Abstract
Govind Kelkar and Dev Nathan, Witch Hunts: Culture, Patriarchy and Structural Transformation, 2020, 284 pp., ₹961, Cambridge University Press. ISBN-13: 978-1108883436 (Hardcover).
This book is an intellectual effort to evaluate the multifaceted challenges stemming from gendered, cultural and socio-economic conflicts, encompassing perceptual, structural, economic and social shifts. Based on modernization and post-colonial theories, indigenous women’s questions assert that women’s empowerment increases when economies and education grow. Such kinds of outcomes reflect a wide range of mechanisms, including changes in the structure of production brought about by economic development and culture, which reduce the demand for children, as well as changes in politics and culture, which empower deprived women and foster cosmopolitan attitudes that emphasize the fundamental equality of all (Ward & Chaudhuri, 2025). The authors highlight the general kind of ignorance in society about witches as well as evaluate the concepts and various existing mystic traditions and customs by choice or by people’s labelling in an indigenous society. The book depicts contemporary glimpses of the diverse society in communities in the Northeast Indian states. The authors focus on indigenous communities and study patrilineal and matrilineal types of cultures. They also describe the end of witch-hunting in India, the rules of healthcare and education, along with the things that help minimize the crises and centre on the analyses of the research of several parts of the world, including central India, some parts of China, Southwest Asia, Africa, the Pacific and Amazonia.
The book is elegantly woven into 11 chapters, including an introduction, which has been divided into five sections. The introduction chapter deals with the study’s conceptual framework and reviews several studies in various countries. It mainly consists of three paradigms: anthropological, postmodernist and witch hunts in modern Europe (p. 3). The first section creates a foundation for understanding the concepts related to witchcraft. In the second section, the authors move towards the core theme of the book, that is, witch hunts in India, by analysing various factors in witch hunts. The third segment of the book pays attention to patriarchy, including its history, creation and witch-hunt practices in early modern Europe. The next section is related to structural transformation, covering subthemes such as accumulation, disposition and persecution, as well as policies and practices regarding witch hunts. In the conclusion, the authors articulate policies to remove witch-hunt practices. In the last chapter, strategies for ending witch-hunting have been covered. First of all, innocent women are forcefully branded as witches; they have to get support from their family members and other women support agencies to denounce them as witches. This would be the first step towards minimizing such violence. The second policy is law awareness because witch finders (ojhas) are no longer as active as they used to be. They are underground because they would be arrested if they were found physically, and they are scared of the law. The third recommendation is the strike movement and the unity of women. The strike must be against aspects that harm humanity, not against the culture. And last but not least, the suggested strategy is to care for health. Children’s healthcare can also help minimize witch-hunting and the related blame. It can be done through campaigns, awareness programmes and road shows with the government’s help.
Essentially, authors have articulated the power and control of patriarchal systems beyond traditional aspects and analysed several dimensions of an indigenous society where males dominate the culture and domestic life of females. Examining the psychological facets of witchcraft provides a valuable understanding of the relationship between personal mental health issues and societal anxieties. As seen by the history of witch hunts, accusations frequently sprang from common concerns sparked by political, social or economic upheaval. Social biases and long-standing preconceptions often target marginalized groups, particularly women (Chari, 2025, p. 77). The authors critically examine that there are three types of communities and localities in India based on witch-hunting practices and their behaviour regarding witches and contemporary issues of Hindu caste societies, having very limited witch hunts, and the roles of caste, ethnicity and religion receive little attention. They have also evaluated the micro- and macro-dimensions of traditions and customs existing in society (p. 75). The authors have observed that not only are witches getting hunted but some others are also hunted by their close relatives and neighbours because of money and secret mantras for getting rich. In Meghalaya and Nagaland, it is observed that the tiger man, who has special blessings from the spirit god, becomes much better financially. No one blames tiger men for robbing, taking anyone’s animals and molesting women. It is considered a natural disaster caused by worshipping the spirit god and performing witchcraft practices. This misconception is found not only in indigenous communities in contemporary central India but also in Africa and early modern Europe. The culture of witch-hunting originated in villages in early Europe, and witch trials were conducted in the court system (p. 30). The authors offer two justifications for the question of the existence of witchcraft beliefs. One of them is that other things can cause misfortune and illness, and the second justification is behind the practices witchcraft could perform to get knowledge. There is no convincing proof to support the claim that all those acts were carried out by women who were accused of being witches. Such things divert the mindset when someone needs medical treatment, and their relatives blame the witch for the illness. The main types of persecution of witches noted are torture to confession, physical and sexual violence, boycott by society, humiliation and murder. The practices of witchcraft can be identified only through concrete proofs or confessions procured through coercion (p. 52). In society, women live under the dominance of men, such as their father and elder brother before marriage, their husband after marriage and their son after their husband’s death. In such a situation, women try to convince men to take their opinion into account; after the failure, the women take support from supernatural powers and witchcraft practices to control men’s minds and to mesmerize them through mantras (p. 91).
