The Antecedents of Obligation to Obey and Cooperation With Police: The Views of African Immigrant Women in the United States

Abstract

Assessing immigrant attitudes toward the police is becoming increasingly important because of increased migration from African nations to the West. Thus, this study examines the impact of procedural justice and other cognate concepts on the obligation to obey and willingness to cooperate with the police in a sample of African immigrant women domiciled in the United States. To have a better understanding of the antecedents of obligation to obey and willingness to cooperate with police, we analyze data collected in 2019 from African immigrant women living in the United States (N = 478). Our results show that participants who believe that the police practice procedural justice and distributive justice, participants who believe that a high number of African immigrant women experience intimate partner violence, and participants who believe that, compared to the police in Africa, U.S. police officers do a good job responding to intimate partner violence have a stronger sense of obligation to obey the police. In addition, participants who believe that the police are procedurally just are more willing to cooperate with the police. We point out the implications of our findings for police-immigrant relations, future research, and public policy.

Keywords

African immigrants procedural justice cooperation with police police legitimacy women

Introduction

Although there is a growing body of research on police interactions with minority communities in the United States, scant research has examined the experiences of immigrant populations with the U.S. criminal justice system (Chenane et al., 2020; Chenane et al., 2022; Chenane et al., 2022; Pryce, 2018b, 2019). Existing research has either focused on the experiences of immigrants (Bersani, 2014) or on specific subgroups, such as Latinx or Asian migrants. As new immigrants from around the globe arrive in the United States, they bring a diverse culture and pose unique challenges to engaging with the U.S. criminal justice system, particularly the police (Chenane et al., 2017; Menjívar & Bejarano, 2004). Despite the growing body of literature exploring the experiences of immigrants in the United States, the experiences of African diasporic immigrants and their descendants are often overlooked (Mwangi, 2014; Mwangi & Fries-Britt, 2015).

The number of immigrants in the United States identifying as Black has increased tremendously in the last 2 decades, and this growth is predicted to continue. About 4.6 million, or 1 in 10, Black people in the United States were born in a different country as of 2019, up from 3% in 1980 (Tamir & Anderson, 2022). Although Caribbean countries (e.g., Jamaica and Haiti) still account for the bulk of Black immigrants in the United States, an increasing number of these immigrants are from Africa. Crucially, Tamir and Anderson (2022), scholars at the Pew Research Center, argued that “[t]he Black immigrant population is also projected to outpace the U.S.-born Black population in growth. While both groups are increasing in number, the foreign-born population is projected to grow by 90% between 2020 and 2060, while the U.S.-born population is expected to grow 29% over the same time span.” Thus, researchers must pay attention to the growing population of African immigrants in the United States. However, the growth of African diasporic immigrants in the United States has not coincided with increased research attention to this group (Corra & Kimuna, 2009). In fact, very few studies have examined how African immigrant women perceive the police in the United States.

Studies have consistently revealed that the public’s perceptions of the police impact the former’s interactions with and ability to cooperate with the police in the coproduction of security in local communities (Boateng, 2018; Brunson, 2007; Chenane et al., 2020; Pryce & Chenane, 2021). The bulk of extant research has focused on the experiences of native-born Black Americans (i.e., African Americans) with the police, and has revealed that African Americans have a profound distrust of the police (Bell, 2017; MacDonald & Stokes, 2006; Pryce et al., 2021). Although African diasporic immigrants may share skin color with Black Americans, they also have unique experiences that may distinguish how they interact with and perceive the police and the U.S. criminal justice system in general. For example, studies have shown that immigrants may import their experiences with the criminal justice system from their native countries, which may impact how they view the police in the United States. Furthermore, some Black immigrants may have specific vulnerabilities (e.g., cultural practices and immigration status) that may make it difficult for them to seek help from the police.

