Evolving Dynamics of Reservation Policy: Untouchability Boomeranged in New Forms

Introduction

Human beings are the architects of all creations, driven by their needs and requirements. In this context, the family was established as a fundamental unit. The formation of the family aimed to address certain essential needs to a certain degree. However, the absence of rules and regulations within the family often led to conflicts and disputes among its members, making it challenging to coexist peacefully and cooperatively. To address these issues and foster a harmonious environment, humans subsequently established another collective entity known as society. The primary objective of creating a society was not only to meet basic needs but also to cultivate an environment where individuals could coexist with mutual understanding, thereby preserving social harmony. In this pursuit, society developed various regulations, referred to as societal rules, to guide individuals and minimize conflicts. The implementation of these rules proved beneficial in managing and controlling social disagreements. Over time, individuals recognized the effectiveness and reliability of these societal rules. Among the numerous regulations established for communal survival, one significant aspect is the caste system.

Caste System

The caste system represents a significant societal framework established by individuals to promote social stability and development. However, over time, it has evolved into a source of social instability and segregation. To comprehend how the caste system contributes to social stability and development, it is essential to first define what caste is and how its system operates. Furthermore, it is important to explore how this system has exacerbated societal issues and created challenges for specific groups in their quest for survival.

Caste is a social construct (Rivers, 2022) that categorizes individuals into various groups based on factors such as birth, occupation and economic status. It is characterized by a hereditary framework that imposes numerous restrictions on occupational choices, social relationships and interactions. Within this social order, certain groups attain greater power and prestige than others, leading to a structured society where individuals are compelled to act according to the caste assigned to them, known as the caste system (Ghurye, 1957, pp. 165–183).

This system serves as a social and economic framework that divides individuals into groups based on their birth, with each group possessing distinct rights and opportunities. Initially, the caste system was designed to maintain social order, thereby facilitating social growth, stability, progress and advancement. Under this framework, tasks and responsibilities were allocated according to caste. Individuals belonging to higher castes were permitted to assume significant roles in society, including access to education, participation in major economic activities such as trade and business, and involvement in political matters such as leadership and decision-making. Conversely, individuals from lower castes were relegated to providing various services to support the affluent lifestyles of higher castes. The inherent inequities in rights and opportunities within this system have ultimately led to social segregation within society.

This system has led to social segregation, resulting in various forms of inequality, oppression, discrimination and exploitation that persist in society today. In essence, individuals from lower castes have endured inhumane conditions, have been deprived of rights and freedoms, and lack opportunities to engage in and access public life. Initially, the caste system contributed to social stability, as those in lower castes accepted various forms of exploitation and discrimination. However, when these injustices exceeded acceptable limits and became intolerable, the social conditions for certain groups deteriorated severely. The origins of the caste system can be traced back to the Portuguese in India (Pillay, 2021), deriving from the Portuguese and Spanish term ‘Casta’ (Oxford, 2005), which translates to breed, race or tribe.

Caste System in India

In India, it is widely accepted that the traditional caste system functioned as a closed system. This system is not of recent origin; it traces back to the arrival of the Aryans around 1500 bc (Kafle, 2023). The Aryans established a social order and created various groups based on their societal roles. Individuals were born into these designated groups, and their lives—encompassing work, marriage, diet and death—were confined to their respective groups. Over time, these practices evolved into a form of social stratification in India. The caste system serves as a framework for social stratification and social restrictions, and a basis for affirmative action within the country. Historically, it categorized communities into thousands of endogamous hereditary groups known as jati (caste) (Johnson & Johnson, 2026, pp. 1, 2). The Brahminical texts classified these jatis into four prominent caste categories (varnas): Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras (Ghurye, 1957, pp. 165–183).

