As societies forfeit increasingly their homogeneous character and cross-cultural
encounters are being multiplied, demands for multicultural and Other- oriented
education appear legitimate and convincing. However, to endorse such demands
does not suffice on its own, if it is not accompanied by appropriate theoretical
shifts in sociological core assumptions. In this article, I propose that one
such shift should concern the old coupling of modernization with societal
rationalization. By discussing Habermas's conception of rationalization, I
defend the rejection of the identification of modernization with rational
development. I show the benefits of this rejection for multicultural education
by highlighting what ethnocentric vices (Martha Nussbaum's term) it staves off.
I conclude with some suggestions for a sociology of education that is sensitive
to otherness.
1.1 Discussing education as an institution, i.e. from a sociological
perspective, one cannot avoid an implicit or explicit reliance on some theory of
reason and rationalization of society. For, if schooling functions as a mechanism of
socialization and adaptation of the young to society (regarded positively by
theorists from Comte down to Parsons and negatively since determinist Marxism) or as
a means of social transformation and change (voluntarist Marxism and Gramsi), that
entails two things at least. It entails that
the school contributes to the development of societal
rationality, since it ‘distributes’ knowledge and prepares individuals for
their future social roles by rendering existential choice rational. And it
also entails that
the school reflects the particular level of rationalization
of the culture that generates it, since the structures of the educational
system are informed to a great extent by what counts as worth pursuing. If
education aims solely at the betterment of social action coordination, it
presupposes as well as promotes a conception of rationalization process that
differs drastically from the one that it would employ if its objective were
more revolutionary and interventionist.
1.2 Similarly, when education is oriented to a politics of difference
and fights against discrimination and xenophobia in classrooms it conceives
rationalization in a way that differs crucially from the one informing a conscious
or unconscious promotion of Eurocentrism.[1] The latter assumes tacitly that rationalization is a
linear, teleological, and one-dimensional process manifested triumphantly in Western
technological and scientific progress. The shortcomings and pathologies of
occidental societies, when acknowledged at all are seen as side effects of an
otherwise effective and rational societal system in need of some minor
modifications. All those cultures that cannot display similar orientations,
priorities and ‘achievements’ are treated as less rational and justifiably lagging
behind.
1.3 In turn, such prejudices find expression in curricular constructions
and the silencing of alterity they impose. Arthur Schlesinger's work defends the
thesis that ‘the noble idea of human rights is purely Western in origin’ and ‘uses
this claim to cast doubt on the value of non-Western cultures, and on their place in
the college curriculum’ (Nussbaum, 1997, 139). Such views either rely on a
conception of rationality as something inherent and fixed to a specific limit
within each culture or on one that couples the potential for reasonable
arguments with particular versions of societal evolution and
rationalization. Even if a rational-liberalist idea is ‘Western in
origin‘, this does not preclude the possibility that other
cultures may include it actually (as one strand amongst others) or counterfactually
(as a possibility of discourse not yet exploited). The source of an idea becomes
prohibitive to its cross-cultural identification only when one begins with the very
assumption that, when reason is at stake, ‘origin’ means ‘monopoly’.
1.4 Therefore, many of us may justifiably wonder, as Martha Nussbaum
does, how much of other cultures we were encouraged to learn in our educational
settings. On grounds of self-sufficiency and exclusiveness (all the good ideas are
already available in our tradition and absent in others) most Western curricula are
blinkered and xenophobic in some way or other. But we may also wonder (and perhaps
this is where we ought to start from) what kind of rationalization theory grounds
the ideological discriminatory and oppressive attitude towards otherness. Nussbaum
offers an account of the ideology underlying this attitude but not in sociological
terms and with no reference to the concept of rationalization.[2] It is evident that her
account of ethnocentric vices operates implicitly on the idea that educational
practices have adopted an ethnocentric rationalism. I follow her on this as I
believe that, if thought through to its end, Occidental ethnocentrism (the
educational one notwithstanding) boils down to some rationalist core assumptions of
superiority. Apart from an inferential justification of the connection of education
and ethnocentric rationalism, another way of proving its validity is precisely by
considering the constellation ‘rationalization, modernization, and cultural
difference’ sociologically as I am attempting in the present article. [Of course,
one might think that, if what is assumed is also indirectly proven by what develops
out of this assumption, then there is a risk of circularity. There is no such risk
here, however, if we keep in mind that education and conceptions of rationality are
in a dialectical relation as shown in the opening paragraph. In any case, evidence
that goes further than that cannot be offered here as the aim of the article is to
pave the way for future research (both theoretical but also empirical), to initiate
a dialogue in this direction, rather than close it off].
1.5 We may further wonder what kind of rationalization theory would be
compatible with (and redeeming of) the demand for more inclusive and less
ethnocentric education. In this paper, I shall deal with this issue. My main
argument is that a detailed and in depth exploration of Habermas's communicative
action theory offers a conception of rationalization that will prove to be very
important for a sociology of education oriented to a politics of difference.