Whereas the increasing number of African immigrants in the United States has contributed to the diversification of many cities and places that were once predominantly White, this diversity might present challenges for the criminal justice system, particularly the police, who serve as the gatekeepers of the criminal justice system (Chenane et al., 2017; Menjívar & Bejarano, 2004). Given that female immigrants are at a heightened risk for certain types of victimization (e.g., gender-based violence), it is crucial to assess their perceptions of the police because attitudes toward the police are related to public willingness to cooperate with the police (Chenane et al., 2022). Although there is some research to support the applicability and crucial role of procedural justice among African immigrants, some scholars have noted the challenges associated with applying the process-based model to immigrants (Sarpong & Reisig, 2024).

Literature Review

African Immigrants’ Experiences With the Police

Although the literature on the experiences of Black immigrants with the U.S. police is still scarce, a growing body of research has assessed African immigrants’ perceptions and how those perceptions impact their relationship with local police (Chenane et al., 2017; Pryce et al., 2017; Sarpong & Reisig, 2024). These studies used different data sources (e.g., interviews and survey data) to provide insights into the experiences of this group of immigrants. Suffice it to say that there is a scarcity of existing data documenting the experiences of Black immigrants with the criminal justice system, in general, and the police, in particular (see Chenane et al., 2022; Pryce, 2018b). Scholars are beginning to recognize the importance of approaching the experiences of Black immigrants using an intersectional lens to fully grasp the aforementioned experiences (Chenane et al., 2022). Thus, the current study attempts to understand the views of Kenyan immigrant women about the police in the United States.

In his pioneering research, Pryce (2018b) found that normative and instrumental factors shaped Ghanaian immigrants’ satisfaction with the police. This study provided important insights, although its application is limited because the sample was drawn from Ghanaian immigrants residing in only one city: Alexandria, Virginia. Additionally, Pryce (2018b) derived his sample from churchgoers, further limiting the generalizability of his study to other populations, as their religious beliefs might have influenced their views about the police. Given the centrality of environmental factors, such as neighborhoods, in understanding public views of the police (Brunson & Weitzer, 2009), it is crucial to include data from different geographical locations and demographics to ensure, or increase, representativeness.

Ellis et al. (2020) found that Black Muslim immigrants perceived harsher and more frequent police stops due to their triple status as Black, immigrant, and Muslim. Sarpong and Reisig (2024) argued that Nigerian immigrants’ unsatisfactory relationship with their local police department hampered their willingness to cooperate with the police. Chenane et al. (2022) also studied immigrants from just one country—Kenya—with a sample drawn from the entirety of the United States. Using survey data, they found that Kenyan female immigrants in the United States who perceived higher levels of procedural justice among U.S. police were more likely to cooperate with them (Chenane et al., 2022).

A significant limitation of the research in this area is that it tends to focus on the experiences of immigrants from one country or group (e.g., Somali, Nigerian, or Ghanaian immigrants). Whereas these findings are a good starting place for scholarship on the experiences of African immigrants and the criminal justice system, African immigrants are diverse, and their countries of origin may influence how they perceive the police in the United States (Menjivar & Bejarano, 2004). Moreover, African immigrants may feel obligated to obey the police out of fear/acquiescence (i.e., dull compulsion) rather than because of feelings of fair and respectful treatment during their interactions with the police (Tankebe, 2013). Thus, there is a need to continue this line of inquiry using different methodological approaches and samples.

Procedural Justice and Police Legitimacy

Policing scholars have long investigated the link between public perceptions of the police and both the willingness to cooperate with the police (Boateng, Pryce, & Abess, 2022; Chenane et al., 2023; Lee et al., 2023; Pryce & Chenane, 2021; Solomon, 2019) and the felt obligation to obey the police (Pryce et al., 2017). Thibaut and Walker (1978) were the first scholars to discuss procedural justice theory. However, the theory would gain prominence later through the seminal work of social psychologist Tom Tyler. In his early research, Tyler (e.g., Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 1990; Tyler & Huo, 2002; Tyler, 2003) argued that procedural justice was the most robust antecedent of police legitimacy, although there are other antecedents of legitimacy (e.g., distributive justice and police performance).

