Abstract
Background
Living with cancer can position individuals in a liminal space marked by uncertainty, proximity to death, and experiences of grief. In everyday interactions, attempts at comfort may become hurtful when they constrain acknowledgment of mortality or emotional complexity. This study draws on Allan Kellehear’s public health palliative care approach (2013) to examine such interactions through the lens of death literacy.
Objectives
To explore how people living with cancer experience well-intended but hurtful communication, and to interpret these interactions in relation to death literacy and community capacity to engage with illness and mortality.
Design
The study is based on a qualitative analysis of responses to an open-ended survey item.
Methods
Belgian adults diagnosed with cancer within the previous three years (N = 733), all of whom had received treatment beyond surgery, completed an online psychosocial survey. An open-ended item invited participants to describe potentially well-intended but hurtful communication. 710 responses were analyzed inductively and subsequently interpreted through a death literacy and public health palliative care lens.
Results
Participants described recurring communicative patterns clustering into five themes: existential minimization and denial; normative disciplining of illness; experiential invalidation; relational withdrawal and narrative displacement. Across themes, communication was shaped not only by content but by timing, relational positioning, and emotional attunement. Comments about death, recovery, or coping were experienced as harmful when misaligned with participants’ illness trajectory or emotional state.
Conclusion
Interpreted as socially situated signals rather than direct measures of death literacy, these findings suggest that everyday cancer communication may reflect constraints in community-level communicative resources for remaining present with uncertainty and implicit mortality. Strengthening community capacity through public health palliative care initiatives - such as compassionate communities approaches and accessible psychosocial support infrastructures (e.g., walk-in centers) - may broaden the socially available repertoires for attuned support in everyday life.
Plain language summary
Living with cancer often brings uncertainty, emotional strain, and changes to everyday life. During this time, conversations with family, friends, colleagues, and others can become especially important. Although people often try to offer comfort or encouragement, some comments can still feel upsetting or hurtful to the person living with cancer. This study explored how people with cancer experience these kinds of interactions. In Belgium, adults diagnosed with cancer within the previous three years completed an online survey about their psychosocial experiences. One open question invited participants to describe comments or conversations that seemed well-intended but were experienced as hurtful. In total, 740 experiences were shared. The analysis identified five common patterns. Some comments minimized the seriousness or uncertainty of cancer. Others suggested how people with cancer should think, feel, or cope. Some responses made participants feel that their physical or emotional experiences were not fully understood or taken seriously. Others involved avoidance, silence, or withdrawal from communication altogether. Finally, some participants described conversations in which attention shifted away from their own experiences toward the emotions or stories of others. The findings suggest that many people genuinely want to help but may struggle with talking about serious illness, uncertainty, and the possibility of death. The study highlights the importance of “death literacy,” meaning the ability and confidence to engage with illness, dying, care, and loss in supportive and emotionally sensitive ways. Community support initiatives, compassionate community approaches, and accessible psychosocial services may help people feel less isolated and support more understanding conversations around cancer and serious illness.
Introduction
A cancer diagnosis reverberates across the social worlds in which individuals live, work, and construct meaning. Although cancer is often approached through biomedical trajectories and clinical encounters, much of its lived impact unfolds beyond healthcare settings through everyday interactions with partners, relatives, friends, colleagues, neighbors, and wider community networks.1,2 Illness experiences are therefore not only biological events but also social processes through which identities, relationships, and expectations are negotiated.3,4 Within these interactions, people draw on culturally available ways of speaking, feeling, and relating to illness. 5 Everyday conversations thus become key sites where individuals living with cancer encounter responses that are often well-intentioned yet not always experienced as supportive, particularly when they shape how uncertainty, vulnerability, and the possibility of death can be acknowledged in social life.6,7
Research in psychosocial oncology and the sociology of illness suggests that communication about cancer is shaped by normative expectations surrounding positivity, normalcy, and emotional self-management. 8 From a sociological perspective, such encounters can be understood as forms of emotion work through which individuals attempt to align expressions of illness with socially shared feeling rules (e.g., Goffman and Hochschild). Interpersonal tensions may therefore arise not necessarily from deliberate insensitivity, but from patterned responses that implicitly regulate how illness should be experienced and expressed. 9 These dynamics are reinforced by broader cultural narratives surrounding cancer - particularly within breast cancer discourse - which emphasize optimism and the moral value of fighting the illness.10–12 While such narratives may aim to encourage resilience, they can also frame positivity as a social expectation that constrains expressions of fear, vulnerability, or uncertainty.13,14 Consequently, individuals living with cancer may find it difficult to openly engage with more troubling aspects of illness, including concerns related to deterioration, uncertainty, and mortality.
