Gender & Society

Militarization—the mobilization of resources for war—is a gendering process. It both uses and maintains the ideological construction of gender in the definitions of masculinity and femininity. This article draws on material from contemporary South Africa to illustrate the relation between gender and militarization in four respects: how women actively contribute toward the process of militarization; the similarities in the position of women in both conventional and guerrilla armies; the durability of patriarchy and the fragility of the gains made for women during periods of war; and, finally, how the South African experience sharpens the debate about the relation between equal rights and women's participation in armies. The article concludes that there is no necessary relation between demilitarization and gender equality.

Reasons husbands and wives give for why wives work and the structural factors related to reasons given are examined along with the impact of these reasons on husbands' and wives' personal well-being and quality of marital relationships. Although financial and other structural factors are important in understanding why wives work, interpretations using gender and family roles also explain the findings. Working for financial reasons is related to neither wives' nor husbands' personal well-being and quality of marital relationships; however, working for reasons that bring rewards to the wife alone has positive consequences for women and mixed results for men. These findings point to the need to assess both structural and interpretive explanations when examining the impact of work on the family.

This article analyzes how women in residential real estate sales interweave their work and family activities. It is presented as a case study of the effects of flexible scheduling on the tasks of managing paid and domestic work. Women are attracted to real estate sales because they perceive that it will enable them to combine their paid and unpaid labor in a relatively comfortable way as a result of the flexibility of setting their own work schedules. They find that the work requires long hours and significant adaptations in the division of household labor. The findings demonstrate that flexibility itself is not adequate for accomodating the demands of families and wage work. Additional changes in the organization of both types of work, as well as ideological changes in the ownership of family-related tasks are required to alleviate the difficulties women face in integrating family and work responsibilities.

Studying women farmers who are equal to men in their formal status, this article explores the extent to which women's entry into a male occupation challenges the existing gender system. Our analysis shows that young women farmers represent a change toward a new work role for women in farming. They have become similar to men farmers in many important aspects of farming such as vocational training, technological know-how, and union membership; however, important aspects of the existing gender system are being preserved. Young women farmers still have the main responsibility for domestic work; their income from farming is less important for the household than their husband's; and, compared to men farmers, their farm income is less. There is no indication that young women farmers challenge the masculinist way of farming.

Fetal ultrasonography has made women's and men's relationship to the fetus more equal. Drawing on information obtained from multiple conjoint interviews with 62 childbearing couples, I suggest that although women and men are both advantaged by fetal ultrasonography, expectant fathers' experience of the fetus is always enhanced, whereas pregnant women's experience may also be attenuated. For men, fetal ultrasonography is like a prosthetic device: an enabling mechanism that permits them access to a female world from which they have been excluded because of their limited biological role in reproduction. For women, fetal ultrasonography is enabling, but it may also be a disabling mechanism that disrupts their privileged access to the fetus.

Using data from 52 in-depth interviews with working-class and professional men and women, I examine gender differences in friendships. Men and women respond to global questions about friendship in culturally specific ways. Men focus on shared activities, and women focus on shared feelings. Responses to questions about specific friends, however, reveal more variation in same-sex friendships than the literature indicates. Men share feelings more, whereas women share feelings less; furthermore, the extent to which they do so varies by class. I argue that conceptualizing gender as an ongoing social construction explains the data better than do psychoanalytic or socialization accounts.