As Tankebe (2013) has observed, procedural justice is “the fairness of the process employed to reach specific outcomes or decisions” (p. 111). It is based on norms about proper procedures during police-public interactions (Lind & Tyler, 1988) and encompasses the following components: quality of decision-making and interpersonal treatment (Murphy et al., 2009; Tyler, 2004). On the one hand, the quality of decision-making entails allowing citizens to have a voice in the decision-making process, as well as neutrality, competence, and consistency on the part of decision-makers. On the other hand, the quality of interpersonal treatment involves treating individuals with dignity and respect, acknowledging their rights, and considering their needs (Nix, 2017). For example, researchers have argued that when community members believe that the police have treated them with fairness and respect (crucial elements of procedural justice), these community members are more likely to cooperate with officers in the coproduction of safety and security in the community (Boateng, 2020; Boateng, Dzordzormenyoh, & Cavalcante, 2022; Chenane et al., 2020; Pryce et al., 2017).

Empirical evidence abounds on the link between public perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy (Gau, 2014; Hinds & Murphy, 2007; Pina-Sánchez & Brunton-Smith, 2020). Not surprisingly, many of these studies found a strong correlation between public perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy, which ultimately influences the public’s decision to cooperate with the police (e.g., by calling officers to report crimes and/or to assist them in solving crimes in the community) (Murphy & Cherney, 2011; Reisig et al., 2012).

Although scholars have debated the conceptual and operational definitions of police legitimacy (Gau, 2014; Tankebe, 2013; Tyler, 2004), two dominant schools of thought have shaped discussions about police legitimacy within criminology and social psychology. First, the process-based model assesses the effects of normative concerns (e.g., perceptions of procedural justice) on obligation to obey the police and trust (i.e., police legitimacy). Tyler (1990, 2004) posited that the public is more likely to offer deference to the police when they perceive that the police treat them procedurally justly. Procedural justice is thus essential for shaping public cooperation with the police, and the effect is generally invariant (Wolfe et al., 2016).

Second, Tyler and colleagues found that procedural justice was a stronger predictor of police legitimacy than were distributive justice and instrumental factors (e.g., police performance). Therefore, the bulk of research using the process-based model has examined the role that procedural justice plays in shaping police legitimacy, with fewer studies assessing the effects of other predictors of police legitimacy (McLean, 2020; Solomon & Chenane, 2021). Whereas procedural justice refers to the fairness of the process, distributive justice refers to the fairness of outcomes. This means that distributive justice is achieved when people feel that they deserve the outcome they received (e.g., a traffic ticket). However, distributive justice is reduced, or diminished, if there is a perception of disparity (such as those based on race/ethnicity) in how the outcomes are distributed. In a handful of studies, some components of procedural justice and distributive justice loaded as a single factor when factor analyzed simultaneously (Chenane et al., 2022; Pryce et al., 2017), further underscoring the need to improve the conceptualization and operationalization of these variables. Coincidentally, among immigrants, instrumental factors, such as police performance, also matter. For instance, some studies have found that immigrants were more likely to feel obligated to obey the U.S. police when they felt the police were more effective at dealing with interpersonal violence.

Given the overlap between trust and procedural justice, some researchers have examined trust’s role in shaping voluntary public cooperation with the police (Sampson & Bartusch, 1998). These researchers have argued that when the public trusts the police and other criminal justice agents, they are more likely to cooperate with them (Pryce et al., 2017; Tyler, 1990) by calling for assistance, reporting non-crime emergencies, and assisting with investigations (Chenane et al., 2020). Conversely, when the public distrusts the police, they will be less inclined to cooperate with them (Pryce & Chenane, 2021).

Intimate Partner Violence

Intimate partner violence involving females is well noted in the literature (Day & Gill, 2020), and violence toward females affects their use of the criminal justice system in the United States. As Erez and Harper (2018) have argued, there are real consequences when victims cooperate with police. For example, victims who seek police intervention in the aftermath of intimate partner violence may be ostracized by people in their immigrant community. Regarding Kenyan female immigrants specifically, Chenane et al. (2022) found that, when the police are seen as effective, Kenyan female immigrants are more likely to feel a sense of obligation to obey the police.

