Abstract
Invisible social groups are systematically left out of the process of development and have to make choices that are predetermined. Research suggests that the tribal and nomadic communities have been majorly affected by such processes. Nat, a peripatetic nomadic tribe in India has undergone similar exclusionary process. However, they continue to survive as a social group and maintain their distinguishing character. This study, therefore, is an attempt to understand their survival within the mainstream society by systematically analysing the following sociocultural attributes: identity construction, education and mobility, and multi-religious belonging. The Nat of Paschim Champaran, in the state of Bihar in India, were the focus of the study. Data was collected from 30 respondents and analysed by applying narrative inquiry. The findings suggest that their professional identity as acrobats continues to define their distinctiveness even when a few have chosen to shift towards other forms of livelihood. This distinctiveness continues to negatively influence their access to education and as a result no major change is witnessed in terms of social mobility of the group. However, it is observed that they have intelligently assimilated themselves within the popular culture by adopting multiple identities with respect to religion and which are activated for diverse purposes and at different times.
Introduction
Nat are the nomadic community in India (Idate, 2017). Most of them are peripatetic in nature while a few among them in recent years have preferred for a settled dwelling. They are scattered in different states of India but predominantly they are visible in Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Historically, they along with many other de-notified, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes, were proclaimed as ‘born criminals’ by the Britishers when India was their colony. Accordingly, they were enumerated in the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. This Act has stigmatized the community over the years, with their nomadic lifestyles often looked at with suspicion by the mainstream sedentary society.
According to Thurnwald (1933), ‘nomadism’ represents that section of the population which keeps changing its habitat in search of livelihood opportunities and categorizes them based on climatic patterns, topographical environments, professional choices, and so on. Similarly, Nat have been identified, based on their professional choices, as the nomadic population that specializes in amusement or acrobatics (Davindera, 1997). Interestingly, Nat showcase contrasting sociocultural identities, beliefs and practices depending upon their regional status within India. They continue to hold a lower stratified social position within the Indian society no matter to which part of the country they are part of (Ali, 2001, 2010; Azeez et al., 2017; Davindera 1997; Jangir & RajNat 2022; Swarankar, 1999).
Many researchers have made efforts in understanding the community and the issues that influence or affect them. Swarankar (1999), for example, has described Nat as a vaguely gypsy group which for much of its history has endured nomadic life. However, tracing the Nat roots and ethnology is most problematic as pointed out by W. Crooke (1974), for their conception as a nomadic tribe varies widely. Nat in Sanskrit means a performer, a dancer or a nachaniya. This understanding was popularized as the community would involve in dancing and acrobat for livelihood maintenance. Crooke also claimed that Nat is a clan of Gypsy dancers, who also involve in acrobat and prostitution in many Indian states. Rizley (1981) on the other hand highlighted terminologies like Nar or Nat or Natak for identifying them and associated them with the Eastern Bengal’s dance and musical gharanas or class. Swarankar (1999) in his work notes Wise’s observation that Nat can be affiliated to the Hindu Brahminic Kathak gharanas, mainly because of the customary practices that they involved in when they had migrated to Dacca (central India and Bengal) during the Nawab’s time.
Rizley (1981) in his work on Nat of East Bengal suggests that the modern Nat do not conform to the pedigree and claims that they are the descendants of sage Bharadawaj and a female dancer. R. V. Russell (1975) was of the view that majority of the Nat belonged to Kanjar or Bedia, a gypsy caste. The latter could have originated from the Dom, an ethnic group scattered across India and treated as an outcaste over decades. For Rose (1970), an anthropologist from Europe, Nat is the traditional gypsy caste recognized in Punjab and is synonymous with that of Bazigar (prestidigitator).
Researchers have made their contributions in trying to understand the nomadic tribes in India including the Nat. However, the latter have mostly remained invisible from the discourse on development and the societal narratives due to their peripatetic lifestyles. Though in recent years, the Nat have received some political attention and a few measures were introduced for identifying their nature and needs. The Idate Commission 2017, for example, identified the Nat as the most disadvantaged group of India. It was also observed that as per the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950, the Nat should fall under the category of ‘scheduled castes’ so that the relevant constitutional privileges can be claimed by them. However, a large population of the Nat, that follows Hinduism, were put among the Other Backward Classes (OBC) and which discriminates and deprives them of many such claims and privileges. This point, however, is out of the scope of this study and not addressed in detail in this work.
