International Journal of Developmental Science

The aim of the present literature review is to provide a comprehensive overview of the empirical literature on radicalisation leading to extremism. Two research questions are asked: (1) Under what conditions are individuals receptive to extremist groups and their ideology? (2) Under what conditions do individuals engage in extremist acts? A theoretical framework is used to structure the findings. A systematic literature search was conducted including peer-reviewed articles containing primary qualitative or quantitative data. A total of 707 empirical articles were included which used quantitative or qualitative research methods. The findings clearly indicate that no single factor in itself predicts receptiveness to extremist ideas and groups, or engagement in violent behaviour. Rather, factors at different levels of analysis (micro-, meso- and macro-level) interplay in the radicalisation process.

 Young people are particularly likely to engage in political violence, hold positive attitudes towards political violence, and show willingness to engage in political violence. The social environment in which young people are immersed is characterized by factors increasing and protecting against the risk of such outcomes. The present meta-analysis systematically summarizes the body of studies on the link between political violence outcomes and risk and protective variables in the following domains: a) parents and family (familial support, familial conflict, parental control, importance of family, parental violence), b) radical networks and peers (having friends with racist or violent attitudes, membership in political groups that oppose mainstream politics, general membership in a peer group), c) school (school attachment, school achievement), and d) socioeconomic status. A total of 288 effect sizes from 44 reference samples met the selection criteria. Findings were combined using two- and three-level meta-analytic models. Average effect sizes ranged between very small to small (|r| = .03 to |r| = .26), with the largest effect sizes detected for membership in a political group that opposes mainstream politics and having friends with racist or violent attitudes. The results are constrained by the low number of eligible samples and the significant level of heterogeneity for many of the meta-analyses.

 There are scarce studies on bystanders’ responses to racist hate speech. The present study was rooted in the general aggression model to examine the direct and indirect associations between witnessing racist hate speech and bystanders’ active defending behaviors. Moreover, we examined if these associations varied as a function of the immigration background of bystanders. The sample included 3,225 7^th, 8^th, and 9^th graders (51.7% girls, 37.2% with an immigrant background) from 40 schools in Switzerland and Germany. A multilevel mediation path model revealed that witnessing racist hate speech negatively predicted bystanders’ active defending. It also had indirect associations with bystanders’ active defending via low levels of empathy. Finally, associations were not observed in students with an immigrant background. The findings regarding the potential contribution of these results to preventing hate speech in school are discussed.

Although susceptibility to populist sentiments among adolescents is viewed with concern, research focusing on the nature of populism in youth is still rare. This two-wave study (approx. 10 month) among 9^th grade German adolescents (T1: N = 1,205; M_age = 14.4, SD _age  = 0.6; 52.1% female) examined populist attitudes as a multi-dimensional construct covering the facets of popular sovereignty, anti-elitism, and homogeneity of people. Adopting an inventory originally developed for adult samples, analyses supported the concept’s multi-dimensionality among adolescents. Cross-lagged panel models (CLPM) showed that these dimensions were linked to sociodemographic correlates (i.e., gender, region, school track, and migration background). Additional CLPM analyses examined reciprocal associations with conceptually related political attitudes (i.e., political trust, satisfaction with democracy, intolerance). The results suggested that anti-elitism, in particular, undermines political trust and satisfaction with democracy and give rise to intolerant attitudes. The methodological implications of measuring populism as multifaceted construct among youth are discussed.

Honor refers to socially conferred self-worth, strong norms of reciprocity, and direct retaliation for transgressions. Honor norms have been discussed as relevant in explaining aggressive behavior, particularly for immigrant groups. In this study we examined the endorsement of honor norms and their association with aggressive behavior in a culturally diverse sample in Germany. Online questionnaire data were used from male adolescents aged 11–18 years (N = 774; M _age  = 15.37, 34.2% with a migration background). Multiple linear regression analyses indicated that students of Turkish and Russian origin endorsed honor more than students without a migration background, whereas students of Polish origin did not differ. Within negative binomial regression models, honor endorsement was significantly positively related to aggressive behavior, while this effect did not differ between students from different migration backgrounds and students without migration background respectively. Thus, the internalization of honor norms emerged as a general risk for aggressive behavior among male adolescents.

 Given the crucial role of bystanders in combating bullying in schools, there is a need to understand the reasons why children may or may not intervene on behalf of a victimised peer. The aim of the present study was to explore the association between children’s expectations of general peer reactions versus the reactions of their friends on three subtypes of victim support: consoling the victim, addressing the bully, and getting adult help. A sample of 630 students (297 girls; 333 boys, M_age = 12.5) from three public secondary schools in Germany completed a 30-item questionnaire measuring expected peer reactions, expected friend reactions, past victim support experiences, and intentions to support victims. Results revealed the more influential role of expected reactions of friends over general peers in predicting victim support with expected negative consequences from friends reducing children’s willingness to engage in victim helping, irrespective of the three sub-types of support studied. Expected negative outcomes from peers were also found to significantly affect students’ intentions to approach a teacher for help. Boys were found to be more concerned about their friends’ and peers’ reactions to victim support than girls. The findings are discussed in relation to bystanders’ willingness to offer victim support and associated practical implications for addressing the widespread problem of bullying in schools.

 A quasi-experimental study with ninth graders evaluated a 1.5-hour hate speech teaching unit in an intervention vs. control group (N = 82) before (T1) and after the intervention (T2). Participants reported frequency of witnessing hate speech (T1), hate speech norm and self-efficacy countering hate speech (T1 and T2), and knowledge concerning hate speech (T2). Repeated ANOVAs showed a significant three-way interaction for hate speech norm: Especially among those who witnessed hate speech more often, the program diminished the agreement to hate speech norm. Self-efficacy did not change significantly, but knowledge was slightly higher in the intervention group, particularly among students with a migration background. In sum, the intervention showed effects on norms and knowledge, and longer programs with more interactive elements for coping with hate speech seem recommendable. The current research is a first step and evidence-based practice for prevention of hate speech like the current evaluation study is desperately needed.

Advances in social norm research indicated the potential benefit of utilizing social referents, who are highly connected to others and have outstanding positions in social networks, and therefore may effectively provide normative cues for other group members. Addressing the need to increase intergroup tolerance among adolescents, we developed an intervention for secondary schools focusing on network-identified social referents, who were encouraged to spread Equality-Based Respect norms to increase peer-to-peer tolerant relationships. We examined the feasibility, acceptability, and effectiveness of “Together for Tolerance” in a waitlist-controlled trial (N = 1,339). Implementation was largely as planned, with high acceptability among randomly selected social referents. However, we observed no increase in perceived respect norms or tolerant behaviors, apart from