The authors have elegantly combined feminist theories, economics and anthropological fieldwork to form a cohesive argument. The use of primary data enhances the authenticity and emotional depth of an academic work. Real-life examples serve as an evidence for the book’s critique. The commendable work focuses on intersectionality, which helps understand that gender-based discrimination cannot be separated from other forms of marginalization, such as caste and class. The book offers a unique point of view: culture is not static; it can be changed by financial power and dominant social groups. While elaborating on the concept of superstition, the authors challenge the perception of witch-hunting as a social ignorance and argue that it is strategically employed to manipulate vested interests. The book’s regional focus is both a strength and a limitation, as it is confined to a specific geographical area. A comparative chapter could be added to present other parts of the world where witch-hunting is practiced. Another plus point of the book is its engagement with policy, as the authors not just present issues regarding witch-hunting but also offer useful recommendations, such as legal reform, state accountability and the need for public awareness. This add-on to the book is both practical and academically significant. Despite its strengths, some limitations have also been observed. The density of the content is especially high for readers who are not familiar with feminist theories. A more structured gist or conclusion at the end of each chapter could be beneficial for non-sociological readers. The second limitation is that the authors offer a critique of a contemporary scenario of witch-hunting, but it would be better to examine the roles of religion and social media in resisting these practices. The book provides a brief reference to feminist resistance; these could be expanded by adding more success stories to offer a balanced perspective. The book helps understand sociopolitical geography, which could limit it to international readers interested in this topic. Presentations using geographical maps and visuals could help explain the regional context. The book mentions legal reforms but does not explain in detail the challenges to existing laws, such as the Preventing Witch-hunting Law in Jharkhand and Odisha. In comparison to Silvia Federici’s work, which links witch-hunting to the emerging capitalism and control over women’s bodies and provides historical and philosophical aspects (Federici, 2018), the authors focus more on locality and field-driven work as well as policy and grassroots realities and also provide theoretical arguments with real-life examples. However, this book maintains a distinctive emphasis on its theme and strong empirical foundation.
This book comprehensively addresses issues of gendered, cultural and socio-economic struggles over perceptual, structural, economic and social transformations in both the formation of gendered class societies and patriarchal capitalism, drawing on analytical knowledge. This analysis pertains to both the emergence of gendered class societies and the evolution of patriarchal capitalism, and is underpinned by rigorous analytical scholarship. The book critically examines cultural and epistemological beliefs in witchcraft. The culture of labelling a woman as a witch started in ancient times, which is imaginary and was imposed forcefully on financially and emotionally vulnerable persons. However, supernatural powers and magic exist in the contemporary society, in conscious and unconscious minds; their consequences can be seen in liberal and neoliberal societies, which are structured to avoid such issues (Kumar, 2025). The book’s primary argument is that people in this area are considered rich if they can meet their basic needs, such as food, clothing and shelter. As per the survey, factors that affect witchcraft practices include land, jealousy, causing illness, resisting sexual advances, asking for dues and asserting independence. The most affected factors in witchcraft are land and jealousy. Somehow, patriarchy is also a dimension behind choosing witchcraft practices. In this parallel reality, which is created by social belief in witches, misogyny and gendered conflict play a significant part in portraying women as terrible witches who should be hunted. The evil power of the witch is defined by this societal understanding of witchcraft’s destructive force. The authors have collected information from civil society organizations, which are essential players in advancing such a society, as well as information on witch hunts and crafts (Kumar, 2024, p. 3). This book is a relevant contribution to the literature that enhances the knowledge of academicians, researchers and those interested in studying feminism, indigenous society and indigenous studies in depth.