Abstract
This study investigates the phenomenon of the ‘ratchet style’ among young women on Instagram, exploring how this aesthetic, originally associated with urban, working-class subcultures, has transcended its roots and been adopted by various social groups. We examine how the diversification of cultural interests and styles, driven by digitalization and social media, influences social distinction and mobility. Using a combination of Social Network Analysis and qualitative visual content analysis, we identify four distinct subtypes of the ratchet style: ‘Femininity Normative’, ‘Underground’, ‘Experimental’, and ‘Explicit’. Our findings reveal that, while the adoption of feminine ratchet style on Instagram may challenge traditional class hierarchies and offer opportunities for democratizing social positioning, it continues to operate within structured hierarchies of cultural consumption and visibility in Western societies. This suggests that, although social barriers persist in the digital era, markers of distinction have been repositioned.
Introduction
While urban youth subcultures have been a focal point of Cultural Studies since the 1970s (Hall et al., 1976; Willis, 2014), the last decade has brought about profound and unprecedented changes in how young people in the Global North are socialized (Fernández Enguita and Vázquez-Cupeiro, 2016; Gordo et al., 2018; Livingstone & Sefton-Green, 2020). The convergence of digital socialization environments (Bennett, 2014; Buckingham et al., 2014; Haddon, 2015; Rančić, 2022) has generated a more dynamic and hybrid cultural landscape, where styles have become increasingly fluid and diverse (Bennett, 1999; Maffesoli, 1996).
Urban style, once tightly bound to subcultural identities – such as the mods or punks, with their strong, cohesive, and exclusive aesthetics and lifestyles – has been losing social prominence in the age of digital modernity. Contemporary urban styles in Western societies are evolving into more diffuse, global, and digital social phenomena (Bennett, 2005; Mendick, 2015). Elements like tracksuits, sneakers, sportswear, and tattoos, originally tied to specific social classes, have crossed these boundaries and permeated broader social spaces (Hall and du Gay, 1996; Muggleton, 2000). This growing urban aesthetic has now been absorbed by major brands traditionally associated with the upper and aspirational middle classes, such as Gucci and Versace (Bovone, 2006).
Several studies, aligning with theories of cultural omnivorousness (Peterson, 2005; Peterson and Kern, 1996; Sassatelli, 2007; Warde et al., 2007), interpret this phenomenon as a diversification of taste that affects cultural elites, who are increasingly performing social distinction – understood in Bourdieu’s (1984) terms – through eclecticism rather than traditional elitism (highbrow taste). In addition to the discussions on cultural omnivorousness, Yuval-Davis (2011) and Anthias (2008) offer the concept of ‘translocational belonging’, which invites us to consider how identities and senses of belonging are shaped not only by exposure to diverse cultural practices but also by the experience of mobility and interaction across multiple geographic and social contexts, both physical and digital. This concept implies that belonging is no longer tied to a fixed location but is dynamically shaped through intersections of gender, ethnicity, class, and other social positions. In the context of cultural omnivorousness, this notion adds a layer of complexity by highlighting how diverse cultural consumption is influenced by transnational mobility and connections.
At the same time, there is compelling evidence suggesting that self-presentation dynamics have intensified in recent years (Livingstone, 2008; Mccune and Thompson, 2011; Vrontis et al., 2021; Zulli, 2017). This phenomenon, driven by resistance to the homogenizing trends of mass culture (Lahire, 2008; Willis, 2004) and the self-promotion dynamics mobilized through social media (Dijk and Poell, 2013), is often referred to as ‘distinctive individuality’. It is characterized by a rejection of traditional forms of collective authenticity and the emergence of a new, individualized authenticity that is expressed through unique, personal forms of self-presentation (Muggleton, 2000).
While this trend of adopting aesthetic attributes and cultural practices from various subcultures characterized by strong visual elements had already been analyzed by authors like Hebdige (1979), who explored the assimilation of Jamaican Black culture by White English workers in the late 20th century, such appropriations primarily occurred within specific subcultural groups – working-class individuals from particular geographic areas adopting elements from other dominated groups, creating a sort of cultural structural homology. Today, however, we are witnessing a more widespread, socially generalized adoption of distinct Western urban styles that appear, at least superficially, to transcend traditional socioeconomic identities (DeVries and Reeves, 2020; Fernández Rodríguez and Heikkilä, 2020; Herrera-Usagre, 2020; Karademir-Hazir, 2015).
