When Relevance Is No Longer the Question

Abstract

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are not monolithic as they differ in size, curriculum specializations, and a host of other characteristics. However, HBCUs share a mission of providing a higher education for Black students within the broader context of a discriminatory social environment. The ability to understand and articulate the fundamental characteristics, which shape Black colleges, can provide more nuanced conversations about these institutions’ contributions toward addressing equity and access for Black students in higher education. Historically, scholars have used social and cultural capital to explain the role HBCUs play in Black students’ academic careers. However, this article uses Community Cultural Wealth to discuss the various forms of capital that HBCUs impart to their students. Specifically, in this article, we argue that using such a lens when discussing HBCUs is important because it provides a more holistic and broader outlook regarding the forms of culture HBCUs provide to their students.

Keywords

Black students higher education historically Black colleges and universities community cultural wealth

Congress established Title III during the Higher Education Act of 1965, which officially recognized historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) as institutions whose mission was and remains focused on the education of Black students (Gasman, 2013; Knight, Davenport, Green-Powell, & Hilton, 2012; Palmer, 2008). Today there are 105 HBCUs that enroll 11% of Black students in the United States, while only representing less than 3% of colleges and universities in the country (Gasman, 2013). HBCUs are a diverse group of institutions, ranging in size, curriculum specializations, and a host of other characteristics (Knight et al., 2012; Palmer, Maramba, Arroyo, Allen, & Boykin, 2017). No matter the institutional make-up, HBCUs share the historic responsibility of providing a “holistic” education for Black students in a social environment free of racial discrimination (Brown & Davis, 2001; Gasman, 2013; Palmer & Gasman, 2008).

Scholars have articulated the importance of HBCUs to the national landscape of higher education (Albritton, 2012; Bettez & Suggs, 2012; Cantey, Bland, Mack, & Joy-Davis, 2013; Lee, 2012; Palmer, 2008; Palmer & Wood, 2012; Toldson, 2013) and indicated how they play a significant role in the success of Black collegians (Berger & Milem, 2000; Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Gasman, 2013; Wagener & Nettles, 1998). While HBCUs enroll a large portion of Pell eligible, first-generation students (Saunders, Williams, & Smith, 2016) do a better job at helping to facilitate the success of their student population compared with non-HBCUs, serving students from similar demographics (Flores & Park, 2014). Despite this, some theoretical frameworks (i.e., social and cultural capital) used to guide research on HBCUs does not fully support or acknowledge the impact HBCUs have on Black students. The unique characteristics of HBCUs play a major role in helping Black students overcome barriers that could impede their success. Therefore, using such frameworks may limit researchers’ ability to express the impact HBCUs have on Black students. Consequently, HBCUs, along with their students, are held to standards of Eurocentric ideology, while overlooking the success and culture presence at HBCUs.

Yosso (2005) used critical race theory (CRT) to challenge the traditional interpretations of cultural capital. By utilizing CRT, Yosso (2005) shifted the focus from the shortcomings of communities of color, and focuses on various cultural knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed by historically marginalized groups that often go unrecognized and unacknowledged (Yosso, 2005). Specifically, Yosso (2005) referred to this as Community Cultural Wealth (CCW), which is manifested in six forms of capital: aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant. Using extant literature on HBCUs, we will discuss the various forms of capital that HBCUs foster among their students to ensure their success. Before discussing CCW in the context of HBCUs, in the next section of this article, we provide a review of literature on CCW, discuss how researchers have used it previously, and emphasize its applicability to HBCUs.

Review of Literature on Community Cultural Capital

In his work, Bourdieu (2011) stated that,

Capital, which, in its objectified or embodied forms, takes time to accumulate and which, as a potential capacity to produce profits and to reproduce itself in identical or expanded form, contains a tendency to persist in its being, is a force inscribed in the objectivity of things so that everything is not equally possible or impossible. And the structure of the distribution of the different types and subtypes of capital at a given moment in time represents the immanent structure of the social world, i.e., the set of constraint, inscribed in the very reality of that world, which govern its functioning in a durable way, determining the chances of success for practices. (p. 17)

When Bourdieu (1984) initially developed this concept, Blacks struggled to develop, accumulate, and reproduce capital by societies standard because of slavery and Jim Crow. In addition, it becomes clear that Bourdieu’s (1984) conception of capital was not established for historically marginalized groups due to inequitable funding in our school systems, school-to-prison pipeline, and other forms of institutional racism they continue to face today. However, this framework has been used as one of the explanations to describe why students of color do not succeed at the same rate as Whites (Yosso, 2005). Bourdieu referred to cultural capital as an accumulation of cultural knowledge, skills, and abilities possessed and inherited by privileged groups in society. He explained that cultural capital, social capital, and economic capital are acquired two ways—through family and/or formal education. Dominant groups in society are capable of maintaining power because of the limited access to acquire and learn strategies to form capital for social mobility (Yosso, 2005).