So, in contemporary India the invisibility and the absence of the Nat from the discourse on development has greatly influenced their position within the Indian society and hence identity construction among them. We go with the understanding that the concept of ‘identity’ is debatable and, therefore, for this study a detailed exploration of the concept was crucial. We found that various scholars have looked at it differently. They have applied various theoretical paradigms for understanding it and which includes racial, ethnic, ecological, symbolic—mind, self, sign and symbols, and so on. Generally, identity is understood as a link between the society and the individual. This understanding draws on the literatures of a great variety of scholars and intellectuals, including W. James (2000), W. I. Thomas (1981), C. H. Cooley (1920a & 1920b) and G. H. Mead (1934). For them the scientific approach to identity and the relationship between identity and society (social structure) depends on the functionally shared meanings between the two. Identity, therefore, is a result of the interactions between the society and the individual. While these interactions are taking place, the identity(ies) that an individual holds connects him to the society and these interconnections influence his behaviour, emotions, thoughts and feelings (Stets & Burke, 2009).
Research, therefore, has tried to understand the particular actions that people assign to the various identities they assert. Also, it addresses important questions like: How these identities interact? How these identities influence the behaviour, emotions, thoughts and feelings of an individual? How do their identities connect them to society as a whole. On the basis of interconnectivity between self and society, Cooley (1902) has discussed that individuals and societies are two halves of a single coin. Our position, however, is that an individual’s performance and an identity in a specific context is often the creation of society (social system). In the process, they influence the social structure that they are part of and get affected themselves (Coleman, 1990; Stryker, 1980). Sociologists and anthropologists have further tried to understand the paradigm and essence of a social system, how it evolves and transforms the self, the associated processes and the patterns in everyday life of an individual or a group. For this study, Durkheim’s concept of transforming society from mechanical to organic solidarity is important with regards to the sociocultural dynamics that the Nat community has undergone in the contemporary times. For instance, the Nat used to coexist with larger groups known as the kabilayee samaj (Tribal Society). However, as the Nat started migrating in search of livelihood, they dispersed across the country and moved in small clusters. Over time these small groups acquired multiple identities depending upon the encounters they had with the mainstream society. The historical period and region that they were part of played a significant role in this transformation.
Based on the above discussion and understanding, conducting this research was essential as Nat are in considerable numbers in India and contribute towards its rich diversity. Their existence is important towards preserving and maintaining the shared heritage, ancestry and history, and forgo any cultural biases that may be existing against them. Identity, a dynamic phenomenon, plays a significant role in the survival of any community and which is the primary concern of the study with respect to the Nat. The central point on which the study is based is that identity and its perceptive adoption with respect to time and space is what largely determines the survival of a group or a community within the mainstream society. In the case of Nat of Paschim Champaran, this understanding holds a strong ground as the multiple identities (perceptive adoption) that have been acquired by them while maintaining their unique identities has helped them survive as a community. We approached this problem by agreeing to the point that defining the conditions under which identity is maintained is crucial. This particular point stemmed from the fact that identity maintenance and perceptive adoption were the most decisive factor in the survival of a group or a community (Hofman, 2005).
Methodology
This research was carried out on the Nat of Semri village in Paschim Champaran. The village is located in the state of Bihar in India. The street on which they have been dwelling for years is known as the Nat Mohallah. Paschim Champaran was chosen as the field of the study as it has a long history of endless discrimination against the marginalized communities. It was here that Mahatma Gandhi started the Statyagrah in 1917 and initiated the struggle against the social biases that resulted in the exploitation of the weaker sections. However, even after a century since the struggle began, these groups still have to undergo identity crisis, caste discrimination and poverty.
The data was collected and analysed with the help of narrative approach. Open-ended questionnaire was introduced for collecting the narratives. This approach was crucial as it aids in understanding identity construction by providing access to various other crucial domains such as the culture, history and personalities of the individuals (Lieblich et al., 1998). In total, narratives of 30 Nat were collected. The respondents were in the age group 17–65 years. It was ensured that this number adequately captured the diversification that existed in the narratives and among the individual Nat. The narratives were analysed using the narrative thematic analysis (Reismann, 2008) and inductive reasoning (Cresswell, 2015). This process resulted in the generation of three major themes and which have been discussed in the next section.
Discussion, Data Analysis and Findings
Three major themes emerged from the analysis of the data: (a) multitude of identities—garnering stability within the crisis; (b) multi-religiosity as a means of survival; and (c) education—not a privilege but a source of further identity crisis.
