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This paper examines the US border control strategy of ‘prevention through deterrence’ as an instance of biopolitics that has resulted in an alarming increase in migrant deaths over the past sixteen years. I argue that this policy renders unauthorized migrants as ‘bare life’, individuals whose deaths are deemed of little consequence. Geographic space has been an essential aspect of this policy, both for its presumed (though not realized) deterrent power and in the fact that it provides a moral alibi that enables policy makers to deny responsibility for the deaths. This study contributes to recent conversations on biopower and bare life by (1) highlighting the fact that biopower as it pertains to the constitution of ‘the population’ is far from being solely a local or national phenomenon, but rather is inherently connected to drawing distinctions between the national and the international and by (2) arguing for the significance of race in this process.
The Barcelona model of urban transformation has for some time now been considered a paradigmatic case of successful regeneration. Urban change is ongoing in the city, albeit in a changed global context in which cities are increasingly being seen as the principal drivers of economic growth and competitiveness in the ‘new’ or ‘knowledge’ economy. The paper draws on the writing of Henri Lefebvre and on his critique of representations of space, in particular, in order to examine the current strategic transformation of the Poblenou district of Barcelona into 22@Barcelona: An innovation district. The paper endorses Lefebvre's work as a point of departure in critically analysing contemporary strategies to engineer urban competitiveness. It argues that the functionalist and reductive representations of 22@Barcelona betray an ideological concern with the globally competitive abstract space, the reduction of differences, and the closing of the circuit of everyday life in Poblenou.
Both advocates and critics of deliberative planning often study deliberative planning processes as if they are real-life approximations of an ideal situation where the only force is the force of the better argument. However, in the course of the last decade democratic theorists came to develop a complex systemic understanding of the role of deliberation in policy making. In this view, legitimate decision making is not a one-time process but an ongoing pattern of interaction between organized institutions and the public sphere. This paper builds on recent work on political representation to develop a framework for studying deliberative planning as a type of representative claim made within a complex ecology of representative institutions and applies this framework to the case of a deliberative planning initiative in East Jerusalem. We examine the weaknesses and strengths of deliberative planning processes in a political environment that is not hospitable to public participation in planning.
In this paper I consider what ‘assemblage’ might offer a conception of the city. Although assemblage is gaining currency in geography and beyond, there has been little effort to consider how it might be conceptualised and what its specificity might be. In offering a conceptualisation of assemblage, I bring assemblage into conversation with particular debates around dwelling and argue, first, that assemblage provides a useful basis for thinking of the city as a dwelling process and, second, that it is particularly useful for conceiving the spatiality of the city as processual, relational, mobile, and unequal. Despite their distinct intellectual histories, I suggest there is a productive debate to be had by bringing assemblage and dwelling into dialogue. I examine some of the ways in which assemblage and dwelling might interact and reflect on particular moments of fieldwork conducted in São Paulo and Mumbai and on diverse examples ranging from ‘slum’ housing to urban policy and mobility.
Walking has moved into increasing visibility in social, cultural, and geographical studies as well as art and cultural practice in recent times. Walking practices are often mobilised as a means for sensing and learning about spaces, for enabling reflection on the mutual constitution of bodies and landscapes, and for finding meaning within and potentially re-enchanting environments. Through the influence of Michel de Certeau in particular, the idea that walking ‘encunciates’ spaces and is a creative, elusive, and resistive everyday practice, counterpoised to the ‘solar eye’, has become commonplace. This paper focuses on projects by the artist Francis Alÿs that are based on walking in London and other cities, to consider their engagements with the politics of urban space. Attention is paid to walking as his method of unfolding stories, and to its potential to unsettle and bring into question current realities, especially in the context of the regulated, fortified, and surveilled zones of London. Addressing the poetics and politics of his spatial practices, however, reveals the inadequacy of undifferentiated models of creative resistance, nomadism, and subversion beloved of much recent theory, and often endorsed through a partial reading of Certeau. Instead, the openness and ambivalence of these practices suggest a need for a more nuanced approach to the multiple rhythms, trajectories, and narratives that constitute urban spaces as well as to their contested (in)visibilities.
Extending research into material, media, and cultural geographies of the home, our interest turns to the spatiotemporality of dwelling with information and communication technologies. We pose a number of questions: How do inhabitants and their media
Nationalism is central to global sports events such as the Olympics and the men's football World Cup. Recognizing the unique capacity of these multibillion dollar ‘mega-events’ to stage captivating spectacles and generate intense enjoyment for vast numbers of people, researchers usually examine sport-induced nationalism in terms of the socioeconomic staging of national identities, meanings, and ideologies. And yet, few theoretical and empirical studies ask the following questions: Why are nationalist sports spectacles so emotive for so many people? How do sports fans enjoy these televised global events in concrete local settings of, for example, cafés, streets, and sports bars? This paper attempts to provide answers by drawing on Slavoj Žižek's Lacanian concept of the “national Thing” and one month of research on the 2006 FIFA World Cup on Commercial Drive in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. I explore how the national Thing—a specific incarnation of social enjoyment—takes place in people's consumption of the World Cup in terms of community, belief, and anxiety.
Over the last decade the flying patterns and foraging behavior of bees have become a matter of public policy in the European Union. Determined to establish a system where transgenic crops can ‘coexist’ with conventional and organic farming, the EU has begun to erect a system of demarcations and separations designed to minimize the extent of ‘gene flow’ from genetically modified plants. As the European landscape is regimented through the introduction of isolation distances and buffer zones, bees and other pollinating insects have become vectors of ‘genetic pollution’, disrupting the project of cohabitation and purification devised by European authorities. Drawing on the work of Michel Serres on parasitism, this paper traces the emergence of bees as an object of regulatory scrutiny and as an interruptor of the ‘coexistence’ project. Along with bees, however, another uninvited guest arrived unexpectedly on the scene: The beekeeper, who came to see his traditional relationship to bees, crops, and consumers at risk. The figure of the parasite connects the two essential dynamics described in this paper: an escalation of research and the intensification of political attributes.