Building on this, we argue that these shifts in style do not signal the complete dissolution of cultural distinctions but rather a digitally mediated restructuring into more subtle social dynamics (Mihelj et al., 2019; Weingartner, 2021). In fact, as we aim to demonstrate through a case study of contemporary urban female style in Spain, as mediated through Instagram – a platform chosen for its emphasis on aesthetics, design, and self-presentation (Leaver et al., 2020)—we are witnessing the emergence of a novel hybrid sociocultural phenomenon. In this context, the upper and middle classes are gradually adopting elements from subcultures that originated in the urban peripheries of major Western cities. This convergence of phenomena adds significant complexity to the analysis of cultural dynamics, while also offering exceptional insight into the study of youth culture in today’s digital age. In this article, we ask to what extent these hybrid dynamics are driving changes in social mobility logics, subalternities, and distinctions. Specifically, we argue that our study of the ratchet style, as part of trap culture in Spain, shows that rather than dissolving class differences, these dynamics are transforming them within contemporary digital distinction logics.
The aim of this article is to examine whether the diversification of cultural interests and styles, driven by digitalization and the widespread integration of social media into daily life – as exemplified by the ratchet style in Spain – leads to a blurring of class distinctions (Peterson, 2005; Peterson and Kern, 1996), or if, instead, these distinctions are being reshaped into new forms within contemporary hybrid logics of social distinction.
Our case study examines the contrasting dispositions and aesthetics associated with what the media has identified as ‘trap’ or ‘ratchet’ style, one of the most influential urban trends in recent years in the Global North. Ratchet style is characterized by a heterogeneous combination of aesthetic elements where the ‘tacky’ and ‘vulgar’, traditionally associated with working-class young women – informally known, and sometimes derogatorily referred to, as chonis in Spain or chavettes in the United Kingdom – have gained traction in the world of fashion (Masdeu, 2019). Although the media often portrays this style as a unified entity (Estirado, 2021; Hernández, 2019), different profiles of young women adopt it. Our identification of four ideal types of ratchet style in the Spanish context illustrates this diversity. This analysis allows us to explore which cultural elements and practices reflect new forms of digital distinction, and to what extent the adoption of this style by women from various social groups, beyond the working class, suggests a shift in social mobility and distinction logics.
Case study: feminine ratchet style on Instagram
In this study, we focus on the phenomenon of young women’s engagement with the feminine trap or ratchet style (Estirado, 2021). This aesthetic, rooted in urban fashion, is bold, irreverent, uninhibited, and provocative, and is typically associated with women from working-class backgrounds (Masdeu, 2019). Its connection to popular culture arises from its ties to the trap music scene – a subgenre of hip-hop that originated in 1980s Atlanta, characterized by fast-paced, repetitive beats and lyrics centered on street life, violence, drugs, and survival in harsh environments (Castro, 2019; Hernández, 2019).
This style is linked to the emergence of new femininities among young women immersed in urban culture. Women who adopt the ratchet style challenge conventional norms of femininity and elegance, incorporating sexual elements and practices traditionally seen as vulgar or inappropriate as a form of empowerment or personal distinction (Armstrong and Rudúlph, 2013; Velasco et al., 2017). The essence of the feminine ratchet style is built from a mosaic of symbolic elements drawn from a range of styles and social classes. The fusion of seemingly contradictory components – from streetwear-inspired clothing and thrift-store finds to extravagant accessories evoking VIP aesthetics – blends the underground with notions of opulence and affluence (Rey-Gayoso and Diz, 2021). The feminine ratchet style seeks to draw attention across various platforms by presenting a veneer of authenticity, supposedly concealed beneath rawness, kitsch aesthetics, and, in the Spanish context, the distinctly 1980s ‘quinqui’ style (García, 2018; Olaiz, 2016).