Multitude of Identities—Garnering Stability Within the Crisis
The analysis of the data suggested that identity plays a decisive role in the everyday lives of the Nat community. The five types of identities that emerged from the field view included: identity based on self, role-based identity, identity arising out of social relationships, religious identity and identity with respect to educational mobility. It is observed that the self-arises from the consciousness of humans and is what defines an individual’s awareness of his identity. The latter is significant as it provides an individual with a community and social relationships to adhere to. During such adherences, an individual’s personality and in turn his identity is built out of the negotiations, agreements, confrontations and disputes that he enters into. It is during such processes that an individual makes behavioural choices and decisions, and which define his personality. Further, the identities of persons are founded on the concept that an individual is more than just a singular entity and who is not completely independent of others. Consequently, role-based identities become essential (Burke, 1980; McCall & Simmons, 1978; Stryker, 1980) as these assimilate the internal meanings of the actions of the individuals.
The Nat perform acrobatic skills and which has resulted in them being identified as a community of dancers or gymnasts in the everyday social interactions that take place with the mainstream society. The understanding and behaviour of each person in such situations is entangled with the process of reciprocation by the other members of the society. It is observed that such processes and the social identification resulting out of these, reduces the instability in the everyday life of an individual (Hogg, 2006; Hogg & Mullin, 1999). As per Durkheimian (1914) understanding of identity, the theoretical contrast in sociology between organic and mechanical types of social integration corresponds to role-based and group-based identities. An individual’s identity is influenced by the cultural attributes of a society, and which are internalized by the people. This process, consequently, helps in classifying him based on such characteristics.
Identity is considered as a dynamic structure of social relationships and which undergoes a change with the passage of time and place. Therefore, identities are continually flexible and renegotiable through time and space. This shift in identities may alter paradigms that explore and explain the interactions that take place between different genders, regions, classes, castes, education statuses, and social recognitions, both purposefully and inadvertently. In line with this thought, it is observed that with the passage of time and change of space, the Nat community’s identity has been shifting. Also, during this change they have been driven by certain specific goals and drawn to certain kinds of agencies and institutions.
Institutions are embodied in individual experience through roles. The latter are an integral component of every society’s objectively available universe. This has also been objectified linguistically. In the case of Nat community, an interesting phenomenon emerges. The Nat do not claim a rigid identity for themselves and this social standing can be traced to their socio-historical past. They like to be identified based on their professional skills and which includes acrobat and dance. Religion-based identity does not find much space in the interactions taking place within the community. Among the new generation of Nat, however, traces of inclination towards holding specific identity claims, are witnessed. In a sense this is important as a multitude of identities existing within a society may result in crisis of recognition for that community.
Identity, therefore, is crucial as it aids in understanding the self and in executing the daily social interactions. It also aids a community in its survival and continuity. However, a frequent change of identities or having multiple identities may jeopardise the harmony both within and outside of the community. In the case of Nat, although adopting identities as per time and space has befitted them but it has also disoriented the community of their unique status within the Indian society. Understanding identity, therefore, becomes crucial both from academic and cultural perspectives as it aids in capturing the complexities of agency and structure that an individual or a community experiences.
Multi-religiosity as a Means of Survival
The respondents of the study belong to a larger nomadic tribe and one of their most distinguishing characteristics is that they are peripatetic in nature (Davindera, 1997; Jangir & RajNat 2022; Swarankar, 1999). Historically, migration has been playing a decisive role in every aspect of their lives. The study finds that following a nomadic lifestyle was not a choice but the only option that the community had for its survival. So, it was not just their professional skills that determined their position within the society but other external factors such as industrial growth, numerous development plans, increased urbanization and new modes of entertainment; that had significant influence on their existence. In recent years all these factors have pushed the Nat in Bihar towards sociocultural and livelihood changes as these have brought with them financial distress, inaccessibility to essential infrastructure, unemployment, inequality, discrimination, poverty and social marginalization. As a result, many Nat have tried to forgo their identity as nomads and instead tried to assimilate themselves with the mainstream society for various social and economic gains. Migration has been one phenomenon that has comparatively given a better hope of survival.
Davindera (1997) suggests that the Nat are totally cut off from other communities. They have tried to make contacts, other than economic, with other communities. However, the response has not been positive because of their poor living standards and historical past. They are considered as lower castes, disrespected and continue to have an invisible and insignificant position within the Indian society. As per the findings of this research they are routinely abused and assaulted by upper caste residents in their neighbourhood and are labelled as social outcasts.
In order to overcome such oddities, the Nat have knowingly and carefully adopted identities that fluctuate with time and space. These are often executed as per the context and which brings them reasonable sociocultural and economic relief. For example, the respondents of the study participate in most of the religious festivities of all the major religions practiced in the region, included in which are Hinduism, Islam, Sufism and Sikhism. They have even incorporated a few of the beliefs and practices of other communities in their everyday interactions. The findings suggest that there are no hard and fast rules that a Nat is supposed to follow when it comes to religion.