The Present Study

The current study assessed perceptions of the U.S. police in a sample of 478 African female immigrants living in the United States. The following research questions (RQ) are addressed in the current study:

RQ1: What are the roles of procedural justice and distributive justice in African female immigrants’ sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police?

RQ2: Does experiencing intimate partner violence predict the participants’ sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police?

RQ3: What are the roles of procedural justice and distributive justice in African female immigrants’ willingness to cooperate with the U.S. police?

RQ4: Does experiencing intimate partner violence predict willingness to cooperate with the police in this sample of African female immigrants?

Answers to these questions would help improve understanding of how immigrant communities should be effectively policed, as well as advance the delivery of police services in sub-Saharan African immigrant communities.

Methods

Participants and Procedures

The current paper, part of a larger study, assessed African female immigrants’ perceptions of the police in the United States. The paper addressed intimate partner violence, procedural justice, and willingness to cooperate with police. Using an Internet survey, the first author garnered 478 complete responses (see Chenane et al. (2022) for a more detailed explanation of how the data were collected). The current paper examined the survey participants’ answers to questions about their perceptions of obligation to obey the police, willingness to cooperate with the police, and experiences with intimate partner violence. The participants were provided informed consent forms and assured of confidentiality during the data-collection process.

Sample

Non-probability sampling techniques, widely employed in empirical studies, were used for the present study. As Chenane et al. (2022) observed, getting people from hard-to-reach populations, such as African immigrants, to participate in research is difficult, hence the need for multiple data-collection strategies (e.g., purposive sampling and snowball sampling) to increase participation. Probability samples are better and more generalizable to the larger population; however, such data can only be collected if the sampling frame is known and the chances of selection are practically the same for all would-be participants (Chenane & Hammond, 2022).

To address the lack of a sampling frame and the inability to use a probability sample, we employed triangulation to address the limitations of non-probability sampling. Triangulation becomes even more helpful when considering each approach’s limitations (e.g., snowball sampling and purposive sampling) (Chenane & Hammond, 2022; Chenane et al., 2022). As an example of the effectiveness of triangulation, we undertook the current study by initially using purposive sampling that targeted African immigrant women domiciled in the United States. Having gained access to a private Facebook page comprising about 14,000 Kenyan female immigrants, we shared an online survey with the group (Chenane & Hammond, 2022). It is worth noting that we only had access to the private Kenyan women’s Facebook group. We relied on personal contacts to connect with female African immigrants from other countries.

Also, the first author shared the survey on her social media page and on WhatsApp.¹ In addition to the purposive sampling technique described earlier, the first author also used snowball sampling by asking the women to distribute the survey link on the pages of their friends and contacts once they had completed the survey themselves. To increase the response rate, the first author again shared the link to the survey on her private Facebook page and encouraged the group members to participate in the study. This second push finally caught the attention of the Facebook group members, resulting in more than 300 survey completions in approximately 48 hours.

Dependent Variables

Obligation to Obey the Police

We employed three items to operationalize obligation to obey: (1) You should accept police decisions even if you think they are wrong; (2) You should do what the police tell you to do even if you do not understand why the order was given; and (3) You should do what the police tell you to do even if you disagree with the police’s order. The respondents were asked to indicate their agreement by selecting an answer to each of the abovementioned items on a five-point Likert-type scale: (1) strongly disagree, (2) disagree, (3) neither agree nor disagree, (4) agree, and (5) strongly agree. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of obligation to obey. These responses were then combined to create an obligation to obey index (Cronbach’s Alpha = .74; mean = 2.71; SD = .98).

Willingness to Cooperate With Police

This four-item variable was measured using a five-point Likert-type scale: (1) very unlikely, (2) unlikely, (3) neutral, (4) likely, and (5) very likely. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of willingness to cooperate with police. The participants were asked to indicate how likely they were to: (1) Call the police to report a crime in your neighborhood; (2) Help the police with information on a suspected criminal; (3) Help the police with information to solve a crime; and (4) Report suspicious activity in your neighborhood to the police. These responses were then combined to create a cooperation with police index (Cronbach’s Alpha = .90; mean = 3.81; SD = 1.213).