The evolution of the caste system in India has been the subject of various theoretical interpretations. The traditional theory posits a divine origin, suggesting that the caste system emerged from the body of Brahma, with the four Varnas representing different societal roles: Brahmins, originating from Brahma’s head, served as priests and intellectuals; Kshatriyas, from his arms, acted as warriors and rulers; Vaishyas, from his thighs, engaged in trade; and Shudras, from his feet, provided services to the other three Varnas. In contrast, the racial theory proposes that the caste system arose from the Chaturvarna system, categorizing individuals based on skin colour, with Brahmins as the white varna, Kshatriyas as red, Vaishyas as yellow and Shudras as black (Toth, 2022, pp. 1, 2). The political theory suggests that the Brahmins cleverly established social and cultural norms to maintain their dominant position within the social hierarchy. The occupational theory analyses the caste system as a hierarchy based on professional roles, identifying Brahmins with priestly duties, Kshatriyas with leadership, Vaishyas with trade and Shudras with all other occupations. Lastly, the evolutionary theory pertains to the concept of evolution, which posits that the caste system emerged as a result of an extensive process of social evolution (Gawade et al., 2018). Various social dynamics contributed to this development, with two of the most significant being the principles of karma and Dharma. According to the doctrine of karma, individuals are believed to be born into specific castes based on their actions in previous lives. Meanwhile, the doctrine of Dharma asserts that a person who embraces the caste system and adheres to the principles associated with their caste is living in accordance with Dharma. Adherence to one’s own Dharma can lead to rebirth in a higher, more affluent caste, while transgressions against it may result in reincarnation into a lower, less-privileged caste (Sunder, 2015, pp. 1–3).

The examination of the theories concerning the evolution of the caste system in India reveals that its origins can be traced back to a societal structure where certain individuals were completely marginalized, ostracized by other castes and regarded as untouchables (Jaffrelot, 2010). While the caste system is often associated with Hinduism (Bajoria, 2025; Claveyrolas, 2022), it has also been identified within various other religious communities in the Indian subcontinent, including certain factions of Muslims, Buddhists and Christians. This phenomenon bears resemblance to the caste-like distinctions observed in the Igbo-Osu Christian community in Africa. Although caste is frequently perceived as an ancient aspect of Hindu culture (Sana, 1993), modern scholars contend that it was largely shaped by the British colonial administration (Goghari & Kusi, 2023). Furthermore, caste systems are not exclusive to Hinduism or India (Hasnain & Srivastava, 2022); similar hierarchical structures have been documented in diverse regions worldwide, such as within the Muslim community in Yemen, Christian enclaves in Spain and Buddhist groups in Japan. The Indian government formally acknowledges the historically marginalized groups, including Shudras and untouchables, as Scheduled Castes (Ramaswamy, 2013, pp. 42–50).

Caste System in India and Dalits

The Scheduled Castes are commonly referred to as Dalits in the modern literature. The term ‘Dalit’ translates to ‘oppressed’ (Guha, 2017), ‘broken’ or ‘crushed’, signifying a loss of the original identity. This designation has been embraced by individuals previously known as Harijans or ‘Untouchables’ (BBC News, 2019), and it has evolved to represent a movement aimed at challenging and eliminating the long-standing oppression associated with the caste system. Legally and constitutionally, Dalits are classified as Scheduled Castes in India, occupying the lowest tier of the caste hierarchy.

In the context of the Indian caste system, the Shudras are regarded as a lower caste, facing discrimination and exploitation from other castes due to the prevailing social structure. Dalits, in particular, are recognized as the most disadvantaged group, often deprived of basic needs essential for their survival. They encounter numerous social restrictions imposed by society, which hinder their access to public facilities vital for human development. Over the years, they have endured significant social discrimination and economic hardships.

According to the 2011 census in India, Dalits constituted around 17% (Starr & Sahgal, 2021, pp. 1–10) of the total population, amounting to approximately 20.14 crore individuals residing in various regions of the country. A comparison with previous census data reveals a gradual increase in the Dalit population; for instance, the 2001 census recorded Dalits at about 16.2% (IDSN, 2013) of the total population. Notably, around 80% of Dalits live in rural areas. Economic and social exploitation remains a pressing issue that they have faced for centuries. Despite several years of independence, Dalits continue to endure a life marked by indignity and inhumanity within Indian society, largely due to the persistent practice of untouchability (Chand, 2024), which has severely undermined their social standing.