Identity for them is relational and it depends on the space and the situation they are in. For example, a Nat may address himself either as a Muslim or a Hindu depending upon the religious predominance of the group they are interacting with (in a specific location). This makes the assimilation (which is temporary in nature) with the predominant group easier and which in turn helps them to conveniently earn money.
In India, caste and religion are the two social institutions that substantially determine social interaction, economic activities and group affiliations. Both caste and religion are symbolically represented through various dressing styles, languages, traditional symbols such as jewellery. Therefore, identifying a person of his caste or religious affiliations is comparatively easier. The Nat, on the other hand, have championed the art of hiding their identity. They very comfortably and temporarily become a Muslim or a Hindu depending upon the context. This quick transition is smooth as they have been participating in all the sociocultural practices and festivities of various religious groups, and know all the nitty gritty.
It was also observed that the Nat have witnessed the inclusion of various cultures within their community. For example, as mentioned earlier, they celebrate all the Indian festivals with enthusiasm. Also, during the month of Ramadhan, the Nat offer salah (Prayer) and perform Roza (Fasting). Simultaneously, they also participate in Hindu festivities such as Holi, Dussehra, Chhat Puja, Diwali, and so on. Therefore, attributing a specific religious identity to the Nat by an outsider may at times become a complex exercise. The Nat of Paschim Champaran, both the community and at the individual level, may then be labelled multi-religious with the socio-economic factors pushing them towards it. In Nat Mohallah, therefore, the community members do not claim a particular identity or social recognition based on any specific religion. However, during data collection, the respondents suggested that the majority of the Nat (around 300 in number) in this Mohallah were Muslims. To the other side of the Mohallah, there are 12 other households that belong to the Yadavs and Brahmins, the upper caste Hindus. Their dwellings, however, showcase noticeable power structure. Their houses are well-built and with a larger space. So, even when the Nat are in majority here, they are treated as members of inferior castes by the other households and are employed as house-helps.
This displays an interesting way in which power and authority is deliberated among the people belonging to different groups. It is not the numerical strength that determines the social status or the social identity of a group. But the control that a group has over others because of their caste or religious affiliations. This can be relevantly explained with the help of Srinivas’s (1995) concept of a ‘dominant caste’. So, in the Nat Mohallah, even when the members of the upper caste are fewer in numbers, however, because of their command over the economic and political structures, they determine the day to day functioning of the area. The Nat on the other hand are economically disadvantaged group, as well as a landless community.
However, in order to overcome this deprivation, the Nat have devised strategies with the help of which they can survive this descent-based discrimination and earn a livelihood for themselves. So, they adopt multi-religious identities depending upon the areas that they are in and as part of the socio-economic activities. For instance, there are two nearby villages to the Nat Mohallah. One is the Semri village which is predominantly inhabited by Muslims. The other is Harnahya village and which is largely a settlement of the Hindus. The Nat often go to these villages for performing their skills, accepting alms during festivities and in search of other occupational opportunities. However, they change their religious identity depending upon the village that they are in. So, while in Semri they identify themselves as Muslims whereas at Harnahya they act as Hindus. This is a conscious activity and offers an interesting account of the strategy that is adopted for their social survival. So, the social construction of identity among the Nat is greatly influenced by the prevailing socio-cultural influences.
Education is not a Privilege but a Distant Future
Education significantly influences the overall growth of an individual and which assists him towards leading a balanced and an integrated self (Rousseau, 1762, as cited in Gupta, 2011). For Rousseau, to live ‘is not merely to breathe, it is to act, to make use of our organs, senses, our faculties, and of all those parts of ourselves, which gives us the feeling of our existence’ (Rousseau, 1762, as cited in Gupta, 2011, p. 37) and education has an important role to play in this. However, the Nat, because of the socio-cultural situation have been kept away from receiving formal education to a great extent. The Idate Commission (2017), set up to identify the de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic communities (that were left out of the process of country wide classification of communities into socio-economic categories), indicated in its report that these groups had been seriously lacking access to educational facilities. The literacy rate among them was reported to be less than 40% by the Commission and which has been identified as the key element that pushes them towards backwardness and marginalization.
As a consequence they are still perceived as born or habitual criminals and continue to live as outcasts in the village. Over the years, they have mostly lived in social isolation, economic penury and have been at the receiving end of both the State and the police. While education has a very little role to play in their day to day lives, however, institutions that put a check on their socio-economic mobility have a stronger influence.
