International Journal of Behavioral Development

This paper examines how genetic, shared environment, and nonshared environment influence individual differences in close relationships. First, a brief explanation of behavioural genetic methods is given. Next, we review behavioural genetic studies of the close relationships in which people are typically involved (parent-child, sibling, friend, and spouse). Many of the studies reviewed indicate a modest to moderate role for genetic factors. This suggests that genetic make-up can affect the nature of close relationships. It also implies that genetic factors may be involved in the influence of close relationships on individual adaptation. Behavioural genetic research has begun to show that this is the case. Close relationships may be especially important sources of nonshared environment. Behavioural genetic research consistently shows that environmental factors that have a functional effect on psychological traits work to make siblings in the same family different from one another rather than similar. Attempts to pinpoint specific aspects of the nonshared environment are under way. Parent-child relationships have been systematically explored, and found not to play an important role in nonshared environment. This leaves open the possibility that extrafamilial relationships, in particular friendships, may be important contributors to the nonshared environment.

This study had two goals. The first was to provide descriptive data on the nature of individual differences in young children’s close friendships, and the second, to examine the relations between these individual differences and children’s earlier understanding of others’ emotions and mental states, and their later appreciation of ambivalent or mixed emotions. A total of 41 children participating in a longitudinal study from 33 months to 6-7 years were studied with their close friends as 6-year-olds, with a combination of observations and standard sociocognitive assessments. The results showed that different aspects of friendship interactions, such as co-ordination of play and amity, were neither closely related nor linked to power assertion. Early differences in the assessment of social understanding were associated with later differences in pretend play with the friend, and friendship interactions at 6 years were linked to later appreciation of mixed emotions. The two-way process of influence linking individual development and friendship quality is discussed.

A systemic perspective is adapted in this account of close friendships and romantic relationships in adolescence. Data from a series of studies conducted on dyads of close friends and romantic partners illustrate how, in each relationship, partners simultaneously negotiate closeness and the expression of individual needs. Two relational types—interdependent and disengaged—were consistently found across all adolescent age groups. Interdependent partners were clearly capable of co-operation. Disengaged partners, although they identified each other as closest friends, appeared incapable of restraining competition to act co-operatively. Differences between the two friendship types were evident at each developmental stage. A three-stage developmental model of adolescent friendship is proposed based on age-related issues as reflected in the two relational types.

Does attachment play a role in the development of moral reasoning and antisocial behaviour? In this contribution we discuss the role of attachment relationships in the development of early precursors of morality and antisocial behaviour, in particular compliance and aggression in infancy and in childhood. Findings are presented on the role of attachment representations in the development of morality, authoritarianism, and criminal behaviour in adolescence and young adulthood. For heuristic purposes, two socioemotional models of the development of mild and serious types of antisocial behaviour are proposed in which attachment is a prominent feature.

Being alone and being with people are both important determinants for adaptation in the everyday life of elderly people. We examined the relationship between social contact (engagement in activities alone or in the presence of others), difficulties experienced with daily activities when with people or when alone, everyday satisfaction, and self-reported autonomy. Greater levels of social contact are associated with greater everyday satisfaction as long as participants report no difficulty in daily activities. However, greater levels of social contact are associated with lower self-reported autonomy among very old participants (85-104 years) and social contact is unrelated to self-reported autonomy among old participants (70-84 years). The findings suggest that the compensatory use of social resources and the selective narrowing of social contact in daily activities contribute to adaptive everyday functioning in later life.

A developmental guide to close relationships is presented. Parent-child, sibling, friend, and romantic relationships are described along dimensions that address permanence, power, and gender. These dimensions describe relationship differences in organisational principles that encompass internal representations, social understanding, and interpersonal experiences. The concept of domain specificity is borrowed from cognitive development to address the shifting developmental dynamics of close relationships. Distinct relationships are organised around distinct socialisation tasks, so each relationship requires its own organisational system. As a consequence, different principles guide different relationships, and these organisational principles change with development.