Independent Variables

Procedural Justice (Quality of Treatment and Quality of Decision-Making)

This construct was measured as quality of treatment (four questions) and quality of decision-making (three questions). The following five-point Likert-type scale—(1) strongly disagree, (2) disagree, (3) neither agree nor disagree, (4) agree, and (5) strongly agree—was used to measure this independent variable. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of procedural justice. The quality of treatment items were: (1) The police treat Black people with respect; (2) The police treat Black people fairly; (3) The police respect Black people’s rights; (4) The police are courteous to Black people they come into contact with. The quality of decision-making items were: (1) Police make decisions based on facts; (2) Police explain their decisions to the people they deal with; and (3) Police consider the views of the people involved before making their decisions. These responses were then combined to create a procedural justice index (Cronbach’s Alpha = .88; mean = 2.58; SD = .76).

Distributive Justice

Police distributive justice was measured using a five-point Likert-type scale: (1) strongly disagree, (2) disagree, (3) neither agree nor disagree, (4) agree, and (5) strongly agree. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of distributive justice. The two items were: (1) The police provide the same quality of service to all people; and (2) The police enforce the law consistently when dealing with all people. These questions were then combined to create a distributive justice index (Cronbach’s Alpha = .91; mean = 2.07; SD = .99).

Police Effectiveness

Police effectiveness was measured using a five-point Likert-type scale: (1) strongly disagree, (2) disagree, (3) neither agree nor disagree, (4) agree, and (5) strongly agree. The lone item was: Compared to African police, American police do a good job responding to intimate partner violence. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of effectiveness (mean = 3.96; SD = 1.014).

Intimate partner violence was measured on a five-point Likert-type scale (1) strongly disagree, (2) disagree, (3) neither agree nor disagree, (4) agree, and (5) strongly agree. The item was: I believe many people in the African community experience intimate partner violence. The scale was coded so that higher scores reflected higher levels of intimate partner violence (mean = 3.72; SD = .999).

Control Variables

Past studies have used demographic variables in the study of perceptions of the police. Overall, the following control variables were tested in the current study:

(1) Age: Measured in years.

(2) Educational level: This was an ordinal measure: Secondary or high school; Technical or vocational school (attended or graduated); Associate’s degree; Bachelor’s degree; Postgraduate or professional degree (e.g., PhD holder, lawyer, medical doctor).

(3) Household Income: This was coded as: $20,000 and below; $20,001–$40,000; $40,001–$60,000; $60,001–$80,000; $80,001–$100,000; $100,001–$120,000; and $120,001 or more.

(4) Marital status: This was originally coded as married, divorced, separated, widowed, or single (never married). Subsequently, it was recorded as married = 1; not married = 0 (all categories except “married”).

(5) Citizenship: U.S. citizen = 1; non-U.S. citizen = 0.

(6) Permanent residency: Permanent resident = 1; non-permanent resident = 0.

Table 1 displays the full descriptive statistics for the current study. All participants for this study are African female immigrants, at least 18 years of age, and domiciled in the United States as of 2019. The mean age of the respondents was 39.05 years, and over half of the women (60.9%) noted that they were married. About 68% of the sample indicated they held at least a bachelor’s degree, and the median household income for this group of African female immigrants was $80,001–$100,000. In terms of their naturalization status, more than half (55.6%) of the participants noted that they were U.S. citizens, whereas about a third of the sample (30.1%) indicated that they were U.S. permanent residents.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics of the Variables.