Caste System in India and Untouchability

The Harijans, commonly referred to as untouchables, were historically positioned at the lowest tier of the social hierarchy, existing outside the caste system (Guha, 2017). These individuals resided on the fringes of society and were relegated to performing tasks deemed undesirable or polluting. They faced severe social segregation and restrictions, compounded by widespread poverty. Access to temples for worship was denied to them, and they were prohibited from drawing water from the same wells as others. Interactions with members of other castes were largely avoided; if a person from a higher caste came into contact with an untouchable, they were considered defiled and required to undergo a cleansing ritual. Sociologist M. N. Srinivas (1957) has engaged in discussions regarding the inflexibility of the caste system. Numerous movements arose in opposition to untouchability and the rigid caste structure in India (Saxena & Saxena, 2021).

Various social reformers established organizations such as the Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj to denounce discrimination on the basis of caste. Many advocated for the integration of untouchables into mainstream society, with some converting to Buddhism. Mahatma Gandhi referred to them as ‘Harijans’, meaning ‘children of God’, although this term is now viewed as patronizing, with ‘Dalit’, meaning ‘downtrodden’, being more widely accepted (Guha, 2017). The impact of Gandhi’s efforts towards the liberation of untouchables remains a topic of debate, particularly in light of critiques from Dr B.R. Ambedkar, an untouchable who often regarded Gandhi’s initiatives as counterproductive to the advancement of his community. In southern India, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy made significant strides in social and caste reforms (Manoharan, 2021). Untouchability and its practice were officially abolished by the Indian Constitution in 1950, and its prevalence has markedly decreased since then, allowing former untouchables to attain positions of prominence in society (Basu, 2024, pp. 1–627).

Caste System in India After Independence

Since 1950, several laws and social initiatives have been introduced in India to address the issues and protect the socio-economic conditions/interests of the Dalit people, as the caste system and its associated injustices have become prominent issues in modern Indian society. For centuries, Dalits have endured oppression and discrimination due to their lower-caste designation, leading to ongoing discussions among the citizens of independent India about how to safeguard and elevate the socio-economic status of Dalits. Since gaining independence, the Indian Constitution has incorporated various provisions, and numerous laws have been enacted and enforced, alongside various social initiatives aimed at transforming, protecting and enhancing the socio-economic status of the Dalit community. The following points provide further details on these initiatives (Basu, 2024, pp. 1–627):

All people are equal in the eyes of the law, including Dalits, who are mentioned under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.

Caste System in India and the Reservation Policy: Effectiveness for the Dalit Community

The Government of India has implemented numerous initiatives aimed at the upliftment of the Dalit community, with the reservation policy being a significant aspect. This policy serves as a welfare scheme designed to provide specific opportunities to various marginalized groups, including Dalits, to enhance their socio-economic status within the society. To better comprehend how the reservation policy has contributed to the improvement of the lifestyle of Dalit individuals in India, it is essential to first understand the nature of this policy.

Following years of systemic oppression and exploitation of Dalits by the high castes, the leaders of independent India recognized the need to focus on the development of the Dalit community. This acknowledgement among intellectuals, including the framers of the constitution, led to the incorporation of several provisions aimed at advancing the interests of Dalits, including the reservation policy. This policy is a governmental initiative that offers special opportunities and resources to those who have historically faced discrimination and exploitation, facilitating their socio-economic advancement. Under this framework, Dalits receive reservations in various sectors, such as education, employment and politics. Before delving into the significant impacts of the reservation policy on the Dalit community, it is pertinent to explore the historical context of the reservation system in India.