In this longitudinal study, 122 Swedish children were followed from an initial assessment at 16 months until they were 8.5 years of age. Parental ratings of field independence, ego-resilience, and ego-control were obtained using the California Child Q-set when the children averaged 28, 40, 80, and 101 months of age. These assessments of personality were then examined in the context of contrasting child care experiences. There was virtually no difference between the developmental trajectories of the children in home care and in centre-based day care. In contrast, ego-undercontrol decreased less, whereas ego-resilience and field independence increased less, in children who attended family day care than in the children in either centre care or exclusive parental care. The quality of home and out-of-home care, as well as socioeconomic status and family background, did not moderate or qualify these effects of the type of care experienced. The results are discussed in relation to previous work on the effects of early out-of-home care on child development.

Two studies (Study 1 and Study 2) were carried out to compare the social behaviour of school-aged children born as premature and/or low birthweight infants, with that of children born as healthy fullterm infants. Participants in Study 1 were 147 11-year-olds of whom 49 (29 females and 20 males) were reported by their parents to have been born prematurely. Participants in Study 2 were 84 11-year-old boys, 28 of whom were born with a birthweight less than 2000 grams. These at-risk subjects were followed for a period of two years. Subgroups within both study groups were matched with control groups using gender, age, and the school environment as common factors. Children in the target classes of Study 1 were classified using the Revised Class Play (Masten, Morison, & Pelligrini, 1985) and the Peer Nomination Inventory (Perry, Kusel, & Perry, 1988). In Study 2, the children completed the Pupil Evaluation Inventory (PEI) (Pekarik, Prinz, Liebert, Weintraub, & Neale, 1976). Findings suggest that aggressive behaviour is not related to birth status and that birth status is not linked to prosocial behaviour associated with sociability and likeability. However, both studies showed that children (boys and girls alike) born as premature or low birthweight infants, expressed greater levels of internalised social behaviour. These findings suggest that infants born premature and/or with a low birthweight may be less socially competent with their peers during their school-age years.

Authors in the cognitive developmental tradition (e.g. Damon & Hart, 1988; Snyder & Feldman, 1984; Turiel, 1983) have created models to explain transition between stages of development. This study introduces consistency and inconsistency of moral reasoning as patterns of moral thinking and presents implications for moral education. Consistency and inconsistency are determined by the level of “stage mixture” scored on the Defining Issues Test. A 2 × 2 quasi-experimental design was created. Participants were 52, 15-year-old male high school students. Moral judgement was the dependent variable. Consistency, inconsistency, and the experimental procedures were independent variables. Results showed a significant interaction between levels of consistency and educational methods (P < .014), a developmental progression for the condition inconsistent experimental (P < .004), and a predicted pattern of change for the condition consistent experimental (P < .001). The authors concluded that consistency and inconsistency of moral reasoning require different assumptions for the promotion of moral development.

In this study, three models of cross-cultural differences of developmental expectations by parents were examined. The domain dependence model holds that differences vary across psychological domains such as perception and cognition. The cumulative differences model states that cross-cultural differences increase with age. The context variables model holds that cross-cultural differences in developmental expectations are mainly a function of background variables such as differences in parental education. The expectations of mothers in three different cultures were examined. Sixty eight Dutch, 50 Turkish-Dutch (Turkish women living in The Netherlands), and 69 Zambian mothers were asked to indicate the expected age of mastery for each of 77 skills, covering a broad range of behaviours. Zambian mothers expected most skills to develop at a later age than did Dutch and Turkish-Dutch mothers. Partial support was obtained for each model. Tentative evidence was obtained that the domain dependence model could explain most and the cumulative differences model the least cross-cultural differences.

The purpose of the study was to examine the relations between authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles and social and school adjustment in Chinese children. A sample of second grade children, aged eight years, and their parents in Beijing, People’s Republic of China, participated in this study. The children were group administered a peer assessment measure of social behaviour and a sociometric nomination measure. Teachers completed a rating scale on school-related social competence and problems for each child. Data concerning child-rearing practices were obtained from parents. In addition, information on children’s academic and social competence was obtained from school records. It was found that authoritarian parenting was associated positively with aggression and negatively with peer acceptance, sociability-competence, distinguished studentship and school academic achievement. In contrast, parental authoritative style was associated positively with indices of social and school adjustment and negatively with adjustment problems. The results indicated that, inconsistent with the argument in the literature (e.g. Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992), authoritative and authoritarian parenting practices were relevant to social and academic performance in Chinese children.