Abstract
Kunal Debnath and Souvik Chatterjee (Eds.), Marginalised Groups in India: Historiography, Politics, and Policies, 2025, xvii + 252 pp., £135.00 (Hardback), Oxford: Routledge. ISBN: 9781032882017.
Marginalization is the process of developing, replicating or breaking out of peripherality with respect to a core. In India, it is a pervasive issue driven by entrenched social classes and organizational inequalities, engulfing systematic exclusion accompanied by denial of fundamental rights and opportunities. Marginalization has far-reaching impacts, and comprehending the origins and its consequences is key in overcoming barriers and building a more inclusive community. ‘Marginalised Groups in India: Historiography, Politics, and Policies’, edited by Kunal Debnath and Souvik Chatterjee, offers a multifaceted exploration of marginality in the Indian context. The book argues that marginality is a structural problem stemming from sociocultural stigma, hindering access to resources for certain individuals and groups. Despite policy interventions, significant barriers persist, which makes this volume a timely and crucial contribution to understanding the complexities of exclusion in India. Through a combination of historiography, primary data and political analysis, the book unveils the often-unheard experiences of marginalized communities, challenging conventional understandings of marginality and advocating for more inclusive policies. Rooted in the intellectual traditions of both historical materialism and critical social theory, this compilation attempts to disrupt mainstream historiography and policy discourse by highlighting the experiences, struggles and resistances of India’s marginalized communities. In doing so, it not only critiques dominant knowledge regimes but also provides a mosaic of perspectives that challenge, deconstruct and reconstruct the narrative of India’s development, democracy and nationhood. The volume begins with a powerful conceptual framing that interrogates the epistemological violence of mainstream historiography, which has systematically erased, distorted or appropriated the histories of marginalized groups—Dalits, queer communities, women and others. The editors outline the agency of these groups through a deliberate and nuanced historiographical revisionism. Drawing from subaltern studies and critiques of Eurocentric modes of historical writing, the book locates its historiographical interventions in a decolonial and intersectional framework. It foregrounds the structural exclusions, epistemic silences and representational distortions that have been endemic to both colonial and postcolonial statecraft and academic discourse.
This expressive edited volume consists of one introduction and 14 chapters, which are organized into 4 sections. In the introduction, the editors present the key theoretical arguments and the scope of this volume, where they argue that understanding marginality requires engaging with its layered and intricate nature linked to essential societal values like justice, equality and gender parity and, especially in India, whose social landscape is based on varied experiences that arise from entrenched divisions of caste, class, gender, religion and language. It presents a rich tapestry of essays by established scholars and emerging voices, providing a diverse array of perspectives where each section not only deepens our understanding of marginalization but also connects the dots between historical injustices, political struggles and contemporary policy paradigms.
The first section incorporates four chapters that elucidate caste and ethnic forms of marginalization. In the opening chapter, Kunal Debnath examines the nuanced marginalization of Bengal’s Naths (Yogis) from early mediaeval times to today and aims to challenge the myth that caste holds little relevance in Bengal by highlighting the community’s persistent quest for recognition. The Naths are notably under-represented across academic, social, economic and political spheres, primarily because they historically did not politicize their identity or organize within electoral politics. Instead, unlike the open political expression, their resistance, such as wearing the sacred threads, maintaining the Brahman samaskara and making their own priests, is all happening at the ground level. These are not big events in a democratic political framework, yet there is a hidden resistance to the Brahmanical caste hierarchy (p. 29). In the second chapter, Mainak Putatunda discusses the ongoing nature of marginality that tests societal norms and views, as exemplified by the example of the ‘Matua’, where he examines how marginalized Matuas in India embraced the Sahajiya tradition as a form of protest against social injustice that functions both as a rejection of hierarchical structures and as a means of asserting agency, which is deeply rooted within the community, reflected in their literature and personal interactions. In this context, while once instructed to withdraw from politics during times of turmoil, the Matuas, now a political force in West Bengal, no longer need to retreat (p. 45). Nawang Choden’s third chapter investigates the delicate realities of the Chakma community in Arunachal Pradesh, who regard themselves as denizens living in an ambiguous space—neither wholly excluded nor entirely incorporated as Indian citizens—and how, after decades of inhabiting Arunachal Pradesh, their status is still situated in the periphery, and even after government intervention, they have continued to be an example of stark marginalization. This issue highlights how the Indian government discriminates against marginalized groups through its policies, particularly those without claims within India (p. 60). The fourth chapter by Anirban Chatterjee considers how the recent conflict in Manipur has elevated ethnic nationalism as a key political issue. Control over and differential use of land has defined and determined ethnic identities, with the Kukis and Nagas resorting to shifting cultivation and the dominant Meitei community practicing terraced cultivation in the valley, thereby making it quite clear that the issue of ethnicity in Manipur is multi‑faceted, multi‑ dimensional and multi‑pronged, which needs to be comprehended in a nuanced fashion (pp. 68, 75). It also addresses the marginalization of the Kuki community and their active assertion of tribal identity and territorial claims, appraising their situation across development indicators such as employment, infrastructure, poverty, administrative governance and healthcare.