Preliminary Remarks on the Employment of Communicative Action Theory
2.1 New theories of rationalization try to overcome the outdated
metaphysical reliance on narratives of humanity's ostensibly linear and undisrupted
progression towards fixed and absolute ends thus avoiding charges of messianic
transcendentalism and foundationalism. They retain the idea of progress in a
naturalistic rather than a teleological fashion. Perhaps the most persistent and
serious objection still confronting them, however, is the one related to the issue
of the ethnocentrism of Occidental philosophy that defines human history according
to its own standard of what counts as rational and progressive. To the extent that a
theory identifies rationalization with modernization, it remains trapped to its own
parochialism and ethnocentrism. Modernization has been an accomplished task for many
Western societies, and from the moment we elevate it to rationalization as such, we
obscure its empirical contingency and attribute to it the more encompassing and
transcendent status that theoretically has been granted to rationalization.
Consequently, and tacitly, we immunize modernized cultures from criticisms derived
from alien worldviews and directed to their rational goal-setting. Or, if we object
to the reifying effects of modernization, we dismiss rationality too, and resort to
an exoticization of otherness that is equally truncating and disabling for alien
cultures. Thus, the stakes that new accounts of rationalization face concern first
and foremost their understanding of the other within and without and their ability
of self- critique.
2.2 In my interpretation of Jürgen Habermas, his associates (Karl-Otto
Apel, Albrecht Wellmer), and their pragmatic philosophy of language, it is possible
to extract a notion of rationalization that goes beyond modernization and does
justice both to a narrative of progress and the acknowledgement of the unique
significance of non-Occidental cultures. This presupposes that we place the proper
emphasis on its true critical force, which seems to have been attenuated recently by
Habermas's shift to international constitutional right and globalization and their
implicit liberalist affirmation of a supposed priority of the norms of the
‘advanced’ societies. The main aim of this article then (as stated above) is to
examine how my interpretation of Habermas's idea of rationalization may succeed in
meeting the demand for valuing the rationalities of all cultures. Other, indirect,
aims promoting the basic argument are to explore how Habermas arrives at his notion
of rationalization and how all this avoids the charge of ethnocentrism.
2.3 My discussion of Habermas's idea of rationalization and its stakes
comprises the following steps.
I begin with a brief account of rationality and its criteriology with regard
to world interpretations in order to show that from a Habermasian point of
view it is possible for one to assess cultures without being necessarily
biased and self- affirmative. Hence one can speak of a rationalization
process while avoiding to identify it with Occidental modernization or
consider it complete by reference to (post)modern developments in science,
economy and technology.
To present such a reformulated conception of rationalization, I employ
Habermas's critique of Max Weber. This step facilitates also the defence of
the argument for a rehabilitation of other cultures as potential equal
contributors to a process of progress that is not limited to our relation to
instrumentality and strategicality.
In a third move, I explore the revisited conception of reason that underpins
such a renegotiation of rationalization and turn to the relations to
world spheres that are presupposed by such openness to other
cultures and their values. Within each step I mention implications for
sociology of education that will be intersected in the concluding part of
the article. There I shall demonstrate their being conducive to Nussbaum's
project for a reformist education of citizenship.
Rationality and Worldviews
2.4 When we use the term ‘rational’ we usually attribute it either
to people or to expressions or actions. Either someone (person) or something
(idea, worldview) is rational. For a pragmatic philosopher of language, the term
‘rational’ can be applied to any person capable of speech and action in general,
and in a less broad sense, anyone able in principle to offer reasons for their
actions or views. A symbolic expression or an action is rational insofar as it
can be potentially defended against criticism (Habermas, 1991, 16).
2.5 Communicative practice as we experience it in its everyday form,
in its discursive or critical dimension, is imbued with rationality. In our
interactions we implicitly or explicitly agree or disagree, approve or
disapprove, accept or reject, either by means of power, control, violence and
suppression or by means of a communicatively achieved consensus. The latter
differs from a pseudo-consensus in that it derives from genuine, responsible and
equal dialogical positions and not from strategicality and monological promotion
of self- interest. Rationality is ubiquitous and indispensable to a
communicatively achieved agreement, since the latter ‘is based in the
end on reasons. And the rationality of those who participate in
this communicative practice is determined by whether, if necessary, they could
under suitable circumstances, provide reasons for their
expressions’ (17).
2.6 In my opinion, the Habermasian conception of rationality relates
to and goes beyond polemics in a path-breaking way. The Occidental philosophical
past offers numerous examples of reciprocal charges of irrationalism between
conflicting theories or worldviews. A theoretical system of a Cartesian origin
that sees reason as intellectus can very easily attack any
philosophical theory that assumes an empirical or situated reason as supposedly
being irrational. For polemical reasons the charge of irrationalism has been
employed effectively to refute and exclude whoever or whatever diverges from a
certain and narrow definition of the rational. The opponent is irrational not
because of the way s/he is involved in a discourse but because of the
content of her worldview. One must be very cautious with
this sort of material discrimination between theories or ideas
because as a polemical tactic it does not do justice to difference and
otherness. As a methodological tool of research, it loses sight of the fact that
a worldview may be less accurate in its description of objects or unfair in the
social relations it sustains compared with another one, but it can be equally
coherent and systematic. As Radin, Evans-Pritchard, Lévi-Strauss and others have
shown contrary to what Lévy-Bruhl or Cassirer assumed, a mythical worldview is
no less rational (if rational is understood to mean formal-logical, coherent,
and systematic) than a modern worldview. It might be less or more infused with
internal contradictions or circularities but as a whole it can very well provide
reasons for particular ideas or actions within it (Kondylis, 1987, 17).
