occupation among them. They are facing discrimination not only in the market, but also in the labour market where they have to face discriminatory behaviour of the employer in the form of delay in wages and unequal treatment at the workplace. This study points out that barriers and discrimination in self-employment activities are a great hurdle for Dalits in getting involved in economic activities of the society and facing challenges of livelihood. Due to the existence of untouchability in the studied area, Dalits are not able to involve in self-employment activities and remain confined to caste-based occupations. Social exclusion of Dalits leads to economic insecurity among them. They also face denial in hiring for wage labour activities such as construction works, which exclude them from the labour market and deny them equal opportunities of work. The practice of untouchability has been reported in the present study, which argues that due to the existence of untouchability, Dalit people are not getting equal opportunities in every domain of society.