Yosso (2005) used CRT to shift the focus from the notions of White middle-class society to the cultures of communities of color. Drawing from the work of Oliver and Shapiro (1995), Yosso explained cultural capital, in many different aspects that can be considered valuable to communities of Color. Yosso (2005) developed CCW to illuminate and provide value to cultural knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed by people of color who are often ignored and devalued. Within CCW, Yosso (2005) identified six forms of capital: (a) aspirational, (b) navigational, (c) social, (d) linguistic, (e) familial, and (f) resistant. Whereas social capital underscores one’s accessibility to relationships to accomplish goals, navigational capital emphasizes a person’s ability to maneuver through social institutions. Moreover, aspirational capital delineates a person’s ability to maintain their hopes and dreams even in the face of adversity and familial capital refers to cultural information among family that signifies a sense of cultural intuition. Finally, linguistic capital is a skill learned by communicating in more than one language (verbal and nonverbal) and resistant capital discusses knowledge and skills learned from engaging in oppositional behavior in the face of inequity (Yosso, 2005). While we will discuss these forms of CCW in more depth in the subsequent part of this article, it is important to note that no study has discussed CCW in the context of HBCUs or its impact on the students enrolled in them. Instead, researchers have used these forms of CCW to primarily discuss how Latinx parents and other agents have, in some cases, worked collaboratively or independently to facilitate the success of Latinx students in K-12 and higher education (Espino, 2014; Huber, 2009; Luna & Martinez, 2013).

More precisely, CCW has been strongly embraced by the Latinx community in education. Specifically, Espino (2014) explored how Mexican American PhD students used various forms of CCW in order to access graduate school. Huber (2009) highlighted how a group of Latinx women utilized CCW to navigate through higher education, while challenging racist nativist discourse. In a similar study, Luna and Martinez (2013) framed their research around CCW to better understand the experiences of Latinx college students. A number of other scholars have used CCW to examine deaf adolescents (Garrow, Fleischer, Eugster, & Love, 2014; Listman, Rogers, & Hauser, 2011), and Chinese immigrants (Lu, 2013). Despite this, few researchers have examined the Black students (Jayakumar, Vue, & Allen, 2013) or HBCU context through the prism of CCW.

Applying CCW to HBCUs

Brown and Davis (2001) have utilized forms of Bourdieu’s social capital framework to examine HBCUs as a social equalizer. In addition, other scholars have examined HBCUs through social and cultural capital as a conduit for academic success for Black males (Palmer & Gasman, 2008), as a form of success for Black doctoral students (Joseph, 2013), and a form of educational reproduction (Davis, 1998). Although the aforementioned research explains how Black students are able to gain social and cultural capital by attending HBCUs, by using Bourdieu’s work, researchers are limited to the culture norms and success defined by dominant culture and class in the United States (Yosso, 2005). Meaning, by using Bourdieu’s framework opposed to Yosso’s framework, such research limits cultural aspects of HBCU communities that are key to the success of Black students in higher education.

Given this critique, in this article, using CCW, we will use literature to discuss how HBCUs serve as a conduit to aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistant capital for Black students. Specifically, this article highlights literature on HBCUs that have underscored the various forms of capital contextualized through CCW. Moreover, the ability to understand and articulate the fundamental characteristics that shape historically Black colleges through CCW will serve as a lens of analysis for meaningful equity and access. Indeed, the various forms of capital that comprise CCW draw on the knowledge and opportunities HBCUs provide their students to succeed during and upon completing college. The transmission of cultural or social capital are typically seen as the provision of families and communities, not schools, although school, especially higher education, indirectly requires certain aspects of cultural and social capital from their students (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). This article explains how HBCUs provide CCW for Black students as they progress through the higher education pipeline.

Aspirational Capital

Aspirational capital is the ability to maintain hopes and dreams for the future, even when facing barriers, whether real or perceived (Yosso, 2005). The resilience is evident in how HBCUs allow themselves and their students to dream of possibilities beyond their present circumstances, often without the means to attain those goals. Data have shown attending an HBCU significantly influenced Black students’ aspirations to pursue a graduate degree (Berger & Milem, 2000; Gasman, Lundy-Wagner, Ransom, & Bowman, 2010; Kim, 2002; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Pascarella, Wolniak, Pierson, & Flowers, 2004).