The next section, comprising four chapters, focuses on the theme of gender exclusion, where the fifth chapter, authored by Bankim Chandra Mandal, explores how caste, class and gender harm Dalit women across social, economic, political, educational and cultural spheres, highlighting the violence and oppression they endure daily. Despite constitutional, legal and statutory provisions for the removal of discrimination and violence, the occurrence of violent incidents, such as murder, abduction, grievous hurt, rape, arson and other atrocities, is rampant against Dalits (p. 94). Focusing on institutional spaces—schools, employment, healthcare and media—Swakshadip Sarkar, utilizing intersectionality, discusses how neuroqueer people who intersect queerness and neurodivergence and resist dominant norms of heteronormativity and able-mindedness via self-advocacy. This study employed podcast ethnography (Five Episodes of Atypical Dikkatein), a novel approach, to understanding the struggles and marginalization faced by neuroqueer individuals in India (p. 107). In Chapter 7, Partha Pratim Basu and Anwesha Banerjee analyse women’s marginalization and limited healthcare access in West Bengal, highlighting causes and offering policy insights for overcoming gender inequality. The analysis of West Bengal set against the broader context of India emphasized the need to move beyond economic determinism in addressing disparities and deprivation (p. 122). Sanchari Naskar, in the eighth chapter, examines how neoliberalism shapes Kolkata’s urban spaces, with a focus on its gendered impact on domestic labour in middle-class households, including the role of domestic help. Urban spaces under neoliberal planning—replete with malls, private institutions and gated housing—are tailored for the consumption of the middle classes, relegating the lower classes to the margins as service providers (p. 136).
The third section of this volume investigates the vulnerabilities of diverse marginalized groups in India, where Biswajit Ghosh aims to evaluate the vulnerabilities faced by tea garden workers and their families, with special reference to the plantation industry in the Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar districts of West Bengal, in the backdrop of owner mismanagement and delayed action by the state and its agencies. The chapter illustrates the deplorable state of marginalization, given the complex nature of the ‘enclave economy’ as well as the precarity of all types of employment (p. 155). Pritin Dutta’s chapter explores how regional complexities lead to Bengali political marginalization in Assam. At the same time, it gives due recognition in its study that India’s lingo‑federal journey is insufficient without comprehending Assam’s identity politics and its significant impact on the state system. All the pre‑constitutional as well as post‑constitutional documents during India’s Independence have discussed industriously the issues of the complexity of linguistic identities (p. 171). While Vikas Keshav Jadhav argues that the dominant urban mobility narrative neglects the experiences of traditional nomads, shaped by privileged city dwellers, and Mumbai is no exception to the fact. In this context, he locates the Pardhis in Mumbai to highlight their vulnerability and social marginalization in the contemporary city context. Among the traced 10,471 population of Pardhis in Mumbai, 5,074 live a homeless life and 3,973 live in irregularized and regularized slums (p. 181), reflecting external spatiality and marginalization.
The final section examines how public policies influence the reduction of marginalization in India, focusing on their effectiveness and role in empowering marginalized groups. Alok Kumar Gupta, in his chapter, highlights how e-governance has emerged as a powerful tool for delivering governance and transforming public administration in the eyes of citizens but falls short in addressing marginalized groups’ aspirations and plight. The government should foster collaboration among citizens, civil society and stakeholders in e-governance projects, while also investing in digital literacy for both the public and officials to ensure effective engagement and service delivery (p. 203). The following chapter, authored by Honey Raj and Souvik Chatterjee, analyses the JEEViKA programme in Bihar through the lens of gender equity—assessing its outcomes in women’s empowerment, economic independence, participatory inclusion and rural transformation. The challenges faced by JEEViKA Didis are deeply rooted in the transformation of SHGs into JEEViKA groups, reflecting a shift in focus from women’s organizational autonomy to aligning with governmental agendas (p. 217). The primary goal of the chapter written by Kunal Debnath and Tanmoy Saha is to address the longstanding challenges faced by beggars, especially child beggars in West Bengal—home to the highest number—focusing on long-term government legal interventions. It reflects how beggars are often penalized and criminalized instead of receiving adequate housing and social support and emphasizes that vocational training, education and pension schemes should be prioritized over anti-beggary laws. Addressing the complexities faced by beggars in India demands a multi-faceted approach, involving collaboration among the government, NGOs and society, fostering an inclusive society (p. 231). Debi Chatterjee asserts in the final and concluding chapter that despite India’s claims of commitment to democracy and human rights, many marginalized groups still face exclusion, hindering social justice and economic growth—particularly concerning caste, ethnicity, gender and minorities. Notwithstanding constitutional and legal safeguards, the lack of agency and power of the marginalized predispose them towards continued marginality and violation of basic rights (p. 240).
Debnath and Chatterjee’s edited volume provides a well-curated collection of essays that not only highlight critical issues but also point towards future directions for research and activism towards marginalization through a multidisciplinary lens. However, while the editors frame the book as a comprehensive Indian study, many case studies are concentrated in specific regions such as West Bengal, Maharashtra and the Northeast. More coverage of southern and central India could have enriched the diversity of experiences discussed. Although gender appears as a theme, the intersections with religion, disability and sexuality are less developed. Given the long-standing and complex history of religious minority marginalization, a more detailed exploration would have enriched the discourse by providing a fuller picture of marginalization, even though recognized by editors (p. 12). Further, some readers may find that certain chapters lean heavily on theoretical frameworks at the expense of practical solutions, which call for more empirical data and case studies that outline effective interventions, even though Kunal Debnath and Alok Kumar Gupta have touched upon that aspect. Moreover, striking a balance between scholarly rigour and readability could enhance the book’s impact among a wider audience, including activists and policymakers, along with politicians. In sum, while the volume offers valuable insights into marginalized experiences in specific contexts, its limitations—especially regarding religious minorities—highlight an area for further research. Nonetheless, it serves as a meaningful step towards diversifying the narrative of marginality in India, urging scholars and readers alike to explore the multifaceted realities that underpin India’s social landscape.