Public health palliative care provides a useful framework for situating these dynamics within a broader social context. Rather than locating care solely within healthcare institutions, this approach conceptualizes dying, caregiving, and bereavement as experiences embedded within community life15–18 From this perspective, the capacity of individuals and communities to engage with serious illness and end-of-life experiences becomes an important focus of inquiry. Within this tradition, the concept of death literacy has emerged to describe not only knowledge of end-of-life care, but also the preparedness, skills, experiences, and social resources that enable individuals and communities to understand and engage with death, dying, caregiving, and bereavement19–21
Interest in death literacy has grown in recent years, particularly in relation to how communities can be better supported to engage with dying and end-of-life care. Much of this research has focused on conceptualizing and measuring death literacy through instruments such as the Death Literacy Index, which primarily assess individuals’ perceived knowledge, confidence, and access to end-of-life care.19,21,22 Within this work, communication about death and dying is typically framed in terms of self-reported willingness or readiness to discuss these issues rather than examined as a situated social practice unfolding through everyday interactions.23–25 Consequently, death literacy is largely examined in terms of individuals’ perceived knowledge, confidence, or willingness to talk about death, while the question of whether such responses are experienced as appropriate within particular social interactions remains comparatively underexplored.
Viewing death literacy through an interactional lens thereby shifts attention from perceived capability toward the communicative practices through which people respond to serious illness in everyday contexts. From this perspective, death literacy involves not only knowledge or willingness to engage with death-related issues, but also the capacity to respond to illness and the possibility of death in socially and emotionally appropriate ways within relationships and communities.
Cancer provides a particularly revealing context in which to examine these processes. Unlike many acute illnesses, cancer often unfolds across prolonged and uncertain trajectories. Sociological research has described such experiences as forms of illness liminality, in which individuals occupy an ambiguous space between health and illness, survivorship and mortality.26,27 Even when death itself remains socially unspoken, awareness of mortality may subtly shape expectations, interactions, and interpretations of illness. Everyday communication surrounding cancer therefore becomes a site where broader cultural understandings of vulnerability, uncertainty, and mortality can be negotiated.1,28
The present study draws on narrative accounts from a national survey of people living with cancer in Belgium to explore everyday communication practices that participants describe as well-intentioned yet sometimes hurtful. Following the work of narrative scholars such as Catherine Riessman and Arthur Kleinman,29,30 rather than treating these accounts solely as descriptions of interpersonal incidents, this analysis explores them as reflections of broader, socially recognizable communication patterns through which illness, uncertainty, and possible mortality are negotiated. By examining these experiences through the lens of death literacy, the study suggests that engagement with death and dying is not only a matter of willingness to talk about mortality, but may also involve socially situated judgments about how such conversations are conducted and experienced as appropriate, supportive, or, at times, silencing.
Methods
Study design and context
This study draws on data generated within a broader survey conducted from June 2025 until August 2025, examining the psychosocial needs of people living with cancer in Belgium. The survey was informed by an initial qualitative phase consisting of focus groups, which explored psychosocial experiences in an open-ended manner and guided the development of this national online survey. Focus groups highlighted challenges surrounding everyday communication about illness and mortality.
Based on this insight, a specific open-ended question was developed and integrated into the larger survey. The prompt read: “Sometimes people do not really know what to say to people with a cancer diagnosis. Have you experienced communication which was potentially well intended though experienced as hurtful? If so, please describe.”
The question was designed collaboratively with patient representatives and experts by experience. The wording was deliberately broad, allowing participants to describe interactions across different relational contexts, including family members, friends, colleagues and acquaintances.
The present study focuses on qualitative responses to this single open-ended survey item, whereby the reporting adheres to the SGR guideline (cf. annex I).
Recruitment and procedure
Recruitment occurred in collaboration with two major Belgian cancer charities (Kom op tegen Kanker and Fondation contre le Cancer/Stichting tegen Kanker) and was supported through walk-in centers, patient organisations, and social media outreach.