Over the past decade, this urban style has transitioned into the mainstream, embraced by young pop stars, models, and actresses (Castro, 2019). Its global recognition has been propelled by artists such as Rosalía and Nathy Peluso, following in the footsteps of figures like Rihanna and Iggy Azalea (Masdeu, 2019).
Digital observation
This study employs a qualitative digital observation analysis (Airoldi, 2018; Caliandro, 2017; Pink et al., 2016) to explore the profiles and images of a sample of young women exhibiting the feminine ratchet style on Instagram. Our methodological approach involved non-participatory digital observation (Semenzin and Bainotti, 2020; Stringhi, 2022). We collected data on the distinctive attributes of the ratchet style displayed in these women’s Instagram profiles, as well as the influence of the platform’s features on the portrayal of their style. Data were gathered from the profiles of 200 Spanish women who adopt the ratchet style over a 3-month period, from January to March 2019.
To identify the profiles of young women who exemplify this style without relying on pre-established style categories, we conducted a documentary analysis of digital sources (see Barrio and Gordo, 2021). This enabled us to formulate an initial description of their style based on key elements such as clothing, accessories, and digital self-presentation. The participants were intentionally selected based on their adherence to the ratchet style, with the sample size determined by the principle of discursive saturation.
Given that young women adopting the ratchet style do not self-identify through specific tags or search tools (as outlined Rogers, 2019; by Rieder & Röhle, 2017) and considering the fluid and evolving nature of this style, qualitative sampling strategies tailored to the digital environment were employed in a two-phase process. In the first phase, purposeful sampling was employed to select participants with characteristics relevant to the study (Palinkas et al., 2015). This approach was complemented by snowball sampling, which facilitated access to hard-to-identify populations. Through this process, ‘key informants’ played a crucial role in identifying additional profiles aligned with the established criteria (Noy, 2008).
A documentary analysis of digital sources (van Dijk, 1996) was conducted to define 13 inclusion criteria related to clothing, accessories, and digital self-presentation. These criteria included African-style braids, acrylic nails, and expressive makeup. Eligible profiles were required to be public, managed by women, indicate residence in Spain, and meet at least five of the defined criteria (see Barrio and Gordo, 2021). This analysis also identified 10 key profiles as stylistic benchmarks and ‘indirect informants’.
In the second phase, followers of these 10 key profiles who met the inclusion criteria were selected, with a maximum of five new profiles per account. This approach ensured a balance between stylistic consistency and sample diversity. The process was repeated iteratively, creating a progressively expanding network of selected profiles.
The analysis focused on posts from the users’ profile feeds, which are considered central to the digital representation of style (Leaver et al., 2020; Yenilmez-Kacar, 2024). Posts selected for analysis were required to meet the following criteria: (1) prominently feature the profile owner’s body, emphasizing the style as an embodied and digitally mediated expression; (2) include at least two stylistic markers identified during the documentary analysis; and (3) be less than 1 year old, given the dynamic and evolving nature of the ratchet style (Castro, 2019)
The inclusion of profiles and posts was finalized upon reaching data saturation – that is, when the analysis of additional profiles and their posts no longer contributed novel elements to the coding emergent framework (Glaser and Strauss, 2006; Martínez, 2018; Saunders et al., 2018).
Once the profiles were identified, we used an Open-Source Image Scraper for visual observation (DMI Tools, Digital Methods Initiative, Media Studies Department, University of Amsterdam). To ensure participant privacy and adhere to ethical research standards for social media (see the ‘Digital Ethics’ section at the end of this article), as well as to organize and systematize the data collection process, we developed three distinct coding and categorization protocols (see Barrio, 2023). The first protocol focused on categorizing bodily attributes, including clothing, accessories, hairstyles, makeup, and footwear. The second protocol categorized non-bodily attributes, such as photo backgrounds, poses, and self-promotion strategies. The third protocol concentrated on Instagram’s design features, including filters, effects, stickers, and tags. Ultimately, through the data categorization process, we identified 195 distinct attributes associated with the ratchet style across our sample of 200 women. These attributes included ‘straight long hair’, ‘iPhone’, ‘slim body’, ‘sneakers’, ‘dark filters’, ‘bio with emojis’, ‘microblading’, ‘location sharing’, and others.