Historical Background

The caste-based reservation system that is recognized in India following the implementation of the constitution on 26 January 1950 is not a novel concept. The origin of the reservation can be traced back to the British colonial period. In 1882, Sir William Wilson Hunter, a member of the Indian Civil Service and known for his work on The Imperial Gazetteer of India, along with Jyotirao Phule, a prominent social activist and anti-caste reformer, conceptualized the idea of caste-based reservation. This concept gained traction with the introduction of the Communal Award by then British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald in 1933 (Sahay, 2024, pp. 1–9). Under the system of Communal Award, there were provisions to set apart constituencies for various groups, including Dalits, Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Anglo-Hindus and Europeans. Notably, it granted Dalits two voting rights: one to elect a representative from their own community and another to vote for a representative from the general category. However, this dual voting right for Dalits was abolished with the signing of the Poona Act on 24 September 1932 between Dr B. R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi (Jyoti, 2023). This act not only eliminated separate constituencies for Dalits but also established a Hindu constituency with certain reservations. This historical overview indicates that the groundwork for reservation was established by the British in India, but it was only after independence that the provisions for reservation were formally adopted in the constitution. Initially, reservations were allocated to SCs (7.5%) and STs (15%) in government jobs, education and politics. Following the Mandal Commission’s report in 1991, reservations were further extended to Other Backward Classes (27%) in government employment (Government of India, Department of Public Enterprises, n.d.). The Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act of 1995 established a reservation of up to 4% for persons with disabilities (now referred to as Divyang under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act of 2016) in government employment. Additionally, the 103rd Constitutional Amendment Act expanded the reservation system to include a 10% allocation for economically weaker sections within the unreserved category in both education and employment (Dixit, 2024, pp. 1–6). Following a comprehensive examination of the reservation policy in India, it is essential to assess its effectiveness for Dalit individuals.

The Emergence of a New Form of Untouchability Following the Implementation of the Reservation Policy in India

Untouchability represents a severe and inhumane practice within Indian society, rooted in the historical caste system. This system has marginalized specific communities, particularly the Dalits, who are subjected to discrimination. Dalits are often denied physical access to various public services and facilities deemed impure and associated with activities considered lower or polluted. This entrenched practice fosters a significant social distance, wherein individuals from upper castes refrain from physical contact with Dalits, and the latter are prohibited from entering the homes of upper-caste individuals.

During village festivals or weddings of upper-caste families, if Dalits are invited to partake in meals, they are required to wait until the upper-caste guests have eaten, often receiving different types of food prepared separately. Consequently, untouchability perpetuates a physical and social divide, rendering Dalits as untouchables in the eyes of others. This centuries-old practice has led to the systemic suffering and exploitation of lower-caste communities, with generations of Dalits enduring the consequences of untouchability.

In an effort to eradicate such inhumane practices, the makers of the Indian Constitution introduced special provisions after the nation’s independence, leading to the establishment of a reservation system aimed at addressing these injustices.

This article explores the reservation system from various perspectives to enhance the understanding of its actual consequences and impact on contemporary society. From a realistic standpoint, it becomes evident that the primary purpose of implementing reservation in India post-independence was to eliminate physical distance and untouchability among different societal groups. This physical distance not only obstructed access to various facilities and services but also hindered the personal growth and development of Dalits. The introduction of the reservation system has, to some extent, mitigated this physical separation, particularly as many Dalit individuals migrated to urban areas, seizing the opportunities presented by the reservation system. This transition allowed them to adopt lifestyles similar to those of upper-caste individuals and gain access to social facilities and activities. Initially, the reservation system contributed to the abolition of untouchability in urban settings. In these areas, the influences of education, urbanization, Westernization and Sanskritization led upper-caste individuals to recognize the harsh realities of untouchability and its detrimental effects on society (Srinivas, 1956). Over time, the Dalit community has secured positions across various sectors, including employment, education and politics, as certain seats are reserved for them, while they also compete for unreserved positions based on merit. The implementation of this practice has led individuals from the upper-caste demographic to perceive that reservation policies have diminished their opportunities for admission into prestigious colleges and obtaining employment. Conversely, members of marginalized communities frequently face neglect when it comes to accessing the advantages provided by the reservation system. In this context, a novel form of untouchability has emerged within society, referred to as psychological untouchability, mental untouchability or working-sector untouchability. Prior to delving into this new manifestation of untouchability, it is essential to comprehend the fundamental distinctions between the traditional and contemporary forms of untouchability.

The contemporary manifestation of untouchability significantly diverges from its historical counterpart. Historically, untouchability stemmed from the caste system, wherein individuals, particularly Dalits, were deemed physically untouchable by those of higher castes, resulting in their exclusion from various social amenities and activities. In contrast, the current iteration of untouchability arises from the implications of affirmative action policies, which, while allowing Dalits to be physically accessible to upper castes and to participate in social facilities and activities, still perpetuates a form of discrimination.