Interested individuals accessed a secure online survey platform where they received detailed information about the study and provided informed consent prior to participation.
Eligibility criteria
Eligible participants were adults living in Belgium who had received a cancer diagnosis within the previous three years and had undergone treatment beyond surgery (e.g., chemotherapy, radiotherapy, immunotherapy, or targeted therapy) within the Belgian healthcare system. Participants younger than 18 years, treated exclusively with surgery, treated outside Belgium, or not responding to the open-ended survey item were excluded.
Sample and qualitative dataset
The final sample included 730 respondents, of whom 61% (N=446) answered the open ended survey item. Participants could report multiple instances (ranging from one to five), yielding a total of 740 statements ranging from brief remarks to more elaborate narrative descriptions. Responses consisted of retrospective narrative accounts rather than direct observations of interaction and therefore provided limited access to conversational context, tone, or sequencing.
44.2% of the respondents were French-speaking and 55.8% Flemish-speaking. Women comprised 90% of the sample, and breast cancer patients accounted for 62%. Treatment intent varied across respondents: 48.6% reported receiving treatment with curative intent, 38.7% reported being in remission, 7.7% described their treatment as palliative, and 5% indicated that they were unsure about the purpose of their treatment.
Analytic approach
The analysis proceeded in two stages: an initial inductive phase using Braun and Clarke’s reflexive thematic analysis (RTA), 31 followed by a secondary theory-informed interpretive phase. Rather than reconstructing interactional dynamics in a micro-analytic sense, the analysis focused on participants’ retrospective interpretations of recurring communicative patterns and the broader social logics they may reflect.29,30
Inductive phase
Consistent with RTA, themes were developed as interpretive patterns of shared meaning rather than as topic summaries or frequency-based categories. Analysis involved repeated reading of responses, inductive coding of meaning-bearing segments, and iterative development and refinement of themes through recursive engagement with the dataset.
The first author (NC) conducted the initial coding and thematic development. Coding remained open to multiple interpretations, with codes iteratively compared, refined, and grouped into broader themes capturing recurring communicative patterns across participants’ accounts. The death literacy framework was not used during coding and was introduced only after the inductive themes had been developed.
Themes were treated as interpretive constructions reflecting how participants made sense of communicative encounters within their social worlds rather than as direct representations of interactional behavior. Analysis was conducted in the original languages of response (Dutch, French, and German) to preserve nuance and avoid premature loss of meaning through translation. Quotes included in this article were translated into English.
Reflexivity and analytic development
Reflexivity formed an integral part of the analytic process. The first author’s background in sociology and psychosocial oncology informed sensitivity to social norms, power relations, and cultural scripts shaping communication about illness. In line with RTA, reflexivity was approached as a resource for interpretation rather than a threat to validity.
Rather than relying on independent double-coding or consensus procedures, the analysis followed an interpretive and dialogical process. Emerging codes, thematic distinctions, and borderline cases were discussed regularly with the second author (KH), whose expertise in social work and underserved populations supported reflexive engagement and conceptual refinement. Emerging interpretations were also discussed with the project steering committee and a learning network of oncological walk-in centers to consider alternative readings and assess resonance with experiential and practice-based knowledge.
Theory-informed interpretive phase
Following completion of the inductive analysis, a secondary interpretive phase drew on death literacy scholarship and public health palliative care frameworks.15,19,22,25 These frameworks were used as sensitizing concepts rather than as coding schemes, classificatory systems, or directly measured variables.
This interpretive phase explored whether the identified narrative patterns might reflect broader social capacities - and constraints - for engaging with serious illness, uncertainty, and mortality within everyday environments.29,30 Throughout this stage, the researchers remained attentive to the distinction between participants’ reported communicative experiences and death literacy as a broader conceptual construct.
Findings are therefore presented as indicative rather than determinative: they do not provide direct evidence of community-level death literacy, but rather offer insight into communicative tensions that may reflect limits in socially available ways of responding to vulnerability and possible mortality.
Results
Across the dataset, participants described hurtful communication not primarily as isolated interpersonal failures, but as recurring social responses to illness, uncertainty, and possible mortality. The analysis generated five interrelated themes capturing ways in which everyday communication could minimize, regulate, invalidate, avoid, or displace participants’ lived experiences of cancer.