Data analysis
The data collected were analyzed using Social Network Analysis (SNA) (Scott and Carrington, 2011) alongside content analysis methods (Drisko and Maschi, 2016). SNA allowed us to map the social positioning of each young woman adopting the ratchet style within a topological framework (Jacomy et al., 2014; Tarjan, 1972). Through cluster analysis, we identified four distinct stylistic groups (Lambiotte et al., 2014), while content analysis further classified these groups based on their stylistic and visual characteristics (see Figure 1).
Spatial distribution of the feminine ratchet style, attributes, and profiles.
We used the Modularity Class algorithm to identify correlations between the visual data, assessing the strength of connections between nodes (Borgatti et al., 2013). These topological maps provide a visual representation of the dominant patterns and relationships that shape the aesthetic framework of the feminine ratchet style. These structures were discerned from subtle visual elements in the Instagram profiles of the young women observed (Fortunato, 2010).
In the second stage of the analysis, we conducted an in-depth examination of the visual data, exploring the systems of meaning embedded within each stylistic group and how they create and differentiate their styles (Knowles and Sweetman, 2004). The interpretive visual analysis extended beyond simply cataloging elements within an image, focusing instead on the relationship between each group’s style choices and their social positioning, context, and the power dynamics influencing them (Evans and Hall, 1999; Mirzoeff, 2016; Rose, 2001). This approach allowed us to identify affinities and tensions within and between the four style groups, revealing commonalities as well as points of conflict and differentiation.
Results 1
The visual analysis was conducted using images of women from the four identified groups— ‘Femininity Normative’, ‘Underground’, ‘Experimental’, and ‘Explicit’—based on the SNA of female ratchet style. This analysis allowed us to uncover latent patterns within each group’s visual representations, highlighting the similarities, divergences, and antagonisms among the various styles adopted by young female ratchets.
Femininity normative ratchet style
This group portrays themselves as independent, cosmopolitan women, drawing inspiration from the Kinfolk aesthetic, which combines the simplicity of slow living with urban influences. Their style is marked by sporty outfits, brightly colored leather jackets, sneakers, and Y2K accessories. Hairstyles like braids or small buns, often paired with caps, hats, and shiny or gold jewelry such as chains, add a distinctly urban edge. Their artistic poses challenge conventional portrait photography norms, pushing the boundaries of mainstream aesthetics. Their style, while aspirational, retains a sense of understated comfort, although they do not shy away from showcasing brand names on their profiles. Makeup, often influenced by European/French trends, emphasizes the eyes and is a consistent feature in their photos. Their looks are carefully curated for public spaces, particularly daytime settings like plazas or restaurants, and always harmonize with their surroundings. A hallmark of this group is the frequent sharing of location tags from international urban trips (see Image 1).
Femininity normative ratchet style.
Underground ratchet style
This group embodies a casual, working-class aesthetic, defined by a laid-back, spontaneous approach to style. Their feeds often break away from polished, structured narratives, instead embracing authenticity through disjointed, unrefined content. Their originality shines through a unique combination of vintage pieces and suburban working-class influences, creating a look that surpasses typical secondhand trends. They subvert traditional feminine norms by incorporating masculine elements such as tracksuits, chunky sneakers, and a minimal or makeup-free appearance. This masculine influence is also reflected in their public behavior, with poses that include sitting on the ground or playfully interacting with the camera. Nevertheless, they retain feminine touches like cropped tops, heels, and hoop earrings. Although they romanticize working-class aesthetics as a symbol of authenticity, their clothing choices often include a mix of branded sportswear and imitation accessories like sneakers, bags, or sunglasses. Their photos are frequently set in underground or gritty urban environments, with visual elements that echo artistic depictions of everyday life. Group photos and selfies with friends and family are common in this group (see Image 2).
Underground ratchet style.