2.7 Irrationality is a restraining force in a discourse when it is
expressed as an unwillingness to assume a reflective attitude towards our own
interpretation of the world. For Habermas, ‘one behaves irrationally if one
employs one's own symbolic means of expression in a dogmatic way’ (Habermas,
1991, 22). In this vein, we may even be led to the conclusion that our own
culture is irrational when it asserts its own content dogmatically and
circularly against the overall content of other cultures and excludes them from
the educational agenda. Habermas's ‘procedural’ definition of irrationality can
serve the purpose of assessing discourses (showing whether they are dogmatic,
ideological, coercive or free and undistorted) without excluding different
contents of thinking as irrational, pre-rational or inferior. Its prima
facie implication for education is its telling incompatibility with
the dogmatic discrimination against otherness on grounds of rational cultural
content.
2.8 His insights appear to be even more liberating if we take into
account the double thinking of those postmodernist theorists who denounce
traditional accounts of rationality. They do so because reason supposedly leads
to a marginalization and exclusion of an opponent in agonistics by charging her
with irrationality. But the double thinking becomes apparent when they
themselves do not resist the temptation to invert the charge and equate (for
polemical reasons and sometimes even without good grounds) the ‘rational’ with
‘rationalist’ or ‘logocentric’ and discard it in one blow.
2.9 When extended to worldviews, the definition of rationality (as
non-dogmatism and problematization of self-affirmation) a Habermasian
sociologist employs allows for evaluation and critique without a premature
labelling as ‘irrational’ or ‘savage’ of different world-understandings. Still,
even this redefinition of reason would not meet the approval of some
postmodernist thinkers, for it is the very possibility of any rational
assessment they dispute. Elizabeth Grosz argues that ‘the crisis of reason
consists [among other things she has mentioned -M.P.] in the impossibility of
rationally deciding between competing methods and paradigms produced from
different positions’ (Grosz, 1993, 194). A Habermasian would challenge Grosz's
assertion and so would do any educationalist following Nussbaum's defence of the
cultivation of critical citizenship. With regard to schooling, the vision of an
emancipatory education, one that assists the young to make informed existential
choices, is incompatible with the ‘anything goes’ of the postmodernist attack on
criteriology and the perspectivalist understanding of cultural diversion. For
openness to alterity not to be aloof and consequently, indifferent and blind to
the Other, what one needs is to be convinced that a critical engagement with any
Other is possible in principle.
2.10 But one must set two basic conditions in order to avoid a
contradiction between this possibility of assessment of the rationality of
different worldviews and the previous assumption that there are not totally
irrational or pre-logical worldviews or cultures. The first guarantees that the
evaluation is not carried out with a mathematical, abstract and worse still,
self- assertive reason in opposition to experience, feelings, empathy and
desire. And the second safeguards that cognitive achievements and
instrumental-technical progress are not the only criteria for judging and
consequently, that other, non-cognitive, dimensions of Being have already gained
a status at least equivalent to the one granted to cognition or technical
control. Knowledge and rationality are broader terms than cognition and
calculation. The cognitive relation to the world of existing things is just one
kind of relation to the world. The rationality of worldviews should not be
measured only in terms of our relation to the objective world but also in terms
of our relation to the social and subjective worlds (Habermas, 1991, 45).
2.11 True, a culture is often considered less rational than an other
one when its logic is framed by its worldview in such a way that it does not
allow for cognitive development. This becomes obvious if we consider the
knowledge of a society that views medicine and healing as dependent solely on
magic spells. It appears to us cognitively less rational if we compare it to the
knowledge of the body and its efficacy in a society where culture is uncoupled
from nature so that the mythical-magical element loses its links to
natural/causal necessity. [Alternative medicine based on a particular knowledge
of nature and the body that does not resemble the Occidental knowledge is a
different issue and I would not equate it with magic]. But there is a
possibility that this society might be more advanced and rational with respect
to interpersonal relations within it than the one that progresses cognitively.
Even if that is not the case, still, the non-rationalized culture does not lack
logic or possess a different logic or different ways of reasoning. The potential
for rationality is always there where a communicative competence demarcates
ordinary language from non-articulated, non-differentiated sound. ‘[A]lthough
they may be interpreted in various ways and applied according to different
criteria, concepts like truth, rationality, or justification play the
same grammatical role in every linguistic
community’ (Habermas, 1992, 138).
2.12 To summarize, we may discern certain formal properties a
culture must have if rational action orientations are to be possible at all.
These are the possibility of raising differentiated validity claims, the
possibility of a reflective relation to itself (absence of dogmatism), the
possibility of cultural objectivations (e.g. higher-level validity claims
related to different spheres of experience) and an uncoupling of
purposive-rational from communicative action. But the difference in the degree
of rationalization should not be mistaken for a difference in dispositions and
properties of human beings; the actual must not be identified with the
potential. It is not only empirically provable but also politically necessary to
consider all societies and cultures as equally endowed with logic and
potentially with rationality. Otherwise we fall prey to a subtle racism or
tribalism or we abstain from any evaluative/normative judgements and thus fall
prey to a politically inoperative relativism. Of course, self-reflection forces
the universalistic account of reason to consider its own origins as well as its
own limits. The modern world is well ahead in terms of technical progress but it
can be by far superseded by other cultures when it comes to other more subtle
relations to norms, nature, sexuality, corporeality, care and so on.
