Abstract
Beneficial to a wide spectrum of students, From the Bush is an exceptional ethnographic work that serves both ethnobotany and ethnomedicine. Early on, Quinlan acknowledges the value of using ethnomedicine to study ethnobotany, since “the vast majority of the world's traditional medicines come from plants” (p. 4). Quinlan's preference for a holistic approach to field work of this nature is evident: such an approach seems to fill any potential gaps left by a strictly emic or etic methodology. From the Bush is divided into eight chapters. The first four give an introduction to the study site and methods used; the final four chapters present Quinlan's findings and their scientific implications. In the latter part, Quinlan thoroughly explores her thesis that culturally bound ideas about body, health, and illness directly shape the knowledge and application of “bush medicines” in a Dominican village.
The first half of the book is comprised of relevant demographic data surrounding the study site, Bwa Mawego, a rural village on the island of Dominica. The second chapter offers some physical geography including, for example, the island's treacherously steep terrain, the multiple layers of forest growth, tropical weather patterns, and effects of the oceans. As for human geography, Chapter 2 also gives a chronological ethnohistory of settlers, beginning with the Arawaks who reached Dominica around A.D. 400. The third chapter has a narrower scope, focusing on the village itself, which sits in the remote eastern portion of the island. Most of the 700 inhabitants are subsistence horticulturists. Some villagers do, however, travel to Dominica's capital city of Roseau to work for weeks or even months at a time.
Quinlan's field methods are described in the fourth chapter. Initially, she employed Agar's “ethnographic cone,” which consists of simple observations that point to a topic suitable for further exploration. Meanwhile, essential rapport was promoted through day to day interactions with villagers. Next, Quinlan began conducting participant-observations, behavioral scans, and health surveys. She collected medical histories, interviewed key informants, and compiled voucher plant specimens. These methods are titled “Fundamental Explorations” since they can be used prior to thesis development. Once the thesis is set into motion, however, the new field methods are referred to as “systematic explorations,” as they are more structured for quantitative purposes. Through these various methods, Quinlan is able to identify and describe the Bwa Mawegan pharmacopeia in Chapter 5. This comprehensive body of medical knowledge is influenced by traditional beliefs about illness, and spiritual beliefs about witchcraft, sorcery, and varying interpretations of God.
Chapter 6 describes the three main “sectors of health care” for Bwa Mawegans. They include 1) popular sector: bush medicine; 2) professional sector: biomedicine; and 3) folk sector: treatment by priests, midwives, and obeahmen. One of the main assertions is that bush medicine is the most popular choice for villagers because it is quick, low maintenance, inexpensive, and its administrators are more trustworthy than western biomedical doctors. The folk medicine sector is less frequented because it tends to deal with illnesses caused by witchcraft, sorcery, hexes, and curses. These phenomena are not taken lightly in Bwa Mawego, as it is considered very serious to employ such powers. Overall, Quinlan assures us that the medical pluralism in the village is clearly evident, and villagers have a preference for bush medicine.
Chapter 7 describes a health theme common to the New World. The theme is, of course, the humoral system in which foods, plants, and illnesses are ascribed either a “hot,” “cold,” or “neutral” value. Quinlan points out the main differentiating factor of the Dominican variation of the humoral system is the labeling of only certain foods, plants, and illnesses, whereas many other cultures assign hot/cold titles to almost all foods, plants, and illnesses. Another interesting aspect of the humoral system is that items are not considered hot or cold based on their thermal properties, but rather by their symbolic value, which is based on shared traditions. Also steeped in tradition are Bwa Mawegan views surrounding overall health and the body itself. Villagers believe that basic needs, like sleep and nutrition, must be well balanced in order to maintain a healthy body and mind. For example, too little sleep can weaken the mind while too much sleep can cause blood to thicken and make a person stiff. So in terms of perceived illnesses, Bwa Mawegans administer the appropriate hot or cold treatment to a hot or cold illness, so as to balance the body's health.
Some of the most interesting data in the book can be found in Chapter 8, in which Quinlan discusses how Bwa Mawegans treat their illnesses. The illnesses are described in a reader-friendly format where all the hot, cold, stomach, and external illnesses are grouped together. Under each illness heading, Quinlan gives an emic description of the illness, an etic view if applicable, the type of treatment, the active properties in the treatment, and, the geographic range of the treatment. Most compelling is the correlation, or lack thereof, between the active properties in a treatment, and what illness it is applied to. For example, to treat worms, considered to be a stomach condition, Bwa Mawegans use a local weed called sime kontwa (Chenopodium ambrosioides L.). Interestingly enough, “Oil of chenopodium…is a pharmaceutical product used against tapeworms, roundworms, and hookworms” (p. 117). One can't help but wonder how Bwa Mawegans discovered this plant's effectiveness against worms.
From the Bush concludes by looking forward, questioning where the future of bush medicine lies. Dominica's economic growth has accounted for many more modern amenities like roads and plumbing. Quinlan wonders to what extent the increase in availability of biomedicine will have on the residual use of bush medicine in Bwa Mawego. She declares the new developments in Dominica a good vantage point for future research.
From the Bush shows strengths that aid the reader's comprehension of the book's purpose. One is the glossary of essential anthropological terms. Throughout the text, key words are presented in bold lettering to alert the reader that a definition is provided in the back of the book. Quinlan makes sure to explain common anthropological terms, as well as any related words, if any, in order to inform the reader of complementary ideas. Perhaps her most notable strength is the highly personal, intimate quality of her ethnographic writing. Quinlan doesn't hesitate to share her own experiences, in addition to the experiences of her subjects. She describes them with an underlying, witty tone that eases the read between bits of straightforward, but necessary, scientific data. Overall, Quinlan's style is especially stimulating for aspiring students, as it offers a clear glimpse into the work of a practicing anthropologist.