Theme 1: Existential minimization and denial
This theme captures communicative responses that minimized the disruptive and uncertain nature of cancer by restoring certainty, normality, or reassurance. Participants did not reject reassurance itself; rather, they described feeling that reassurance often foreclosed space for uncertainty, fear, and vulnerability.
Participants frequently encountered comments framing cancer as manageable, temporary, or already resolved: “’Nowadays cancer is treated well; I know many people who’ve had it and that are now cured’ - said in a way that minimizes the impact the illness has on our lives.” “It is really a trivialization of cancer, as if it were a minor illness, showing a lack of consideration and awareness of the consequences that the disease and its treatments have on the body and emotional well-being.”
These responses were experienced as displacing participants’ lived realities of uncertainty and ongoing disruption. Rather than acknowledging the ambiguity and vulnerability associated with cancer, communication frequently restored a sense of predictability and closure.
A recurrent manifestation of this pattern involved assertions of prognostic certainty: “’All will be well’….oh really???? People who have not been through it themselves just don’t understand!”
Participants experienced such certainty as invalidating because it bypassed the unpredictability of illness trajectories and limited opportunities to openly engage with fear or mortality.
Another form of existential minimization involved temporal framing, in which cancer was represented as brief and bounded: “’Well they cut it out of you, so you are cured now’…while it was just the beginning”
Similarly, participants described technological optimism as a way of neutralizing uncertainty: “Science can do a lot these days you know.”
Although often intended as comforting, these remarks were experienced as emphasizing biomedical control over participants’ embodied realities of suffering, disruption, and uncertainty.
Existential minimization also emerged through comparative and normalizing framings: “You are lucky, it is only cancer, at least you can be cured” “I suffer from neuropathy caused by the chemo, the reaction that I was given ‘If it is only that’… while I am often lying there crying in agonizing pain.”
Participants described these responses as relativizing suffering by positioning their experiences as insufficiently serious compared to other illnesses or forms of hardship.
One participant articulated this tension explicitly: “People saying that it could have been much worse… That is, of course, not entirely untrue, but it doesn’t make the reality any less bad or more bearable. It is terrible regardless, for anyone, at any age.”
Across these variations, existential minimization and denial constrained participants’ opportunities to articulate uncertainty, suffering, and the disruptive dimensions of illness.
Theme 2: Normative disciplining of illness
A second theme reflected communicative practices that regulated how illness should be experienced, managed, and expressed. Rather than minimizing cancer itself, these responses imposed expectations concerning positivity, resilience, productivity, and personal responsibility.
A prominent pattern involved pressure to maintain a positive outlook: “Cancer…ah, the ‘big C.’ it all depends on how you deal with it you know, your thoughts shape the outcome you get.”
Participants often experienced positivity as becoming morally expected and linked to treatment outcomes, thereby narrowing the range of acceptable emotional responses.
Normative expectations were similarly reinforced through discourses of strength and fighting: “Those saying ‘keep fighting cancer’…I’m in palliative care, so apparently I’m not fighting hard enough?” “’You can do this because you are a strong woman.’ Well believe you me …I am not strong, I just have to endure this and do not have another choice”
These responses positioned endurance and resilience as expected forms of patienthood, while implicitly rendering exhaustion, despair, or emotional vulnerability less legitimate.
Participants also described expectations surrounding productivity and return to normality: “This came from an occupational doctor: ‘What are you complaining about? You’re cured. And you’re still not working!’” “When I couldn’t go to my aunt’s funeral because I was too exhausted, my mother later told me that I tend to use my cancer as an excuse quite often.”
Such remarks were experienced as invalidating ongoing frailty and vulnerability by positioning continued suffering as excessive or socially unproductive.
Normative disciplining further emerged through moral attributions surrounding illness causation: “’You smoke, right?’…implying that it was my fault that I got cancer” “The cancer is a result of your pent-up emotions” “’You never likes you breast’ as if I somehow manifested this breast cancer”
Participants experienced these responses as linking illness to personal responsibility, behavior, or emotional failure rather than recognizing cancer as illness and misfortune.
Across these variations, illness was not denied but disciplined through socially recognizable expectations concerning positivity, resilience, productivity, responsibility, and emotional control.