Items	Responses	Range	M	SD
Obligation to obey
You should accept police decisions even if you think they are wrong	425	1–5	2.03	1.100
You should do what the police tell you to do even if you don’t understand why the order was given	420	1–5	2.91	1.303
You should do what the police tell you to do even if you disagree with the police’s order	407	1–5	3.17	1.231
Cooperation with police
Call the police to report a crime in your neighborhood	452	1–5	3.75	1.475
Help the police with information on a suspected criminal	435	1–5	3.82	1.367
Help the police with information to solve a crime	441	1–5	3.90	1.320
Report suspicious activity in your neighborhood to the police	437	1–5	3.73	1.393
Procedural justice (quality of treatment)
The police treat Black immigrants with respect	451	1–5	2.55	1.004
The police treat Black immigrants fairly	430	1–5	2.59	.971
The police respect Black immigrants’ rights	441	1–5	2.62	.963
The police are courteous to Black immigrants they come into contact with	433	1–5	2.74	.956
Procedural justice (quality of decision-making)
The police make decisions based upon facts	425	1–5	2.42	.964
The police explain their decisions to the people they deal with	420	1–5	2.76	1.023
The police consider the views of the people involved before making their decisions	422	1–5	2.47	.983
Distributive justice
The police provide the same quality of service to all people	407	1–5	2.02	1.019
The police enforce the law consistently when dealing with all people	405	1–5	2.12	1.066
Police effectiveness
Compared to African police, U.S. police do a good job responding to intimate partner violence	391	1–5	3.96	1.014
Intimate partner violence
I believe many people in the African community experience intimate partner violence	395	1–5	3.72	.999
Age (in years)	480	18–73	39.05	8.473
Education Level (secondary school—postgraduate)	478	—	—	—
Income ($20,000 and below—$120,000 or more)	477	—	—	—
Marital status (married = 1, not married = 0)	474 (289/185)	0–1	—	—
Citizenship (U.S. citizen = 1, non-U.S. citizen = 0)	478 (266/212)	—	—	—
Permanent residency (permanent resident = 1, non-permanent resident = 0)	478 (144/334)	—	—	—

The highest correlation of .683 was between procedural justice and distributive justice, which is an acceptable level of correlation. In other words, it appears that multicollinearity was not an issue in the data set. According to Maguire and Johnson (2010), highly correlated variables should be combined into a composite index to avoid the problem of poor discriminant validity, especially when the correlation exceeds .85 (see also Brown, 2006), but that is not the case in the current study.

Analytic Strategy

We examined two dependent variables in the present study: (1) obligation to obey, and (2) willingness to cooperate with police. Due to the limitations of correlation results, all the variables in the present study were subjected to ordinary least-squares (OLS) regression analyses. The use of regression analyses to test all the models (shown in Table 2) accomplished two things: (1) to help determine the relative effect of each independent variable on obligation to obey the police and willingness to cooperate with the police; and (2) to help establish the fact that the effect of each independent variable on the dependent variables was independent of the effects of other independent variables (Pallant, 2010; Pryce, 2018b). As noted earlier, none of the correlations between the dependent and independent variables exceeded .70 (Pallant, 2010), so all the variables were retained for analysis.

Table 2.

Predictors of Obligation to Obey the Police and Willingness to Cooperate with Police.

Independent Variables	Obligation		Cooperation
Independent Variables	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3	Model 4
Controls
Age	−.026	−.040	.075	.067
Age	(.006)	(.006)	(.007)	(.008)
Marital status	−.005	.022	−.032	−.013
Marital status	(.112)	(.114)	(.136)	(.140)
U.S. citizen	−.032	−.043	.006	.001
U.S. citizen	(.158)	(.157)	(.191)	(.193)
U.S. permanent resident	−.042	−.043	.054	.053
U.S. permanent resident	(.166)	(.166)	(.202)	(.204)
Household income	−.022	.005	.021	.024
Household income	(.029)	(.029)	(.035)	(.035)
Educational level	.008	−.002	.020	.013
Educational level	(.047)	(.047)	(.057)	(.058)
Substantive variables
Procedural justice	.150*	.132	.283**	.283***
Procedural justice	(.094)	(.096)	(.115)	(.118)
Distributive justice	−.236***	−.218**	−.112	−.110
Distributive justice	(.071)	(.071)	(.088)	(.089)
Effectiveness		.123*	−.112	.046
Effectiveness		(.052)	(.088)	(.064)
Intimate partner violence		.128*		.087
Intimate partner violence		(.053)		(.066)
Obligation to obey				−.009
Obligation to obey				(.066)
R square	.030	.064	.058	.067

Note. Entries are standardized coefficients, and standard errors are in parentheses. Tolerance values are greater than .10 (range: .426–.962) and VIF values are less than 10 (range: 1.040–2.350), so there appear to be no multicollinearity issues in the regression equations.

p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001 (2-tailed test).