Further, the findings of the study show that there is a general tendency among the Nat to withdraw their children from formal education before they finish the primary school at age six years or later. In the secondary schools this number falls sharply. The major reason behind children dropping out of schools so early has been the financial constraints. Also, because of their nomadic and semi-nomadic nature, they frequently move from one location to another. So, enrolling a child in a school on a regular basis becomes a hurdle to their peripatetic ways of life. Added to this, the Nat children often face discrimination at school because of the stigmatization that the community undergoes. The children at many instances have not been treated at par with the other students by the teachers and the peer group. However, their situation is exacerbated by the lack of essential services in their area.
During interview schedule, all the 30 respondents were asked if they had ever attended a government school. Only five respondents replied in affirmative and confirmed that they had attended school regularly. All these respondents were males while the women respondents had never been to school. So, gender is an important barrier when it comes to education. In addition to these the other factors that result in children dropping out of the school include: a failure in clearing the examination and the associated embarrassment; and caste affiliations. They are often bullied at school by the children of the upper caste resulting in negative emotional experiences.
Discussion
The Nat community of Nat Mohallah does not hold a strong social position in Paschim Champaran owing to the sociocultural set up. The upper caste natives establish most of the codes and standards for everyday interactions. Further, their perpetual mobility has resulted in them being completely landless and which also prohibits them from enjoying the privileges that come with a sedentary lifestyle. The ambiguity and inconsistency in the State’s process of identifying the Nat as a socially deprived group, brings further stress to the community. It is obvious that if the identity of a group is not constitutionally ascertained, it would continue to be deprived of his socio-economic opportunities. In order to survive in such a scenario, the Nat have adopted identities that are multiple in nature. The community is multi-religious, which helps it in generating economic benefits and thus results in their survival. Identity among them is a dynamic phenomenon and which defines and re-defines social relationships among them.
Further, the Nat at Paschim Chaparan are not opting for formal education, either for themselves or their children. The only Nat who could pass 10th standard and get a job in a government office, preferred to stay away from the profession that the Nat had been practicing for centuries. He opted for a job that provided him with stability and a fixed identity. Education played a definitive role for him in this direction and his stance suggested that education brought with it the quest for a stable lifestyle. For the Nat, this can be achieved only if their identity is unambiguous, definitive and does not fluctuate with respect to the time and space. A few Nat, mostly those who are a little aware of their statuses within the mainstream society, have been attempting to connect to their unique identities by trying to explore their historical roots through history and literature. However, these efforts face challenges as the Nat have not been associated with any specific identity in the past. Various scholars have tried to identify them with different groups. However, what has mostly remained common among their findings is that they have been identified as a community of acrobatic talents and abilities.
Further, the poor economic condition of the Nat is the primary reason for their backwardness and exclusion from main stream society. In times where the people are provided with multiple sources of entertainments such as multiplexes, television, mobile phones, social media, and so on, the traditional acrobatic skills of the Nat has been losing its significance. The Nat, therefore, are now opting for other sources of livelihood such as working at construction sites or in farms, begging and even as bonded labour at Nat Mohallah.
The Nat, however, have been living in harmony with other communities of Pashchim Champaran. This has been possible because of the sociocultural practices that the Nat community has adopted over time. It has assimilated itself into the larger social structure by adopting to the religious beliefs and practices of various other groups. The Nat, therefore, are adaptive in nature and are a relevant example of a community undergoing both the process of acculturation and assimilation simultaneously. By incorporating change to their own culture and composition, they have to a great extent maintained homeostasis. The community as a result has been able to survive the various social, economical and cultural challenges.
Conclusion
Differences are the defining feature of Indian society and these have been constituted in the form of various groups and communities. These differences determine the essence of everyday lives of the people. These distinctions are a result of a long drawn historical process in which perceptions on caste, class, religion, gender, place, and educational impoverishment have played a significant role. The groups and communities who bore the pressures of these perceptions were mostly excluded from the processes involving socio-economic opportunities and development. For Sen (1982), social exclusion involves every process that may contribute towards deprivation and poverty.
The Nat have been exposed to similar conditions because of which identity construction among them has witnessed drastic adjustments within the sociocultural and economic spheres. For instance, they now live in smaller groups and are multi-religious, an adjustment that has benefited them both socially and economically.
In terms of education, an important instrument for bringing stability and social mobility within a community, the Nat have been befitted the least. So in order to overcome these challenges, educating the community becomes a major source with the help of which the rigid exclusionary processes can be addressed. Education will help them deal with the challenges that they face on an everyday basis included in which are poverty, inequality, child labour, digital divide, unrefined socialization and social exclusion. While a few have been successful in reaping the benefits of the reservation policy introduced by the State, the study affirms that education can make the Nat conscious of their identity and help them claim for a justifiable social recognition within the main stream society.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.