Theme 3: Experiential invalidation
The largest cluster of responses reflected experiential invalidation, in which participants’ lived realities were displaced or reinterpreted through externally imposed frames. Participants repeatedly described feeling unseen, unheard, or epistemically displaced when socially familiar assumptions about illness overrode their own embodied experiences.
A common form involved evaluating illness through visible appearance: “The remark ‘You look good.’…while this may be true outwardly, it doesn’t always reflect how you actually feel, mentally (memory and concentration problems) or physically (symptoms, fatigue).” “Your hair is back, so you are cured”
Participants experienced these remarks as privileging visible markers of health while rendering invisible symptoms, cognitive difficulties, fatigue, and psychological distress difficult to recognize.
Experiential invalidation also occurred through comparisons with other illnesses, cancer types, or ordinary life experiences: “‘Ooh, it’s only breast cancer - they can already do so much with medication for that kind of cancer’…as if it could not be life-threatening.” “’We’re all tired at the end of the year - that’s normal’. No it is not the same, I’m completely worn out myself, if only you knew!’” “I have severe concentration problems and memory loss. Because of this, I had to give up my own business. Someone said they experienced the same thing due to getting older…”
Through these comparisons, participants experienced their illness-related suffering as stripped of its specificity and reinterpreted through more socially familiar and less threatening frames.
Humor represented another form of experiential invalidation: “Should I throw you a goodbye boobies party?” “I was at home the entire summer after my surgery and radiotherapy. A colleague said, ‘Enjoy it - you won’t get to experience a whole summer holiday at home again.’ I know it wasn’t meant badly, but I still think about it often.”
Although often intended to lighten the situation, participants experienced such humor as diverting attention away from suffering, disruption, and vulnerability.
Across these variations, participants described socially recognizable scripts taking precedence over their own interpretations of illness, thereby rendering their embodied realities less credible and less intelligible within interaction.
Theme 4: Relational withdrawal
A fourth theme captured relational withdrawal, in which engagement with participants and their illness became reduced, avoided, or withdrawn altogether. Rather than actively minimizing illness, these responses operated through silence, avoidance, or communicative disengagement.
One prominent form involved the avoidance of illness-related topics: “When I said that I had breast cancer for the third time, she said, ‘Oh yes, we can’t always keep talking about it, can we?’ And just like that, the conversation was over and she left.”
Participants experienced such interactions as restricting their ability to sustain illness as a legitimate topic of conversation.
Relational withdrawal also emerged through silence and emotional distancing: “The worst are those who ignore the situation altogether, as if nothing has happened” “A close friend told me ‘I don’t message you because I don’t know what to say.’”
Here, the absence of communicative engagement itself became meaningful. Participants described feeling unsupported and emotionally distanced when illness remained unacknowledged.
For some, relational withdrawal extended into broader patterns of social disengagement: “People literally seeing me and deliberately crossing the street in order not having to talk to me” “I’ve lost quite a few friends… I was bald and wearing a hat. When I arrived, I asked if I could take it off. She said, ‘No, I’d rather not see you like that.’ Bam!”
These accounts illustrate how illness could strain or rupture relationships when others felt unable or unwilling to engage with vulnerability and visible signs of illness.
Across these variations, participants described experiences of isolation, disconnection, and communicative absence surrounding serious illness.
Theme 5: Narrative displacement
A final theme captured narrative displacement, in which participants’ own illness narratives were displaced by attention toward the experiences, emotions, or concerns of others.
Participants frequently described disclosures about cancer being redirected toward stories about someone else: “My best friend had breast cancer, but she passed away.” “Oh, my cat also had intestinal cancer. I still cry about it”
Although often intended as attempts to relate or empathize, participants experienced these responses as shifting attention away from their own situation and reorganizing interaction around external narratives.
Narrative displacement also occurred through communicative focus on the emotional impact of illness on others: “It is harder for those around you than for yourself you know” “Or people who start crying - I found that hard to deal with. Because then I had to comfort them, which… well it is just strange, no?”
Participants described becoming responsible for managing or containing the emotions of others at a moment when they themselves were struggling with illness and uncertainty.