Results

Table 2 presents results from four OLS regression models. In model 1, we examined the effects of procedural justice, distributive justice, and the control variables (age, marital status, U.S. citizenship, permanent residency, household income, and educational attainment) on the participants’ sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police. Procedural justice was significantly related to obligation to obey (beta = .150, p = .039). Thus, when African female immigrants perceive the police as more procedurally fair, they feel more obligated to obey the police. Distributive justice was also significantly related to obligation to obey, but in the opposite direction (beta = −.236, p < .001). Thus, when participants perceived the police as less distributively just, they felt more obligated to obey them. None of the control variables were statistically significantly related to obligation to obey the police in this model. The model explained 3% of the variation in felt obligation to obey the police.

In model 2, we examined the effects of procedural justice, distributive justice, police effectiveness, concerns about intimate partner violence, and the control variables (age, marital status, U.S. citizenship, permanent residency, household income, and educational attainment) on the participants’ sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police. Here, too, distributive justice was significantly related to obligation to obey, but in the opposite direction (beta = −.218, p = .003). Thus, when participants perceived the police as less distributively just, they felt more obligated to obey the police. Police effectiveness (beta = .123, p = .021) and intimate partner violence (beta = .128, p = .018) were also significantly related to obligation to obey the police. Put differently, participants who felt that U.S police did a good job responding to intimate partner violence and participants who believed that many of their compatriots in the African immigrant community experience intimate partner violence had a stronger sense of obligation to obey the police. None of the control variables were statistically significantly related to obligation to obey in this model. The model explained 6% of the variation in obligation to obey the U.S. police.

In model 3, we examined the effects of procedural justice, obligation to obey, distributive justice, and the control variables (age, marital status, U.S. citizenship, permanent residency, household income, and educational attainment) on the participants’ willingness to cooperate with the U.S. police. Procedural justice was significantly related to cooperation with police (beta = .283, p < .001). Thus, when African female immigrants perceive the police as more procedurally just, they are more willing to cooperate with the police. Distributive justice, obligation to obey, and the control variables were not statistically significantly related to willingness to cooperate with the police in this model. The model explained 6% of the variation in willingness to cooperate with police.

In model 4, we examined the effects of procedural justice, obligation to obey, distributive justice, police effectiveness, concerns about intimate partner violence, and the control variables (age, marital status, U.S. citizenship, permanent residency, household income, and educational attainment) on the participants’ willingness to cooperate with the U.S. police. Once again, procedural justice was the only variable significantly related to cooperation with the police (beta = .283, p < .001). Thus, when more African female immigrants perceived the police as more procedurally just, they were more willing to cooperate with the police. Distributive justice, obligation to obey, police effectiveness, concerns about intimate partner violence, and the control variables were not statistically significantly related to willingness to cooperate with the police in this model. The model explained 7% of the variation in willingness to cooperate with police.

Discussion

In the current paper, we examined African female immigrants’ perceptions of U.S. police.

We attempted to answer four research questions. The first research question assessed the roles of procedural justice and distributive justice in African female immigrants’ sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police. We found that when African female immigrants perceived the police as more procedurally fair, they were more obligated to obey them. Contrary to expectations, when participants perceived the police as less distributively just, they were more obligated to obey them. Because the following questions measured distributive justice—(1) the police provide the same quality of service to all people, and (2) the police enforce the law consistently when dealing with all people—it is possible that these immigrants do not believe that the police would meet either expectation. In other words, as foreign-born residents of the United States, our participants may have become accustomed to stories of police brutality against minorities, hence their belief that it was unlikely the police would serve all communities the same. These immigrants’ “despondency,” while not surprising, does not take away from their sense of obligation to obey the police. As Tankebe (2013) has observed, community members may obey the police “because of fear, a sense of powerlessness, or pragmatic acquiescence” (p. 106; also see Pryce [2018a]). Thus, while distributive justice may be positively correlated with the obligation to obey in some studies, these two variables were negatively correlated in the current study, perhaps because of the community sampled: African immigrants who were also women. Thus, a person may feel obligated to obey the police as a survival mechanism, not because the police are seen as distributively just.