2.13 What enables western rationality to conceive universal validity
claims when it is not legitimate for itself to impose its own understanding on
other cultures and have more than particularistic claims? Is this not a paradox
related to our own position in our culture? This paradox can be resolved, I
believe, as soon as we understand our worldview as a plurality of different and
often divergent elements and recognize the Other within. We should see the
conception of universalism as related to that modern understanding of the world
that is indeed based on general structures of rationality but it is only one
achievement of our self-reflection and it is often tarnished by other aspects of
our worldview. Due to the latter, ‘modern Western societies promote a distorted
understanding of rationality that is fixed on cognitive-instrumental aspects and
is to that extent particularistic’ (Habermas, 1991, 66). Moreover, if
rationalization appears as a learning process, it is more likely that it will
not take the form of a continuum, and it will not be without disruptions and
regressions. It is also possible that it will not have the anticipated or
desired effect (66-7). Modernization should have been understood as a
result of such a rationalization and not as another term for
denoting rationalization as such.
Rationalization and the Critique of Weber
2.14 As early as 1968, Habermas postulates that in order to
reformulate what Weber called ‘rationalization’, one should overcome the
subjective approach that Parsons shares with Weber and couch one's problematic
in the categorial framework of work and interaction. Work as purposive- rational
action (instrumental and strategic) realises defined goals under given
conditions but interaction refers only to communicative action or symbolic
interaction (Habermas, 1987, 91). When rationalization is associated with
instrumental action it generates a growth of productive forces and extension of
technological control, and when related to social interaction it generates
extension of uncoerced communication (Habermas, 1988).
2.15 The Habermasian shift to language that took place later gave to
his challenge of Weber's categorial framework and the basic premises of
traditional social theory a more substantive form. It offered the conceptual
tools for a clearer redefinition of different rationalities and a deeper
critical examination of Weber's distinction of value spheres, description of
rationalization and its connection to modernization. [At the same time, it
signified a departure from a Marxist explanation of social evolution, for it is
rationalization rather than social conflict as such that paves the way to social
change and development.] A critique of Weber's theory from a Habermasian point
of view, concerning those issues of reason that are relevant to the aims of this
article, can be summarized in the following points. The first is the narrowing
of the concept of reason, the second refers to the lack of unity of reason and
the irreducibility of value spheres, the third to the omission of selectivity
and counterfactuality, and the fourth to the Weberian paradox.
2.16 Habermas criticizes Weber's pessimistic diagnosis of an
irreducible separation and antagonism of value spheres and the consequent
incompatibility of the corresponding validity claims. As soon as different
cultural value spheres gained autonomy, they became closed structures,
independent from each other for their justification or currency. So Weber
laments the fact that with religions and mythical world interpretations having
lost their all- encompassing character, the grounds for a coherent and unifying
legitimation disappeared; for instance the beautiful is no longer the good and
the true is no longer the beautiful.
2.17 However, he fails to see, according to Habermas, that these
spheres, without losing their independence and equal status vis-à-vis each
other, can be prevented from being absolute and non-permeable totalities, only
if we see the rationalities corresponding to them as moments of argumentative
reason. The latter should not have been given up to irreconcilable, closed and
self-referential modes of reason. ‘The unity of rationality in the multiplicity
of value spheres rationalized according to their inner logics is secured
precisely at the formal level of the argumentative redemption of validity
claims. Validity claims differ from empirical claims through the presupposition
that they can be made good by means of arguments’ (Habermas, 1991, 249). If we
do not presuppose a unity achieved through argumentative rationality we are left
with the cumbersome issue of how to maintain the universalism of criteriology,
or, in other words, how it is possible for reason to critique itself (the
so-called paradox of reason).
2.18 The paradox of reason is caused by an incomplete transition
from unity and totality to a dialectic reconciliation of the whole with
symmetrically differentiated particularities. The rationality of only some of
the autonomized cultural spheres (e.g., nomological sciences) is anchored in
domains of law, art, and morality, thus overshadowing and suppressing their own
intrinsic mode of rationality. Symptoms of a one-sided rationalization are the
ostensible identity of modernization and systematization in modernity, the
penetration and reification of the lifeworld by subsystems like the economy and
the state, and the collapse of parts of the communicative stock of the lifeworld
due to system imperatives. Weber saw in his diagnosis of loss of freedom,
identity and meaning a paradox of reason, because he himself unconsciously
adopted and theoretically pursued what had already occurred in practice
regarding reason: an alteration of its meaning. ‘In the transition from cultural
to societal rationalization, the Weberian concept of rationality, which is, in
any case, tailored to purposive-rational action’, became narrow (221). Weber
used the purposive rationality of entrepreneurial activity as
it is institutionalized in the capitalist enterprise as a springboard for
investigating and explaining societal rationalization (218).
2.19 In contradistinction to what Weber believed, the types of
rationality complementary to the strategic one have co- determined the
Occidental process of rationalization, although they themselves misunderstood
‘their role and nature by associating themselves with the perspective […] of a
rationality of means and ends’ (Apel, 1993, 42- 3). Non-strategic modes of
thinking and acting appeared as strategic and misled Occidental
self-understanding. A reformulation of notions developed within modernity and
associated with reason (e.g. autonomy, solidarity, and human rights), would
accomplish their redemption from their strategic function in the framework of
another paradigm. They would have to be dissociated from strategic rationality
and redeemed from their servile role.
