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The paper is a critique of a critique; it explains why the most salient and influential critiques of the neo-Marxist world city and global city concepts, made by those arguing to further postcolonialize urban studies through such suppositions that all cities are ‘ordinary’, are misguided. First, it is explained how the charges of economism and ethnocentrism against the world city and global city concepts are ignoratio elenchi: They do not even begin to address or critique their neo-Marxist argument that, across the difference and diversity of the world's cities, a few major cities have the necessary economic specialization and therefore extraordinary function of commanding and controlling neoliberal globalization. Second, the error made by advocates of ordinary cities of supposing that world-systems analysis and the world city concept are forms of developmentalism is understood as the source for a wider postcolonial mistake of conflating the neo-Marxist world city and global city literatures with the very neoliberal practices toward urban development that they have long attempted to disclose and counter. Finally, the charges against the world city and global city concepts as paradigmatic, peripheralizing, and normative are also rebutted, not only to highlight how those critiques are consequentialist and dependent on the respective charges of economism, ethnocentrism, and developmentalism having veracity, but to demonstrate how an acceptance of the ordinary cities argument for an idiographic, provincial, nominalist, and comparative approach to urban studies, as an alternative to the two neo-Marxist concepts, is only to fall into the trap of making the mistake of confusing
This paper responds to Richard G Smith's review of ordinary city writing which he describes as ‘a trap for progressive international urbanism’. I focus on questioning
The term ordinary city has been used by scholars of such strikingly different persuasions and commitments over the last decade that in academic exchange today ordinary city functions more like a trope than like an analytical term. In this commentary I argue that an attempt to isolate strands from this and critiquing them for their failure to engage with the another, decidedly more influential research programme—global and world city research—is to misread the very productive strands of research that the ordinary city has already spawned and to ignore the need to innovate and pursue newer research agendas that are suggested by contemporary global urban realities.

The past quarter century has witnessed a ‘quieter revolution’ in land-use management in the United States, from top-down regulation and adversarial environmentalism to multistakeholder collaboration and voluntary market-based mechanisms designed to forge a compromise between nature protection, property rights, and local livelihoods. The latter approach has become hegemonic, and yet this dramatic shift has received little attention from political ecologists. In this paper I argue that two contradictory lessons on the topic can be drawn from political ecology. On the one hand, proponents of the ‘quieter revolution’ invoke themes and normative stances shared by political ecologists, celebrating self-management by place-based communities drawing on local knowledge, in opposition to control by central governments and powerful environmental groups wielding ‘big science’. On the other hand, the ‘quieter revolution’ exemplifies the neoliberalization of nature, which political ecologists have critiqued as providing a ‘stamp of environmental approval’ for capitalist expansion, often at the expense of the nature values it claims to defend. Thus, the ‘quieter revolution’ exposes tensions in the application of the Third-World-based political ecology orientation to a First World setting. I explore these tensions through a case study of voluntary and collaborative approaches (specifically, transfer of development rights and habitat conservation planning) in exurban Collier County in southwest Florida. I argue that in this context, it is more useful to focus on the neoliberalization of nature than on the valorization of local knowledge and control, because the discourse of local knowledge and livelihoods aligns with the (anti-environmental) interests of locally powerful actors. These power relations—and the limits of deeply embedded assumptions that undergird the political ecology literature—are revealed most effectively through ethnographic examination of the micropolitics of particular cases.
Critics of attempts to achieve consensus through Habermasian ‘communicative rationality’ dismiss this as unachievable due to participants' selfishness and irrationality, and the inevitability of power relations. Instead, Mouffe advocates ‘agonistic pluralism’, a dynamic process of continual debate grounded in mutual respect. In this paper I argue that, for this to succeed, we need to recognize and embrace the role of emotion in moral reasoning. Here, I examine a dispute over wetland management in suburban New Jersey. Each side articulated distinct understandings of what was and was not vulnerable, backed by emotional appeals partly based in self-interest but that also encompassed care and concern for others. Each side accused the other of being irrational and immoral, drawing ‘moral microboundaries’ between them. I conclude that participants in a public debate may not simply be pursing self-serving goals, nor might open communication resolve their differences. Instead, each may be deeply convinced that he or she is advocating the most rational and moral course of action. This questions the very notion of a unitary, potentially agreed-upon ‘common good’ and instead challenges us to attempt to grasp each other's moral worlds, and in particular the emotional bases of these, through the seeming oxymoron that I term ‘empathic agonism’.
This paper explores the relational emergence of subjects, emotions, and socionatures and their consequences for Scottish inshore fishery management. Using a conception of the embodied spatial production of individual and collective subjectivities, and the ‘ambivalence’ of the subject, I explore why some fishers are committed to sustaining the fishing ground and others are not. Many people who work the land or the sea have a deep respect for and attachment to those environments, but overexploit them to make a living. How is it that people whose livelihoods depend on ‘natural’ environments embody apparently contradictory relationships with those environments? I probe such contradictions by exploring how the boundaries between subjects and environments are formed, and the consequences for Scottish inshore fisheries management of such boundary un/making. Using work from socionature, subjectivity, and emotional geographies, I show how fishing subjectivities are highly political and produce emotional and practical responses that have real consequences for how fisheries management plays out. Attending to the way in which subjectivities position fishers differently in relation to their resources and fisheries policies is therefore vital for successful management.