Across these variations, participants experienced themselves as displaced from the center of interactions concerning their own illness, while simultaneously becoming responsible for accommodating the emotional reactions and narratives of others.
Discussion
This study explored how people living with cancer experience everyday communication that is perceived as well-intended yet hurtful. Across participants’ accounts, communicative difficulties emerged not primarily as isolated interpersonal failures, but as recurring ways of responding to illness, disruption, and possible mortality within everyday social life. Participants described interactions that attempted to restore normality, encourage optimism, regulate emotional expression, redirect discomfort, or avoid engagement altogether. While often intended as supportive, these responses could simultaneously limit opportunities to openly express fear, exhaustion, ambiguity, and emotional vulnerability.
Importantly, the findings should not be interpreted as suggesting that reassurance, optimism, humor, or attempts to normalize are inherently inappropriate. Participants themselves frequently recognized these remarks as efforts to comfort, encourage, or reduce discomfort. Rather, the findings highlight the relational tensions involved in responding to serious illness. Attempts to alleviate distress may also inadvertently restrict acknowledgment of suffering, ongoing uncertainty, or the possibility of deterioration and death. The issue therefore appears not simply to concern what is communicated, but how communication becomes aligned - or misaligned - with participants’ lived realities and illness trajectories.
Viewed collectively, participants’ accounts suggest that communication surrounding cancer may be shaped by broader social and cultural repertoires for responding to serious illness.5,8,9 Across themes, participants described communication that constrained opportunities to openly engage with the disruptive and uncertain dimensions of illness. These responses did not necessarily deny illness altogether, but often redirected, regulated, minimized, or avoided aspects of participants’ experiences that were emotionally difficult or existentially threatening.
Consistent with narrative approaches to illness developed by Riessman and Kleinman,29,30 these accounts can be understood not simply as descriptions of isolated interactions, but as narrative reconstructions of broader socially shared ways of interpreting and responding to illness and suffering. Participants’ narratives therefore illuminate culturally available communicative scripts through which cancer, vulnerability, and mortality become negotiated within everyday interaction.32,33 From this perspective, hurtful communication may reflect not only individual discomfort, but also wider narrative and moral frameworks shaping what can comfortably be acknowledged, expressed, or sustained in social life.
This study contributes to ongoing discussions surrounding death literacy by approaching communication not primarily as an issue of willingness or readiness to discuss death, but as an interactional and relational practice unfolding within ordinary social relationships. Existing death literacy research has predominantly focused on perceived knowledge, preparedness, confidence, and access to end-of-life resources.19,21,22,25 While these approaches have been essential for establishing death literacy as a public health concept, they offer less insight into how communicative competence is enacted within everyday encounters with illness and possible mortality.
The findings suggest that individuals may feel willing to engage with serious illness while still relying on familiar conversational strategies that inadvertently constrain dialogue or invalidate lived experience. From this perspective, communicative engagement with illness and mortality may involve more than knowledge or openness alone. It may also require capacities such as tolerating ambiguity, recognizing emotional and relational cues, remaining present with distress, and resisting the impulse to prematurely resolve uncertainty.24,25 These capacities appeared particularly relevant when communication became overly reassuring, morally prescriptive, avoidant, or redirected away from the participant’s own experience.
At the same time, the relationship between the findings and death literacy should be interpreted cautiously. This study did not directly measure death literacy, nor does it claim that the communicative experiences described by participants constitute direct evidence of individual or community-level death literacy deficits. Rather, the findings are suggestive of possible constraints in the socially available ways people respond to serious illness and possible mortality within everyday interactions. In this sense, the study extends death literacy conceptually by highlighting the importance of communicative and relational practices through which vulnerability and uncertainty are socially negotiated.
The findings additionally resonate with sociological work on illness liminality and culturally dominant cancer narratives. Cancer often places individuals in ambiguous positions between health and illness, recovery and deterioration, survivorship and mortality.26,27 Such liminal experiences can generate uncertainty not only for patients themselves but also for those around them. Participants’ accounts suggest that many communicative responses functioned to contain or manage this ambiguity by restoring predictability, positivity, or emotional control. Similarly, participants’ narratives reflected broader cultural narratives surrounding cancer, particularly narratives emphasizing resilience, fighting spirit, self-management, and recovery.10–14 While these narratives may provide socially meaningful ways of responding to illness, they may also narrow the range of experiences and emotions that can comfortably be acknowledged within interaction.