2.20 This domination by strategic and purposive rationality - which
ironically was not only Weber's diagnosis but apparently his own snare -
resulted in a selectivity. A selective pattern of rationalization occurs ‘when
(at least) one cultural value sphere is insufficiently institutionalized’. The
marginalized component of the given culture lacks any structure-forming effect
on society as a whole. As a result, ‘(at least) one sphere predominates to such
an extent that it subjects life-orders to a form of rationality that is alien to
them’ (Habermas, 1991, 240). Had Weber proceeded further along the lines of his
own assertions about the differentiation of value spheres and had he observed
this selectivity of rationalization (a) he would have not missed the
counterfactual element of reason, and (b) he would have not over- dramatized the
so-called Weberian paradox.
2.21 Weber started immediately from the
actually existing and dominant Occidental forms of
rationality, instead of taking into account the
counterfactually projected possibilities of a ‘rationalized
lifeworld’ (222). Where Weber went wrong according to Habermas was in the hasty
connection of purposive rationality with societal rationalization process. He
did not view ‘the historical profile of this process against the background of
what was structurally possible’ (233). Weber did not
see the kind of modernization that occurred as just one of the possibilities
opened by a rationalization of worldviews.
2.22 What is important for my argument is that Habermas's critique
of Weber proves that a worldview may proceed toward a post-conventional,
universalistic, and rational account of validity without exploiting the
possibility opened by a comprehensive, context-sensitive, but universal reason
and without pursuing the possibilities this opens for humanity. Hence such a
worldview ultimately legitimizes the pathologies and crises the system generates
at the levels of personality, society, and culture. Thus, one may acknowledge
that Occidental rationalism had and has a potential for the redemption
of universal validity claims without simultaneously assuming that it really
succeeded in that. Furthermore, we may still believe in this
potential without assuming that the actual route the West takes is higher than
non-western counterparts at all levels or that this potential is not available
to other cultures. The obvious benefits of such accounts of rationalization for
a multicultural education render the former a candidate for theorizing the
latter effectively.
2.23 In short, Occidental rationalism evolves selectively and
emerges as one- sided, partial, and even tyrannical. Social integration and
preservation of social lifeworlds become more problematic, the more the inflated
subsystems of economy and the state anchor in and reify these lifeworlds
marginalizing whatever does not conform to their imperatives. One mode of
reason, then, de-institutionalizes, excludes, marginalizes, and expands at the
expense of, other modes of reason. The practical outcome is the suppression of
difference at a social level, when minority groups, or race, class,
gender/sexual preference movements are bereft of access to and effective
participation in public life. It is precisely this deprivation that is mirrored
in many Western curricula. Criticisms of Weber from a Habermasian point of view
show that the problems caused by a selective rationalization can be confronted
by a more comprehensive and encompassing rationalization. Consequently, we see
once again, that modernization as a historical phenomenon is not, and should not
be, identified with rationalization as such. Reason as the totality of its
manifestations is not complicit with what its partial and one-dimensional
application (among other causes) has produced.
2.24 For Habermas, ‘rationalization means overcoming […]
systematically distorted communication in which the action- supporting consensus
concerning the reciprocally raised validity claims […] can be sustained in
appearance only, that is, counterfactually’ (Habermas, 1984, 120).
Problem-solving argumentation and consensual resolution of conflicts is
dependent on the rationality of the social agents. If this is true, then any
attempt to explain social development ‘with reference to a dynamic of social
struggle that is structurally located within the moral space of social
interactions’ (Honneth, 1991, xvii) presupposes a reference to a logic of
rationalization. Honneth identifies two Habermasian approaches to the problem of
social evolution, i.e., one that examines the relation between systems and
lifeworlds with aid of an account of rationalization, and one that emphasizes
‘the dynamic of social struggle’. In response to Honneth's consideration of the
second approach as more promising, I would defend the former as indispensable to
the latter. Habermas's sociology has to rely at least equally on a recuperation
of reason and on the dynamics of social interaction in order to
propound not only a description but also a
critique of Occidental societies. For, the dynamics of
social interaction can be politically promising only via teleology, i.e. that
metaphysics that ignores the normative neutrality of the concept of dynamics as
such and ‘loads’ it with an ethical destiny. To retain political promise without
teleology, one cannot but find recourse to the critical force of a rationality
that in its multidimensionality encompasses practical reason and ethics.
Reason Revisited
2.25 Now let us combine the findings of each section into a demand
for a particular concept of reason and examine how Habermas's theory can meet
this demand. To be able to compare alternative cultural patterns and make
political or existential choices accordingly without prioritizing one's own from
the start, one needs a notion of reason that is both immanent and transcendent.
It must be immanent qua context-sensitive and situated and
transcendent qua capable of self-critique and other-oriented
assessment. To promote the possibility for fruitful and unassimilating exchange
among cultures we need a conception of deliberative reason that allows for a
dialogue that goes beyond compromise. To achieve a critical outlook with regard
to hegemonic tendencies of the Occidental modernization we need a conception of
rational self-reflection that is capable of discerning between acts based on
strategic rationality and acts based on communicative rationality and
acknowledge the normative priority of the latter.[3] In a nutshell, we need a reason that
is not limited to technological and scientific progress.