Experimental ratchet style
The distinctiveness of this group lies in their ability to blend contrasting elements, forging unique and unexpected connections in their fashion choices. Their clothing is often eclectic and eccentric, drawing from urban art influences to create nuanced, individualistic looks. Their color palette, typically dominated by black, beige, dark green, gray, and red, is frequently contrasted with futuristic or tech-inspired elements and occasionally mixed with fantasy aesthetics, such as influences from ‘otaku’ culture. The result is a dynamic and visually striking style. Bold makeup and hair color choices project both power and eccentricity, while nail art is a prominent feature. They experiment with textures, poses, and photo editing techniques to further amplify their individuality. Their profiles are provocative and explicit, often engaging playfully with the camera. Despite their feeds being highly curated and inspirational, they maintain a degree of diversity that reflects the group’s ongoing stylistic evolution. Interestingly, their styles often contrast sharply with the urban settings depicted in their photos, which frequently include city centers and art galleries (see Image 3).
Experimental ratchet style.
Explicit ratchet style
This group has a strong connection to VIP underground aesthetics, with frequent settings in luxury hotels and limousines. They push the boundaries of cool and trendy, embodying divas who aspire to be influencers, crafting a style that is worthy of magazine covers. Their approach is highly visual and innovative, incorporating elements from minority ethnic cultures – such as afro braids and intricate nail art – while presenting themselves with bold, unapologetic confidence. A striking characteristic of this group is their ability to mix seemingly incongruous items, such as pairing tracksuits with high heels or tight-fitting dresses with retro sports jackets, blending sporty chic with sadomasochistic influences. Hyper-feminine symbols and fashion items define their aesthetic, complemented by contouring makeup, lash extensions, eyebrow microblading, lip augmentation, and other cosmetic enhancements. Filters and digital effects are heavily employed to further elevate their appearance. While their photos often take place in luxurious settings, such as hotels, large pools, or limousines, the backgrounds are de-emphasized, focusing instead on incorporating luxury into their bodies, sexuality, and desirability (see Image 4).
Explicit ratchet style.
Overall analysis
The representation of femininity within ratchet style remains closely linked to working-class spaces and popular class culture, although each group interprets it in different ways. The eclecticism of ratchet style is evident across all the groups analyzed. The analysis also reveals that, while these women incorporate elements traditionally associated with lower-income areas, the ways in which they adapt and integrate these elements into their digital imagery create distinct social distinctions. The stylistic elements associated with working-class culture, as employed by these ratchets, challenge to some extent the dominant standards of what is considered acceptable style. A clear distinction emerges between young women who blend these elements with other fashion trends and normative aesthetic adjustments – such as those in the ‘Femininity Normative Ratchet Style’ and ‘Experimental Ratchet Style’ groups – and those who approach it from a more traditional perspective, like the ‘Underground Ratchet Style’. Meanwhile, the ‘Explicit Ratchet Style’ group occupies a middle ground between these two approaches.
Integration with mainstream fashion trends is most evident in the ‘Femininity Normative Ratchet Style’ and ‘Experimental Ratchet Style’ groups. Both groups push back against traditional style norms by incorporating elements of popular aesthetics, though their approaches differ: the former gravitates toward a more urban and Y2K-inspired look, while the latter leans into alternative and experimental aesthetics (e.g. digital/otaku). However, this rebellion is largely confined to the aesthetic realm. These young ratchets blend working-class elements with features that align with dominant social norms, often using filters and effects to enhance their authenticity. Essentially, while digital filters contribute to a sense of authenticity, their attention to framing and textures allows them to align with mainstream artistic trends.
In contrast, the ‘Underground Ratchet Style’ group adheres more closely to traditional working-class codes, distancing themselves from the fashion norms of more affluent groups. While other groups, like ‘Experimental Ratchet Style’’, may appear to challenge aesthetic norms more openly, it is the ‘Underground’ group that presents the most spontaneous and traditional imagery, reflecting the everyday lives of young women and telling simple stories about their experiences. Their style is diverse and heterogeneous, embracing popular aesthetic identities with less reliance on filters or effects for symbolic meaning. Although their style is curated digitally, it is done with less consistency and integration, reflecting a deeper connection to their social environment.
The ‘Explicit Trap Style’ group strikes a balance between the fashion-forward approaches of groups one and three and the more traditional aesthetic of the ‘Underground Ratchet Style’’. Their position offers aesthetic versatility, enabling them to shift fluidly between levels of refinement. In contrast to the ‘Underground’ group’s focus on everyday life, the ‘Explicit Trap Style’ provocatively engages with sexuality, employing visual elements that challenge societal norms. This allows them to experiment with explicitness and push boundaries in the representation of the body on digital platforms. In addition, their style maintains an ongoing dialogue with contemporary trends, appealing to diverse audiences while staying rooted in the authenticity of their cultural expression.