Several findings also point toward the relational complexity of serious illness communication. Participants did not merely describe a lack of support, but often described communication that became emotionally displacing, burdensome, or difficult to sustain. Particularly within the themes of relational withdrawal and narrative displacement, participants described becoming responsible not only for managing illness itself, but also for navigating the discomfort, uncertainty, or emotional reactions of others. These findings align with previous research suggesting that serious illness can disrupt established relational roles and communicative expectations within families, friendships, and workplaces.1,6,9
The study also has implications for public health palliative care and compassionate community approaches. If communication surrounding illness and mortality is partly shaped by socially shared repertoires that remain relatively limited or discomfort-driven, strengthening community capacity may involve more than increasing knowledge about end-of-life care alone. It may also involve fostering relational and communicative capacities that enable individuals and communities to remain present with emotional complexity, uncertainty, and vulnerability without prematurely closing down conversation. Community-based initiatives such as support groups, peer-led spaces, oncology walk-in centers, and compassionate community initiatives may provide important environments in which such capacities can be practiced, reflected upon, and gradually developed.15–17,34–37
Several limitations should nevertheless be considered when interpreting the findings. The study is based on retrospective responses to a single open-ended survey item, many of which consisted of short and decontextualized narrative fragments. The findings therefore reflect participants’ interpretations and reconstructions of communicative encounters rather than direct observations of interaction in real time. As such, the analysis cannot establish communicative intent, conversational dynamics, or how interactions unfolded relationally over time. The communicative patterns identified should therefore be understood as recurring interpretive logics within participants’ accounts rather than as objectively verifiable interactional categories.
In addition, the sample was predominantly composed of women and breast cancer patients recruited through support organizations and cancer-related networks. Public discourse surrounding breast cancer is strongly shaped by narratives of survivorship, positivity, emotional resilience, and appearance, and these broader cultural narratives likely influenced both the communication participants encountered and the ways in which these experiences were interpreted and narrated.10–14 The findings should therefore not be assumed to apply uniformly across cancer types, genders, or social contexts. Future research using interviews, ethnographic approaches, or interactional methods could further explore how communicative tensions surrounding illness and mortality are negotiated within situated relationships and how supportive communication is experienced alongside difficult encounters.
Conclusion
This study examined how people living with cancer experience everyday communication that is perceived as well-intended yet hurtful. Participants described communication as harmful when it minimized, redirected, regulated, or withdrew engagement with their lived realities of illness.
Drawing on narrative perspectives on illness and meaning-making developed by Riessman and Kleinman,29,30 the findings suggest that communication surrounding cancer may be shaped by culturally available scripts through which vulnerability and mortality become socially negotiated. By approaching death literacy as a communicative and relational practice rather than solely a measure of readiness or knowledge, this study highlights the importance of examining how everyday conversations surrounding serious illness unfold within social relationships and communities.
The findings suggest that strengthening death literacy may involve more than increasing willingness to engage with death and dying. It may also require fostering relational capacities to listen, remain emotionally present, and tolerate uncertainty without prematurely resolving, redirecting, or minimizing it. In this sense, everyday communication represents an important site through which communities collectively negotiate vulnerability, care, and the implicit presence of mortality in serious illness.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to express their sincere gratitude to all the individuals living with cancer who generously shared their experiences and made this research possible. We also thank the organizations and individuals who assisted with the distribution of the survey and supported the development of this study, including the walk-in centers, KOTK and Stichting tegen Kanker/Fondation contre le Cancer. This research was funded and supported by the King Baudouin Foundation and Kom op Tegen Kanker.
Ethical considerations
The SMEC Ethics Review Committee at KU Leuven University approved our interviews (approval: (G-2025-9521) on May 22th, 2025.
Consent to participate
Respondents accessed a secure online survey platform where they received detailed information about the study and provided written informed consent prior to participation.
Author contributions
NC and KH contributed to the conceptualization and methodology of the study. NVC conducted the data curation and formal analysis and wrote the original draft of the manuscript. KH provided supervision and contributed to reviewing and editing the manuscript. Both authors approved the final version of the manuscript.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: grant by the King Baudouin Foundation and Kom op Tegen Kanker.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on request.
