First-Generation Palestinian Refugees in Jordan: Experiences of Occupational Disruption From an Occupational Justice Perspective

Study Design

Adopting a constructivist worldview, we used a thematic analysis guided by a descriptive phenomenology approach to explore the prolonged lived experience of being a Palestinian refugee, allowing participants to describe their lived experience with the central phenomenon of interest (Sundler et al., 2019). Phenomenology has been widely used to explore the disempowering nature of prolonged refugee status and encourage participants to voice their personal experience of occupational disruption (Darawsheh, 2019; Rodriguez & Smith, 2018; Simaan, 2017, 2020). This design is especially important because of the politically charged nature of narratives commonly associated with the long-term displacement as a result of Israel’s refusal to respect the right of Palestinian refugees to return, as stipulated in the UN General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of December 1948 (Human Rights Watch, 2023).

Thematic analysis has also been frequently used to find patterns of meaning in data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Thematic analysis based on descriptive phenomenology focuses on the participants’ lived experience through the lenses of the lifeworld. In the lifeworld, experiences are understood in light of physically existing in the world, the physical surroundings, and everyday interactions with others and the milieu. Human experience has intentionality, is born from the world and directed to the world, and must be understood with the world as a background (Dahlberg & Dahlberg, 2020, p. 460). The research process is guided by the researcher being as open and true to the phenomenon as possible, questioning preunderstandings and adopting a reflective attitude. Thematic analysis is inductive and consists of identifying meanings and searching for patterns. These are further explored and organized into themes that encompass both concrete expressions and descriptions of the lived experience (Sundler et al., 2019, p. 736).

Occupational Justice Framework Application

After developing themes, we conducted a critical analysis of occupational injustices, including the following:

▪ Occupational deprivation: preclusion from occupations beyond one’s control (Whiteford, 2000)

Positionality

Because reflexivity is essential for a constructivist approach, the authors reflected on the influence of researchers’ roles and assumptions on this study’s sampling, data collection, and data analysis methods. The first author (Alyssa A. Fabianek) was an occupational therapy trainer in a CBR center in AlBaqa’a. AlHeresh has worked in Palestinian refugee camps for more than 15 yr and identifies as a Palestinian refugee–occupational therapist. Our knowledge of Palestinian refugees’ experiences allowed us to explore the study participants’ statements using a shared language. Each transcript was examined to ensure that the questions were open ended and allowed for the expression of a wide range of opinions. During the data analysis process, we met periodically to discuss and reach a consensus on the emerging themes. An external qualitative researcher provided feedback on the research design, data collection process, and data analysis to ensure examination of the research process from multiple perspectives.

Participants

Fifteen participants were recruited through purposeful sampling, including social media and word of mouth, from both an AlBaqa’a CBR center and community-dwelling refugees, because the needs of each present differently (Al-Rousan et al., 2018). Geographic representation from camp and noncamp settings was sought to support transferability. Each participant identified as a Palestinian refugee born in Palestine, remembered living and being forced out of Palestine, and was residing in Jordan. All participant names in this article are pseudonyms, to protect identities.

Instruments

The questions that guided the interviews that helped us explore topics around the experiences that participants deemed most important are listed in Appendix A. Focus areas were further explored to maximize the amount of information obtained about key themes.

Procedures

Theme 1: Palestinian Pride

When asked about life in Palestine, participants remembered the beauty of Palestine, the land, nostalgia, and a sense of identity and community. All emotionally described their hope to return and assumed their refugee status was temporary. Ahmed shared the following:

If it is not in our generation, maybe the return will be for the next generation. . . . We still . . . hope to go back; we never forget Palestine. We hope to be home very soon. It was our land for thousands of years; it’s tough to forget it. It is tough to lose the hope to go back.

Fatima stated, “There is no place like Palestine. Springs flow from the ground. Springs [are] everywhere; you drink fresh raw water straight from the springs. Valleys, orchards, gardens, everything is green. The whole land is fit for cultivation; it is agricultural land.”

Most found it humorous to be asked about personal strength, because they were older, with several health problems, and did not consider themselves physically strong. A few mentioned occupational contributions, including embroidery. Their children, however, who were at times present during interviews, listed admirable qualities on their behalf, highlighting their upbringing, financial skills, and sensibility. Participants believed their strengths lay in their relationship with God, their children, and other family members, and their Palestinian heritage. They took pride in the sacrifices they made to get their children into university. Abudullah provided this description:

Most Palestinians . . . cut their food [expenses] to send their sons or daughters to university. Now we are at the top, not only in the region but all over the world. . . . If you don’t have that self-confidence at this point, you will melt with the other societies.

The pride that Palestinians have in their people and their country and that has been sustained over decades was echoed in each story. Many personal and community-based strengths had helped them to excel in things that were within their control, such as an education for their children and the upbringing of their families. However, their ongoing hope to return, while facing continuous displacement, indicates occupational deprivation and alienation from their heritage, identities, communities, and land.