Discussion
In the digital era, authenticity has become a central element not only in the promotion of brands, products, and styles but also in self-presentation (Audrezet et al., 2020). What is particularly notable is that the digitally mediated display of authenticity has emerged as a key mechanism for achieving social recognition. In this new reality, social media platforms serve as ideal showcases for seeking validation (Gorea, 2021; Schlosser, 2020). Unlike traditional notions of subcultural authenticity, rooted in adherence to established styles, the contemporary concept of authenticity requires the proactive creation of a unique and distinctive style. To succeed – and to be perceived as authentic – a style must anticipate trends and stay ahead of market dynamics (Willis, 2004), a feat achieved by only a few (McQuarrie et al., 2013).
While the authenticity of personal style has long been critical in media such as television and music, social media – particularly image-based platforms – has amplified and individualized these processes (Dijk and Poell, 2013; Stokes and Price, 2017). Digital platforms reshape notions of reality and authenticity (Audrezet et al., 2020). Although these shifts call for new theoretical frameworks attuned to the ‘language of new media’ (Manovich, 2001), it is essential to integrate classic elements of critical sociology and cultural analysis into this framework. DeNora’s (1999, 2004) concept of ‘aesthetic reflexivity’ and Muggleton’s (2000) notion of ‘distinctive individuality’ are even more relevant in the digital age. Our analysis demonstrates that, in environments where social pressures on authenticity and reflexivity are shifting – such as on social media (Aires, 2020)—the stylistic elements associated with working-class youth allow different groups of ratchets to enhance their everyday authenticity and originality.
As observed, urban culture aesthetics have become a trend on Instagram. Hoop earrings and tattoos, traditionally linked to urban youth subcultures, have been incorporated into the visual culture of digital platforms. Instagram’s filters and effects enable these elements to be seamlessly integrated into personal imagery, adding distinctive nuances characteristic of the feminine ratchet style.
The identification and analysis of the digital aesthetic elements and practices distinguishing female ratchets into four groups reveal that these trends do not imply a democratization of cultural consumption dynamics. This suggests that aesthetic differences and their digitally mediated display still reflect underlying hierarchies and distinctions. Even when some groups adopt elements strongly associated with urban, disruptive, or underground aesthetics, such as those in the third group—‘Explicit Ratchet Style’—certain markers continue to distinguish them from young women more closely aligned with working-class identities.
The curation of personal images reveals the foundations of digital distinction. As shown, the combination of stylistic elements with digital filters and effects differs across the identified ratchet groups. Those who follow the ‘Femininity Normative Ratchet Style’ and ‘Explicit Ratchet Style’ tend to produce highly polished, symbolically layered, and cohesive images. In contrast, individuals aligned with the ‘Underground Ratchet Style’ and certain aspects of the ‘Explicit Ratchet Style’ favor a more direct, every day, and diverse aesthetic.
Contrary to what one might initially assume, the presence of stylistic elements traditionally associated with working-class culture no longer clearly signals social position. Instead, it appears that certain digital practices – such as visual integration, symbolic use of imagery, textures, and framing – have become subtle new markers of distinction.
These processes must be understood within the broader context of existing social structures, where digital mediation plays a pivotal role by reshaping pre-existing dynamics. The stylistic differences identified within the feminine ratchet style are not merely the result of individual choice. The varied use of filters and effects reveals that these hybrid practices do not erode traditional cultural boundaries and hierarchies. Instead, collective negotiation processes – critical in disputes over visibility and the attainment of digital status – are transformed in this context.