As urban centres of agglomeration expand and compete for investment, new demands may arise for additional housing, infrastructure, and services. Failure to meet these demands imposes costs on firms and workers, stifles expansion, and potentially compromises the long-run economic competitiveness of the growth area. Drawing on evidence from Germany (Munich), Sweden (Stockholm), and the UK (Cambridge) this paper examines the organisational and political challenges of growth facilitation in the context of post-Keynesian political and economic restructuring. Particular emphasis is placed on tensions arising from changes in the form and function of European state social regulation. These tensions are not simply a matter of neoliberal regulatory deficit but reflect broader societal cleavages in relation to the uneven spatial impact of local economic growth. Deploying the concept of territorial structures of growth facilitation provides a conceptual framework for taking forward research on the relationship between state spatial regulation, state restructuring, and the competitiveness of city-regions.
The Eurozone crisis that erupted in 2008 has raised sincere doubts about the durability of political and financial linkages among its member states. This paper associates the resulting political–economic stasis of the Eurozone with the coevolution of the financial and monetary system at the European scale. The argument builds on insights from financial geography, cultural political economy, and sociology of finance. It focuses on the idea that financial market rationalities, which fluctuate over time and space, are socially constructed through an interplay of acts of ‘bricolage’ by state and market actors. We relate these rationalities to the main European initiatives regarding financial and monetary integration since the 1992 Maastricht Treaty. By tracing the geographical patterns of cross-border lending of European banks in the period 2003–10 we observe that two radically different rationalities of ‘sound investment’ have dominated before and after the crisis. In the precrisis conjuncture of convergence, the Eurozone seemed to develop ‘according to plan’ where the financial system appeared beneficial in terms of equalizing development. However, since the crisis there has been a conjuncture of ‘contagion’ in which country-level specificities increasingly determine creditworthiness. Meanwhile, we observe that European policy makers try to refit the monetary system to this new market rationality to make the European scale ‘perform’ again.
Since 2000 Prato's domestic textile sector has contracted in the face of international competition. From the 1990s a large Chinese community has emerged, and since 2000 the number of Chinese clothing enterprises has increased rapidly. In recent years tensions between the Italian and Chinese communities have increased, and police investigations have risen, in part due to perceptions of unfair Chinese competition and illegality. This paper examines these tensions, their roots in differing economic practices, regulatory frameworks, and cultural values, and considers the strategies of public authorities as they seek to improve economic performance, social integration, and political stability.
Ever since Nelson and Winter published their
This paper investigates the spatial dimension of power relations and the seeking of social justice through an urban redevelopment project. I seek to provide an on-the-ground investigation on the role of space in affecting power relations and, hence, the seeking of social justice. Bringing together a relational approach, the positioning of actors, and the broader bottom-up conceptualisation of power, this paper presents a link between power and space, suggesting that different forms of power stem from the multiple connections which different actors draw from space, be it place or shifting positions. In the context of China's villages-in-the-city redevelopment, this idea suggests that the dispossessed are not entirely powerless, although their formal rights to participate are forfeit. In other words, the power of the dispossessed is spatially defined and their seeking of justice is determined by negotiated power relations. Put in the context of a Chinese city, this paper moves the discussion of social justice beyond liberal democratic societies where most of the literature is based. Such a move is expected to generate new understandings of the geographies of social justice.
Longitudinal microdata on the Swedish population, 1990–2006, are used to examine the numbers and characteristics of internal return migrants, emphasizing Sweden's three largest cities. Our study indicates that metropolitan regions are gaining population from net return migration, which thus carries people in the same direction as does most internal migration. Evidence also indicates that returnees to metropolitan regions are more likely to stay permanently than are migrants returning elsewhere. Furthermore, return migrants to metropolitan regions are distinguished from other return migrants in ways that emphasize the advantages of these regions, higher incomes and levels of education being among the pronounced attributes. However, metro-bound returnees do not have as many children as do other return migrants.
The choice of residential locations is affected by both dwelling and location characteristics. Preferences for these characteristics vary with each household's requirements, traditionally attributed to the household's lifecycle stage. With a cross-sectional study that identifies lifecycle stages according to household structure, this paper offers an investigation of residential location and shows that not all components of preference heterogeneity can be accounted for by household structure. Latent class choice models examine household segments according to lifestyle preferences. The results reveal the degree of association between identified household lifecycle segments and estimated lifestyle latent classes. The composition of the latent structure differs for each lifecycle segment; income and the age of the head of household strongly affect housing preferences, but do not lead to the same latent class structure for households at different lifecycle stages.
Spatial sampling is widely used in environmental and social research. In this paper we consider the situation where instead of a single global estimate of the mean of an attribute for an area, estimates are required for each of many geographically defined reporting units (such as counties or grid cells) because their means cannot be assumed to be the same as the global figure. Not only may survey costs greatly increase if sample size has to be a function of the number of reporting units, estimator sampling error tends to be large if the population attribute of each reporting unit can be estimated by using only those samples actually lying inside the unit itself. This study proposes a computationally simple approach to multi-unit reporting by using analysis of variance and incorporating ‘twice-stratified’ statistics. We assume that, although the area is heterogeneous (the mean varies across the area), it can be zoned (or stratified) into homogeneous subareas (the mean is constant within each subarea) and, in addition, that it is possible to acquire prior knowledge about this partition. This zoning of the study area is independent of the reporting units. The zone estimates are transferred to the reporting units. We call the methodology sandwich estimation and we report two contrasting empirical studies to demonstrate the application of the methodology and to compare its performance against some other existing methods for tackling this problem. Our study shows that sandwich estimation performs well against two other frequently used, probabilistic, model-based approaches to multi-unit reporting on stratified heterogeneous surfaces whilst having the advantage of computational simplicity. We suggest those situations where sandwich estimation might be expected to do well.