European Journal of Communication

The practice of live tweeting while following a television programme is quickly becoming a widespread phenomenon. However, in Italy, commenting on a political debate via social media is a novelty. This article presents the first exemplary case study in an Italian context, the ‘Italia bene comune’ debate, hosted by SkyTg24 on 12 November 2012. This debate focused on elections to designate a candidate to lead the government from the centre-left coalition. The findings indicate the new hybridisation of media: television’s centrality is confirmed regarding its domination in the public space in which political discussion occurs, and the web demonstrates its own capacity for an active role in an event central to Italian politics. The new element was the active participation of a vocal minority who commented online as the media event unfolded live on television.

Taking forward a new agenda for online political deliberation – the study of everyday political talk in non-political, online ‘third spaces’ – this article examines the dynamics of political talk across three general interest UK-based online forums. The quantitative analysis found that discussions about austerity were just as likely to emerge from non-political discussions as they were ones that began as ‘political’, demonstrating the links people made between everyday experiences and public policy. Our qualitative analysis represents the first real attempt to analyse political actions within third spaces, with some striking outcomes. Over half of all political discussions led to at least one political action (with significant variation between forums). The findings demonstrate that while such third spaces remain concerned with the preoccupations of everyday life, they can and do perform a role of mobilizing agent towards political participation.

The advent of social media has spurred democratic optimism and been seen as something that help political public relations establish and maintain good relationships with key publics. Still, research has shown how, for instance, political candidates in the United States by large did not respond to messages on their Facebook walls. Another popular social media platform, Twitter, has often been deemed as an elite medium, thus reducing its democratic potential. The findings in this study show a different picture. Most of the politicians in the sample do use Twitter and its @message functionality. Furthermore, the extent to which they communicate with ordinary citizens is larger than expected. Still, it is a clear tendency that the exchanges are found in user clusters with little overlap between them. The researched party leaders mostly approach other Twitter users in unique clusters. Thus, Twitter probably functions to maintain good relationships with, literarily, followers. As Norwegian party leaders use the @message functionality more frequently than before – especially to engage in communication with citizens – maybe we are seeing a shift in how political actors engage in online interactivity.

This article examines the rise of the Internet-based opposition group, One Million for the Freedom of the Press in Hungary (or Milla for short), and considers its impact as a form of digital activism in Hungarian political culture. Milla was founded in December 2010 as a Facebook group in response to the newly elected Fidesz government and its fundamental revision of the Hungarian constitution and, in particular, its media laws. Milla is a civil society group, based in Budapest, who saw the Fidesz government as a threat to the democratic freedoms set out in the post-communist settlement in Hungary. It emerged at a time when the mainstream Hungarian opposition parties were in disarray, and it took on the role of challenging the legitimacy of Fidesz actions. Milla is an important example of the idea of digital activism and virtual solidarity, and its experiences serve to illustrate many of the strengths and weaknesses of these notions. The article sets out the ways in which Milla has sought to generate support for itself and opposition to the government, how it has organized its activities and ultimately the specific problems that it faces in Hungarian civil society.

This article compares the visual representations of the female headscarf in Islamic and secular newspapers in Turkey during the 10-year rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP)). This study is based on a content analysis of all visuals from three election periods (November 2002, July 2007 and June 2011) and two neutral time frames outside of the elections (August 2002 and August 2012). It also includes a qualitative analysis of the news articles that showed pictures of successful women wearing headscarves. The results show that the number of women wearing headscarves increased in both Islamic and secular newspapers between 2002 and 2012. The increase is not only more prominent in Islamic newspapers but the valence attached to headscarves and to the women wearing them is also qualitatively different. This article argues that the Islamic newspapers have created an image of a new ideal conservative woman that ignores the worsening conditions for women in general and AKP’s increasingly restrictive gender politics specifically.

With a dataset from all 20 Finnish regions spanning a time period from 1950 to 2010, this article analyses how the market share mobility index in newspaper circulation and ownership has developed over time and whether entry and exit have played any significant role therein. It compares the results obtained at the ownership level with those of the newspaper level and infers whether the market share mobility index complements or substitutes the conventional concentration measures. The results show that entry and exit of newspapers have not contributed significantly to the market share mobility index and that analysis of ownership and newspaper circulation yields remarkably different results. Our conjecture that market share mobility would peak in the decade of a severe economic downturn was not indisputably upheld. The results indicate that traditional concentration measures and compound market indices should rather be seen as allies than rivals.