Previous forms of untouchability were overt and tangible, characterized by visible practices of exploitation. Conversely, new forms of untouchability, which emerged following the implementation of reservation policies, are more subtle and intangible, making their manifestations less visible, yet the underlying exploitation and discrimination remain pervasive. Historically, untouchability was predominantly observed in rural settings, whereas the modern expressions of this social issue are more pronounced in urban environments.

Earlier forms of untouchability fostered a tangible social distance between Dalits and upper-caste individuals. In contrast, the contemporary form engenders a psychological or mental distance, complicating the social dynamics between these groups. Following this comprehensive examination of the distinctions between the historical and modern forms of untouchability, it is essential to delve deeper into the nuances of the latter.

The term I have suggested for the new manifestation of untouchability is psychological or mental or working-sector untouchability, which is not readily observable in society. To comprehend this phenomenon, one requires an enhanced perspective to analyse the current social structure and the divisions that have arisen as a result of affirmative action policies. These policies have provided facilities and opportunities for Dalits, enabling them to improve their socio-economic status in areas such as employment, education and politics. Consequently, individuals from upper-caste backgrounds face significant challenges in accessing the same opportunities. However, they are reluctant to openly criticize the reservation system due to constitutional protections and legal frameworks. Instead, they harbour a form of psychological distance or an untouchable mindset, which stems from this new type of untouchability.

With the advent of reservation, coupled with urbanization, Westernization and Sanskritization, members of the Dalit community have gained equal opportunities to study, work and coexist with upper-caste individuals, leading to a visible semblance of social equality. Nevertheless, when viewed from a multiperspective approach, one can discern the emergence of a new form of social and physical inequality, characterized as psychological or mental untouchability. This contemporary form of untouchability perpetuates the earlier manifestations of both physical and psychological segregation in rural areas, which cannot be eradicated solely through constitutional measures, government policies or legal interventions.

Abolition of New Forms of Untouchability Through Established Normative Principles

The discussion surrounding the implementation of reservation policies has revealed the emergence of a new form of untouchability, which is not only prevalent in society but also reinforced by constitutional and legal frameworks. This situation complicates efforts to eradicate such practices through existing laws and policies, as well as current societal methods. It is imperative to adopt an alternative approach that not only facilitates the elimination of untouchability but also fosters genuine social equality and harmony. This can be achieved through normative principles, which are grounded in the question of what ought to be.

According to this approach, it is essential to cultivate a new societal framework in which individuals from diverse caste backgrounds strive to comprehend the caste structure and its historical development. By gaining a comprehensive understanding of the caste system and critically analysing its detrimental effects on social cohesion, individuals can collectively challenge and work towards dismantling the caste system. The eradication of the caste system will consequently lead to the dissolution of both new and old forms of untouchability. In doing so, we can establish a society free from untouchability, where the values of tolerance, love, brotherhood, peace, equality, justice and, above all, social harmony are actively promoted.

Conclusions

The caste system and its inherent structure pose significant challenges and dangers to both society and individuals. For an extended period, this system has been entrenched in Indian society, establishing a platform where individuals endure various forms of exploitation and discrimination. Among these, untouchability stands out as a major issue, particularly affecting the Dalit community, which faces numerous social restrictions, including denial of access to public facilities and exclusion from temples. In the wake of India’s independence, constitutional provisions and legal measures were implemented to eradicate untouchability from society. One of the key aspects of these provisions is the reservation system. Initially, this system enabled Dalits to improve their socio-economic status by providing access to various facilities and opportunities. However, despite these advancements, the long-standing practices in areas such as employment, education and politics have led to significant social dissatisfaction and conflict among upper-caste individuals seeking similar opportunities. The original intent of the reservation system was to address historical injustices, yet it has inadvertently given rise to a new form of untouchability—psychological or mental untouchability.

While the reservation facilitates opportunities for individuals to sit, study and work together, effectively reducing the physical barriers between Dalits and upper castes, it simultaneously gives rise to a new mental distance. This psychological untouchability cannot be addressed through existing constitutional measures or legal actions, as it is a byproduct of these very frameworks. Therefore, it is imperative to adopt normative principles aimed at fostering a new society. In this society, individuals from various caste communities must critically examine the detrimental effects of the caste system and unite to eliminate both forms of untouchability, ultimately serving the greater good of society.