2.26 Admittedly, all these issues cannot be tackled within the space
of an article thus I shall confine myself to a general outline of how Habermas
and his associates promote research in this direction. However, two points
should be raised in advance. The first can be better illustrated if we examine
how this definition of rationality differs considerably from the one Niklas
Luhmann employs. In fact, Luhmann terms ‘reason’ what Habermas seems to term
alternatively ‘reason’ or ‘rationality’. For Luhmann, ‘“reason” always refers to
human capacity, and the capacity that makes reason a distinct phenomenon is
always a human capacity’. But as he argues, we should look to criteria that can
be applied to systems, whether they are social systems or psychic systems. ‘The
term “rationality” is better adapted to this task’ (Luhmann, 1993, 221). Whereas
for Luhmann rationality is more significant than reason, Habermas is more
interested in the human capacity to reflect on the world and one's conditions of
life.
2.27 The second point concerns the fact that seeing reason as a
human disposition does not amount to seeing reason merely as an organ. Habermas
avoids the naturalism that is sometimes associated with a conception of reason
as a species-specific property. ‘The achievements of the transcendental
subject have their basis in the natural history of the human
species.’ Isolated from its context, this thesis could engender the
misunderstanding that reason is an organ of adaptation for human beings just as
claws and teeth are for animals. But this is not the only function it serves.
The human interests that have emerged in humankind's natural history, with which
Habermas has associated the knowledge-constitutive interests, derive both from
nature and from the cultural break with nature. In this way,
for him, ‘knowledge equally serves as an instrument and transcends mere
self-preservation’ (Habermas, 1987b, 312).
2.28 Moreover, on Habermas's account, rationality refers to the
disposition of speaking and acting subjects to acquire and use fallible
knowledge. Hence it differs from an abstract self-referential and minimally
informative sense of rationality. In Apel's words: ‘We must distinguish the
logos of reason as such, i.e., the self-reflexive logos of
argumentation or of discursive rationality from the non-reflexive “abstract”
logos of logico-mathematical rationality’ (Apel, 1993, 46). And Wellmer (1992)
suggests that we take as our paradigm of rationality not logical deduction or
algorithmic calculation, but the rationality of a good dialogue where the new
way in which an argument is presented may be constitutive of its force with
respect to an old problem.
2.29 Given those two points, a broader conception of rationality is
not only manifestly and programmatically announced in Apel's and Habermas's
works but it follows indeed from their epistemological, ontological and
anthropological assumptions. What has to be further examined is how this
conception of reason relates to science and technology - therefore implicitly to
the historical development of the Occidental culture.
2.30 Apel frequently deplores the pathological intrusion of science
and systems like economy and state to the lifeworld. But he believes that a
monism emerging from a strict separation of science and hermeneutics and the
one-way dependence of the former on the latter is a mere inversion of the
polarization encouraged by positivism and scientism and thus is just as
untenable as an unmitigated dualism. Habermas would agree with Apel and would
also maintain that science can take on an emancipatory task. Habermas and Apel
suspect any privileging of either kind of reason and defend a complementarity
between understanding and explanation (therefore: humanities and sciences).
2.31 Overall, despite the fact that some issues around the relation
of reason and science are contentious even within the second generation of
Frankfurt School thinkers, what matters in the present discussion is the
following. The Habermasian conception of reason allows for a critical
reconsideration of the directions of the scientific mode of rationality and
questions the worshipful insistence on its proclamation a ground for the
prioritization of the West over other lifeworlds. Therefore it provides a
further basis for a solid justification of the claim for changes in the
curriculum such that divest the scientific worldview of the monolithic primacy
it has been granted in education.
2.32 Let us turn, then, to the relation of human beings to their
world and how the critique of modernization, science, and technology enables the
theoretical accommodation of the significance of other aspects of existence.
This is a necessary venture, if one wishes to justify the promotion of a
cognitive and a cultural curricular pluralism and multidimensionality in
education.
2.33 Apel remarks that modernity set the logos of
classical metaphysics in the service of the propositional representation of
facticity in abstraction from the pragmatic dimension of speech. There has been
a deliberate separation of the representational functions of speech from those
of a pragmatic nature. The exclusion of the latter from the philosophical domain
of thought and their relegation to the domains of poetics and rhetoric severed
reason from its relation to practice. The communicative and self-expressive
functions of speech and the validity claims corresponding to the rationality of
these functions continued losing their prestige along with their philosophical
relevance in modern times (Apel, 1993, 38).
2.34 The rehabilitation of those aspects of our relation to the
world that modern accounts of the human excluded or underestimated broadens
rationality and has a crucial implication for the possibility of rational
critique. Reason itself can in principle provide the means for criticizing
itself because reason as a whole is always more comprehensive than its
particular manifestation - activated whenever a certain critique takes shape.
And this more encompassing conception of reason presupposes, among other things,
an account of the ontogenetic and phylogenetic development of human beings that
differs from the one assumed by the psychoanalytically influenced early Critical
Theory of the Frankfurt School.