The second research question asked whether experiencing intimate partner violence predicts a sense of obligation to obey the U.S. police. Respondents who were concerned about intimate partner violence were more likely to feel obligated to obey the police. This finding is important because, as coproducers of safety and security in the community, officers are expected to intervene when intimate partner violence, especially against more vulnerable groups like African female immigrants, is reported to them. Even in their countries of origin, these women would attempt to seek assistance from the police when they are victimized, so they would expect assistance from the U.S. police as well, more so because these immigrants have greater trust in the U.S. police than in officers in their home countries (Pryce, 2018a).

The third research question examined the effects of procedural justice and distributive justice on African female immigrants’ willingness to cooperate with police. In line with extant research, procedural justice was positively associated with African female immigrants’ willingness to cooperate with the U.S. police. As with previous literature, the current finding further cements procedural justice as an essential antecedent of willingness to cooperate with police (Grant & Pryce, 2020; Reisig & Lloyd, 2009). Our fourth research question analyzed the relationship between concerns about intimate partner violence and the willingness to cooperate with the U.S. police. We found that concerns about intimate partner violence were not significantly associated with willingness to cooperate with police.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

Although the present study makes important contributions to the literature on policing, as with all empirical research, it has limitations. First, using a non-probability sample means that we cannot generalize the results with complete confidence to the African immigrant population in the United States. Second, the study was cross-sectional; thus, we cannot determine causality. Third, our results were derived from participants’ opinions about the police rather than from actual experiences with the police. Therefore, it is possible that a study that assesses actual experiences with police may not mirror the results of the current study. Despite the limitations, the study is important because it addresses the policing needs of immigrant communities. Immigrants are an important segment of the U.S. population, and their increasing numbers mean that their views about the police are important in ensuring effective policing in local communities in the United States. Future research should examine the views of female immigrants from other sub-Saharan African countries, as the views of Kenyan female immigrants alone may not account for the views of other African women in the United States.

Conclusion

This study was an attempt to understand Kenyan female immigrants’ views about the police in the United States. We note that scholars have long argued that procedural justice is the primary antecedent of police legitimacy (it is often measured as the obligation to obey the police). Thus, the finding that African women who perceived high levels of procedural justice among U.S. police were more likely to feel obligated to obey them is in line with extant research. Our study further underscores and clarifies the robustness of the effect of procedural justice on obligation to obey the police and willingness to cooperate with the police across different groups, particularly in understudied groups such as African female immigrants in the United States (Chenane et al., 2022; Pryce et al., 2017).

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Daniel K. Pryce

Notes

Author Biographies

Joselyne L. Chenane, PhD is an Assistant Professor in the School of Criminology and Justice Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell and a Carnegie African Diaspora Fellow at Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (Kenya). She is the author/co-author of more than 20 peer-reviewed articles. Her research interests include police/citizen relations, race and justice, neighborhood contexts and crime, and immigration. Her work has been published in Feminist Criminology, Criminal Justice and Behavior, Race & Justice, British Journal of Criminology, and Policing and Society, among others.

Daniel K. Pryce, PhD, is Associate Professor and Associate Chair, Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Old Dominion University. His primary research interests include policing and race, immigration, fear of crime and victimization, college internships, and research methods. He is the author/co-author of more than 35 peer-reviewed journal articles, which have appeared in leading journals including Police Quarterly, Crime & Delinquency, Criminal Justice and Behavior, Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Criminal Justice Policy Review, Journal of Crime and Justice, Police Practice and Research, Policing and Society, Du Bois Review, and Child Abuse & Neglect. His coauthored paper that examined factors that influence official decisions in criminal cases against police officers was recently published in the American Journal of Criminal Justice.

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