European Journal of Communication

This article investigates to what extent technological affordances are associated with people's preference for video streaming platforms over traditional television services. Such affordances refer to properties of these platforms (including personalized recommendations and easy-to-navigate interfaces) that provoke certain uses of the technology and satisfy social and psychological needs. Based on a quantitative study of 25–50-year-olds in Belgium (N = 596) and a hierarchical regression analysis, the study builds further on the conceptualization of technological affordances as presented in the MAIN model, which suggests that four affordances (Modality, Agency, Interactivity and Navigability) are central to digital media technology. As such, the study presents an affordance-based measure of video streaming platforms, and helps to understand how video streaming technology shapes new patterns of audiovisual consumption and enhances the viewing experience beyond that of traditional television. Whereas most research attention has focused on user-oriented gratifications of video streaming platforms, this study addresses a gap in the literature by dealing with platform-oriented gratifications of video streaming platforms.

There are currently more trans characters than ever in television series, while at the same time scrutiny of trans people is intensifying in social and public debate, and the correspondence between this increased presence in the media and improvements in the trans community's rights is in dispute. This research aims to find out how trans audiences relate to their portrayal in TV series, to learn about their perceptions and opinions, and to understand how these depictions affect their everyday lives. A qualitative analysis was conducted of 19 trans people in two focus groups and nine semi-structured interviews. The findings show that the participants perceive a clear distance between their realities and the most popular narratives about trans lives. They identify cispassing as a transversal element that drives the production, creation, and distribution of media narratives, leading to a transnormative representation. Consequently, the trans audience demands the inclusion of trans people in the (audiovisual) cultural circuit in order to combat the ‘cis gaze’ and to create more diverse narratives.

Although the European Union has been pursuing media policy for decades, its legal competence for the media sector remains limited. Since its inception in the 1980s, the EU had to base its media policy on its responsibility to enforce the internal market and the direct application of competition law, which has led to a one-sided economic perspective on the media. With references to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the enshrinement of European values in the EU Treaty, the rule of law mechanism, and driven by the European Parliament, the EU Commission has recently shown a new direction in its media-related activities, which acknowledge the important role of the media in democracy and increasingly place media freedom and media pluralism at the center of its media policy. The draft European Media Freedom Act presented by the Commission in autumn 2022 brings together the numerous activities aimed at protecting the freedom of the media and their independence, and at the same time seems to test the limits of the scope for its media policy.

Although deepfakes are conventionally regarded as dangerous, we know little about how deepfakes are perceived, and which potential motivations drive doubt in the believability of deepfakes versus authentic videos. To better understand the audience's perceptions of deepfakes, we ran an online experiment (N = 829) in which participants were randomly exposed to a politician's textual or audio-visual authentic speech or a textual or audio-visual manipulation (a deepfake) where this politician's speech was forged to include a radical right-wing populist narrative. In response to both textual disinformation and deepfakes, we inductively assessed (1) the perceived motivations for expressed doubt and uncertainty in response to disinformation and (2) the accuracy of such judgments. Key findings show that participants have a hard time distinguishing a deepfake from a related authentic video, and that the deepfake's content distance from reality is a more likely cause for doubt than perceived technological glitches. Together, we offer new insights into news users’ abilities to distinguish deepfakes from authentic news, which may inform (targeted) media literacy interventions promoting accurate verification skills among the audience.

This paper argues that understanding populism as a communicative process and contextualising its modern forms in relation to our current political communication environment improves our understanding of how it grips citizens. The paper identifies the disruptive communicative practices of modern populist politicians as characteristic of a digital media-dominated fourth age of political communication in extension of Blumler's account. It explores the reaction of the current wave of populism against institutional norms of political communication and its recognition and construction of a perceived disconnect between public representatives and citizens. The paper identifies three aspects of modern populist communication that, through this oppositional positioning, erode institutional communication in the fourth age: a populist pragmatics of disruptive symbolic action, an ontology that sees directness as the only means of breaching the divide between appearance and reality in politics, and an epistemological stance that replaces expertise with authenticity. These constitute an injection of grassroots communicative forms into institutional politics. The result is the exposition but also deepening of the lopsided efficacy of the fourth age whereby citizens feel inefficacious in relation to institutional politics but increasingly able to participate at a grassroots level.