Theme 2: Trauma Leaving One’s Home Country

Participants described leaving possessions—everything they owned—behind, losing family, and having war memories regarding leaving Palestine. Most remembered when they first heard how the war started or saw soldiers and planes invading with their own eyes. Everyone fled quickly in fear. Rowaida recalled, “We carried nothing, except clothes covering our bodies out of fear; planes above your head, you know; it was scary. I lost everything, my house, my furniture, my land . . . even farms; everything was left behind.”

The most agreed-upon and traumatic experience was losing family. Participants described loss, first as they fled their homes or witnessed the death of relatives during violent attacks, or later learning of the death of those from whom they had been separated. Khawla stated, “Everyone went in a different direction, and then they would start searching for the missing ones. . . . Those who did not escape together lost each other; they were displaced, some here and some in Jordan.” One participant tearfully shared that he had lost four family members and could not say his last goodbyes or attend their end-of-life services.

Everyone had unique memories. However, they all similarly described how quickly Israeli forces took over their homes, their fear of facing similar violent events in neighboring villages, and the exhausting journey by foot to Jordan. Mariam described, “Before we left, Dair Yassin’s massacre had taken place where they raped women and committed atrocities against residents. We fled because villagers feared [that] girls and women [would] be raped.”

These detailed accounts of fleeing Palestine highlighted the fear tactics and violence used to intentionally displace Palestinians from their homeland and valued occupations, leading to occupational deprivation and occupational apartheid.

Theme 3: Challenges of Living in a Host Country

When asked about challenges and coping strategies to start life in Jordan, participants talked about poor camp conditions, decreased opportunities for work and education, lack of finances, waiting in long lines for necessities, living in a tent or mosque, and limited relationships with neighbors. Mariam described, “We had a hard time getting chores done. We used to stand in long queues to get water from water tanks. Same for little gasoline. . . . As for food rations, we had to wait for two or three days.”

A typical story was sacrificing money to send children to university in the hope they that would get better paying jobs. If one had no college education, they would turn to farming, but this furthered debt. Men moved to other countries to support their families. Ruqaya stated, “Old men and women stayed in Jordan while their sons and daughters went to Kuwait to support them. Those who were educated before coming to Jordan got jobs easily.”

Another challenge was the lack of community and relationships after displacement. Most participants reported that their neighbors were respectful and knew everyone had faced adversity. However, they kept to themselves and felt they had to face challenges independently. Fatima stated, “Only God knows what I am like; I never interfere in other people’s affairs.” This stands in contrast to the descriptions of their social support in Palestine, highlighting happiness and an increased sense of community. These challenges are a mixture of prolonged occupational deprivation within their camp environment, occupational imbalance by self-sacrifice through physical labor and cutting back on food, and occupational marginalization that limited their sense of community and relationships beyond the walls of the refugee camps.

Theme 4: Internalized Prejudice

When asked about the meaning of being a refugee, responses included discrimination, health issues, and negative emotions. Contrary to Palestinian pride, being labeled a refugee came with negative connotations. Discrimination can be broken down into occupational marginalization and occupational apartheid, as evidenced by their experiences since displacement. Despite the ability to become citizens in Jordan, participants described discrimination in forms of mockery, shaming, and accusations; however, they distinguished that the problem was not with Jordanians but with policies and structures in place. Mariam shared her experience:

Those whose land was taken later used to mock us, had scuffles with us, and shamed us, accusing us of selling our country. We never sold our country. God only knows who sold the land. The government knows. . . . We left because of war.

Others spoke of health issues, which affected self-esteem, self-perceived efficacy, finances, ability to work, social relationships, and physical disabilities. Mariam continued,

I do not go out. I have hypertension and back pain. I cannot walk at all. If I want to make tea, I bend on the oven, half-standing, for support; I do not have money to see a doctor. I am waiting for God’s mercy to die.

Palestinians harbor negative emotions because of their prolonged refugee status and internalized prejudice. The words participants used included sensitivity, sadness, misery, heartbreak, suffering, agony, abandonment, and weakness. Many cried telling their stories because they rarely discussed their memories and feelings and described how these questions brought back strong emotions. For example, a wife, husband, and sister-in-law participated in a group interview in the presence of three daughters who heard these stories for the first time. The participants admitted disclosing such intimate details of displacement and consequences with others. Khairyeh stated, “To be a refugee is a lasting heartbreak. Even if you’re settled down, you still feel abandoned.”

The experience of enduring prolonged refugee status has given this strong, passionate, and motivated group a degree of internalized prejudice. This can be attributed to their ongoing experiences of occupational injustice in their host country, which could affect how occupational therapists intervene.