2.35 Rationalization seen by Georg Lukacs as reification in
‘exchange-value’ (or wage-labour) is reworked, complemented with the concept of
alienation, and expanded by Adorno and Horkheimer. The aim is firstly to explain
the phenomenon of reason itself concerning the subject and the species, and
second to diagnose and criticize the pathologies of western societies. Reason
provides the means for a vulnerable being to subordinate nature and serve its
desire for self-preservation. However, this reason is instrumental since it
objectifies the world and reifies other humans in order to make them more
manipulable. It is a subjective rationality because it serves the subject's ends
and survival. And this occurs at the expense of the individual's inner world of
unconscious desires and instincts and the reconciliation of human beings with
their external world. The myth of Ulysses is interpreted magnificently by
Horkheimer and Adorno in terms of the anthropology described above
(Papastephanou, 2000). This anthropology assumes that subjective or instrumental
reason is a survival mechanism from the very beginning of societies and
cultures. Modernization is just one stage in the evolution of reason.
2.36 At first sight, the ideas of the early Critical Theory seem
conducive to the task of uncoupling modernization from rationalization. But the
advent of civilization appears in Critical Theory inexorably connected with the
reifying power of reason from the start. What was launched as a critique of
positivism, capitalism, liberalism and their ontological assumptions was then
extended to reason wholesale. Such critique of reason, however, points
automatically to an ‘other’ of reason, perhaps a reason once again, only this
time opposed to the subjective one. However, Horkheimer and Adorno do not have
the conceptual means to offer an account of this reason because whatever they
say will be said by means of subjective reason (since it is the only one they
recognize anthropologicaly-psychoanalytically). ‘The critique of instrumental
reason, which remains bound to the conditions of the philosophy of the subject,
denounces as a defect something that it cannot explain in its defectiveness’. It
does so ‘because it lacks a conceptual framework sufficiently flexible to
capture the integrity of what is destroyed through instrumental reason’
(Habermas, 1991, 389). The critique promoted by the early Critical Theory,
ensnared in its own presuppositions of a reifying reason, becomes disarmed and
ineffective. It can only allude to an Other of reason; it can only point to it
sometimes as reconciliation, at other times as mimesis (Papastephanou,
2000).
2.37 What appears as a paradox is not due to reason itself, but due
to the premises of the theory of reason the first generation of Frankfurt School
thinkers (Horkheimer, Adorno, and Marcuse) employed. According to Habermas, the
first generation remained trapped in the philosophy of consciousness and was
unable to rework the notion of the subject, the notion of knowledge and
reflection, and consequently, the notion of reason. The subject is related to a
world of states of affairs and this relation is established one-sidedly as only
cognitive. A paradigm of intersubjectivity rehabilitates precisely those
other aspects of our relation to the world that offer us a standpoint for
criticizing the excesses of subject-centered reason. Reason is
enriched with more dimensions and allows for a critique of reason within reason.
In this way, the merits of Adorno's critique of instrumental reason are rescued
and transferred to a fresh paradigm of thought, one that does justice to
non-cognitive aspects of life without tarnishing reason wholesale.
2.38 The concept of communicative reason that in Habermas's theory
comes to supplement purposive rationality can be articulated plausibly after
having rehabilitated the non-cognitive but still rational aspects of thought.
Reason is not meant to apply simply to truth-intentions, or to truth of objects,
or to truth of norms individually and in a narrow sense. ‘Rather, reason should
reveal the unity of the moments of reason separated out in all three Kantian
critiques: the unity of theoretical reason with practical/moral insight and the
critique of judgment’ (Habermas, 1992b, 101). Apel, Habermas, Wellmer (1992) and
others whose work draws upon a pragmatic philosophy of language attempt to find
a third way for achieving this unity without harming the plurality and freedom
gained with the distinction between the manifestations of reason. That requires
more than a rehabilitation of our threefold relation to the world. It needs a
reformulation of those basic assumptions of the first generation of Frankfurt
School that are mirrored in their interpretation of the myth of Ulysses and
which happen to be shared by many thinkers from different philosophical
traditions. Knowledge, reflection, self-preservation and human interests are
some of the ideas in question. However, what matters for the argument of the
present article is that without a rehabilitation of the threefold relation to
the world, one is not in a position to criticize the Occidental conception of
rationalization. Nor can one forward a demand for cosmopolitan education, and
enrich taught materials with values that facilitate such objectives.
Conclusion: Rationalization and Sociology of Education
3.1 The aim of this article has been to establish a relation between the
identification of modernization and rationalization of worldviews and the one-sided
and prejudiced treatment of Otherness and suggest a disconnection of them. This does
not mean, of course, that as soon as we reject this identification ethnocentrism
will vanish, or that it represents the only theoretical basis of Occidental
arrogance. What I hope to have shown is that, given that the identification can be
incriminated for some of the self-centredness observed in our lifeworlds, its
rejection may enhance more multiculturally sensitive sociological perspectives.
Hence I have interpreted Habermas's theory here to this end arguing that it does
justice to claims of qualitative symmetry and non-qualitative difference among
civilizations.
3.2 Having explored the theory and displayed how it can be made
compatible with a critical multiculturalism, it is time now to strengthen this claim
by discussing how it avoids ethnocentrism. To accomplish this via
negativa defence, I borrow Nussbaum's account of the vices ‘that any
good education for global understanding will need to combat’ (Nussbaum, 1997, 118).