Platforms like Instagram, particularly popular in the Global North, align with the processes of class identity formation and aspiration, while also reconfiguring social asymmetries and traditional forms of discrimination. Far from constituting a democratic space within digital capitalism – or platform capitalism (Langley and Leyshon, 2016; Srnicek & De Sutter, 2016) – social media platforms have constructed an increasingly professionalized marketplace of competition for audience attention. Although it may appear that social success depends on individual digital entrepreneurship, existing hierarchies persist. In these new hybrid dynamics, the ‘micro-fame’ or ‘micro-influence’ (Djafarova and Trofimenko, 2019) of young ratchets is closely tied to how each group uses digital tools for image creation and editing. Those who adopt a more direct, everyday approach – linked to working-class culture – tend to limit their visibility to their reference groups, while those who opt for more integrated and symbolically rich approaches can reach broader, aspirational middle-class audiences.
Conclusions
This article collected digital visual data from the public profiles of young women associated with the ratchet style (Evans and Hall, 1999; Latzko-Toth et al., 2017; Warr et al., 2016). Our analysis employs a twofold approach: first, a quantitative classification of the image dataset through SNA, identifying both similarities and differences within the ratchet style; and second, a qualitative examination of the visual narratives shared by these women on Instagram. Our visual analysis reveals how traditional categories of social distinction are fragmenting, with increasingly diverse stylistic repertoires becoming more common (Fernández Rodríguez and Heikkilä, 2020; Karademir-Hazir, 2015; Lahire, 2008).
Rather than treating cultural expression among young female ratchets as fixed or static, our approach highlights a dynamic phenomenon evolving on social media platforms. This form of cultural expression, rooted in self-curated imagery, has emerged as a compelling societal trend shaped by the unique design, affordances, and modes of appropriation found in digital environments. While personal distinction may seem to rest on individual capabilities and self-promotion, it represents only one dimension of a broader cultural process. This aspect is particularly significant due to its strong connection to the affordances provided by platforms like Instagram.
The rise of digitalization and social media has fostered a diversification of stylistic expressions, positioning authenticity as a central value. Elements traditionally linked to urban working-class cultures have now become trends for achieving this authenticity. However, we also identified new markers of social position, such as the production and editing of highly symbolic and polished images. In the platform era, blending stylistic elements from various social groups appears to provide upper classes with new strategies for negotiating and affirming their social position in a context where visibility and micro-fame are crucial. This dynamic reveals the emergence of new forms of digital distinction.
Our findings indicate that focusing solely on novelty risks overlooking the enduring social structuring processes that continue to shape distinctions across various styles. Contemporary social dynamics cannot be fully understood without considering the central role of digital technologies in shaping them. The digital sphere has become a key actor in broader social processes, creating new relationships and synergies between structural variables such as class, age, gender, and ethnicity, and their many intersections. This analysis suggests that what may appear as isolated instances, individual processes, or the opening of social boundaries does not necessarily signal the dismantling of social hierarchies. Rather, it points to a repositioning of the elements that signify and reinforce these hierarchies.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Phillip Villani for his valuable proofreading of the paper.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This publication was made possible through the financial support of the Government of Spain, Ministry Science, Innovation and Universities (REF-FPU16/01031). The content of this article is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the views of the Spanish Government.
Caveats and limitations
This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, our analysis did not encompass the entire population of interest. Instead, we focused on constructing a preliminary typology designed to highlight and identify the key theoretical foundations necessary for future research aimed at understanding this complex, multifaceted phenomenon. Although not exhaustive, we believe our approach moves beyond mere theoretical reflection, providing meaningful insights and suggesting promising directions for further study.
Ethical considerations
Research in social media environments presents significant ethical challenges due to the ongoing lack of consensus on how to navigate ethical frictions and ambiguities in these contexts (Markham and Buchanan, 2017; Tiidenberg, 2018). Despite the absence of specific guidelines at the time we carried out our fieldwork, we implemented measures to ensure adherence to core ethical principles. Drawing on established frameworks such as AoIR 3.0 (2019), BSA (2016), and NESH (2019), we adopted a non-participant observation approach. This methodology does not require informed consent when public information is used, provided anonymity is maintained. To ensure participant safety, confidentiality, and anonymity, we applied strict data management protocols, limiting access to principal investigators, anonymizing profiles, and removing identifying data. Visual content was coded into numerical data and is presented in aggregate form (see protocols in Barrio, 2023). Finally, as the images used to disseminate findings pertain to public figures, informed consent was not necessary (AoIR, Association of Internet Researchers, 2019).