She distinguishes them into descriptive and normative. The former concerns the
understanding of other cultures and the latter their evaluation. Both wrong alterity
either by misinterpreting it or by misjudging it. Descriptive vices comprise
chauvinism and romanticism. The former ‘consists in recreating the other in the
image of oneself, reading the strange as exactly like what is familiar’ (118). It
presupposes a lack of real knowledge and engagement with the otherness that it thus
assimilates. With regard to the communicative action theory presented here as
incompatible with xenophobia, we should say that despite its being closer due to its
universalism to this vice than any of the rest that Nussbaum discusses, yet it does
not fall prey to it. That is because of its dialogical core, which would discourage
any consistent defender of it to form an opinion about another culture (taking here
the position of an ideal co-subject of discourse) without real (direct or mediated)
exposure to it. Descriptive romanticism signifies the conception of another culture
as ‘excessively alien and virtually incompatible with one's own, ignoring elements
of similarity and highlighting elements that seem mysterious and odd’ (124). Given
our discussion of the dipole rationality vs irrationality of otherness in the first
part of the article, we see that communicative action theory is not susceptible to
this vice since its idea of potential universal validity claims functions
protectively on this particular point.
3.3 The normative vices include chauvinism, Arcadianism, and skepticism.
A normative chauvinist ‘judges that her own culture is best, and that insofar as the
other culture is unlike it, it is inferior’ (131). Again, a matter of consistency is
raised for communicative action theory. If an advocate of this theory wishes to be
consistent to its gist, s/he cannot overlook its actual critique of the Occident and
the potential one it initiates via the rehabilitation of modes of being other than
those prioritized by Occidental societies. Consistency secures in this case the
avoidance of the negative effects of chauvinism. Arcadianism being a glorification
of the non-West presents the other as a ‘reverse image of whatever is found
impoverished or constraining in one's own culture’ (134). Habermas's theory can
avoid it precisely due to its universalism blocking the tendency to exoticize the
Other and interpret its difference as mystical non-rationality. Finally, normative
skepticism refers to the suspension of any judgement or evaluation of other modes of
life (136). It is evident that it presupposes an impossibility of comparability of
cultures and an incommensurability, i.e. an absence of criteriology or rational
yardstick for critiquing cultural patterns. We have already seen how Habermas
rejects this view thus we may conclude safely that his theory does not suffer from
this normative weakness.
3.4 These vices often appear combined and ground surreptitiously
educational stances. Nussbaum's diagnose is very illuminating. ‘Many contemporary
attacks on “multicultural” education go wrong through a similar combination of
descriptive and normative error’ (Nussbaum, 1997, 132). If we agree with Nussbaum
and attribute to those vices the inadequacies of theories shaping educational
policies regarding world citizenship,[4] we realize that those theories capable of avoiding them at
least at the level of framework and paradigmatic assumptions are necessary tools to
a politically correct sociology of education. They can even expand and radicalize
the cosmopolitan demand Nussbaum puts forward. For, all these negative attitudes to
otherness can neither be attributed only to non-teaching other cultures nor can they
be remedied simply by inserting appropriate modules in educational settings. What is
also needed is the realization that when we talk about other cultures we talk about
societies and we implicitly know it. Thus if we do not change
our ways of interpreting societies and their developments, i.e. our sociological
grasp of society and its rationalization, we shall not achieve the desired
intercultural sensitivity and the ability for self-critique it presupposes.
3.5 The discussion of rationalization with regard to the assessment of
worldviews in the present article by no means aims to oversimplify the problem of
the ethnocentrism of Occidental self-understanding. But what it has accomplished is
a suggestion that cultures considering themselves as rationalized should first turn
to themselves, to assess their own qualitative standards before measuring the value
of other cultures according to their dominant monolithic ideological attachment to a
truncating notion of rationality. And it has shown that for this suggestion to be
more than spectatorial, gestural or condescending what is required is a different
conception of what is rational. What is also required, is a solid justification of
it, a critique of old but still widely held theories of rationalization, and an
enrichment of our ways of rationally relating ourselves to our world. Sociology of
education can act as a ‘linchpin’ combining the socio- theoretical material provided
by its tradition with the educational practical field of endeavour, which offers
itself as a touchstone of the pertinence of each social theory. Hence what has also
been attempted here is the exploration of an example precisely of how sociology of
education can introduce an alternative conception of rationalization and defend it
as an underpinning to the educational claim for multicultural directions of
learning.
Footnotes
1
This also explains why I take the relevance of rationalism to educational modes
of treating cultural difference for granted.
2
We shall return to her account, which involves a list of normative and
descriptive vices in the conclusion.
3
As Habermas rejects prelinguistic foundations, the priority of communicative over
strategic rationality is dissociated from ‘needs’ or ‘drives’ or ‘consciousness’
and is located in human interaction within a society (Papastephanou, 1997).
4
As she writes, ‘Allan Bloom, for example, asserts that “only in the Western
nations, i.e. those influenced by Greek philosophy, is there some willingness to
doubt the identification of the good with one's own way.” This inaccurate
description neglects rich critical traditions in many non-Western philosophical
cultures and, of course, the everyday critical rationality of most human beings
in all places and times. On this shaky basis Bloom then judges the West to be
superior and the non-West to be not worth studying’ (132).
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