Black Students at HBCUs tend to have a high level of educational aspirations, career aspirations, and willingness to participate in community service (Wenglinsky, 1996). Students who attend HBCUs are both more academically motivated with respect to their educational goals and are more likely to achieve their professional aspirations than Black students at other institutions (Kim, 2002; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Wenglinsky, 1996). According to a recent study conducted by the Gallup-Purdue (2015), Black graduates of HBCUs are more likely to thrive in social and purpose well-being, which means they enjoy what they do each day and are motivated to achieve their goals.

Although data show the importance of HBCUs contribution to the aspiration of their students, there needs to be a greater understanding of their impact on Black student’s aspirations. The research focusing on HBCUs and their impact on their students’ aspiration is heavily quantifiable. Therefore, a more nuanced understanding of what HBCUs are doing in order to contribute to the aspirations of their students is needed. Specifically, more research should draw from students’ perspective of how their aspirations are formed while attending an HBCU.

Linguistic Capital

Linguistic capital is the intellectual and social skills attained through communication experiences in more than one language (Faulstich Orellana, 2003) or in the case of HBCUs, communicating through cultural relevance. Linguistic capital reflects the idea that Black students arrive at school with multiple communication skills (Yosso, 2005). In addition, these students have engaged participants in storytelling traditions, which possibly include listening to and recounting oral histories, parables, stories, and proverbs. Storytelling skills may include memorization, attention to detail, dramatic pauses, comedic timing, facial affect, vocal tone, volume, rhythm, and rhyme (Yosso, 2005). Through linguistic capital, the belief is expressed that language is not just words spoken or an exchange of symbols, but is the means by which one gains knowledge of, and maintains their social, occupational, economic, or individual identity (Collier, 1997). Language and the way one communicates, “is directly related to how one thinks, behaves, believes, and interacts with others” (Boone, 2003, p. 215).

Boones (2003) explained the pedagogical implications of call-response when it is performed in the classroom at an HBCU, and how it has allowed students to maintain their cultural identity by engaging in behaviors reflecting cultural values recognized by the Black community. HBCUs, through shared speech patterns, endorse, and validate Black cultural identities, which results in both students and instructors as beneficiaries of learning, and creates a supportive and cooperative environment (Boone, 2003). Due to a shared language system, students received confirmation of their cultural identities from one another and from the instructor (Boone, 2003).

Kynard and Eddy (2009) examined how communication serves as a community-informed tension that is fundamental to imagine how pedagogical and life opportunities have structured for students at HBCUs. Through the study, Kynard and Eddy (2009) determined that classes at HBCUs offer an intellectual and social world that challenges a mainstream education. All students at HBCUs do not hold the same beliefs and ideology, which caused rich discussions in class. What sets HBCUs apart is not shared beliefs, but their willingness to discuss the political spectrum of racial assimilation, separation, or pluralism (Kynard & Eddy, 2009).

In a study that examined the teaching experiences and classroom management at HBCUs, Wei and Hendrix (2016) discovered that Black professors perceived themselves as more learning-focused and collaborative facilitators. This approach allows students to be more active in seeking information rather than passive knowledge, which can cultivate a sense of belonging among students (Ediger, 2011). Therefore, faculty at HBCUs might not just use lectures as their main focus in class, but put into practice more hands-on activities (Wei & Hendrix, 2016). Wei and Hendrix (2016) findings were consistent with Boone (2003) as it pertains to communicating with students at HBCUs. Many professors at HBCUs, especially African American faculty, may use call-response communication to interact with their students. This allows for students to express their opinions by engaging in nonverbal high-fives or by making verbal sounds during a lecture (Wei & Hendrix, 2016).

Boone (2003), Kynard and Eddyy (2009), and Wei and Hendrix (2016) have shown the use of ethnic dialogue in the classroom of HBCUs can result in rewarding, positive experiences from which students can personally benefit. Therefore, further exploration of the linguistic capital HBCUs provide their student is needed. Although research has explored and credited HBCUs for providing a culturally responsive pedagogy (Kynard & Eddy, 2009), Boones’s (2003) exploration of the call and response method, and Wei and Hendrix (2016) examination of the teaching experience of HBCU faculty, more research needs to explore how faculty communicate (verbal and nonverbal) with their students in and out-of-the classroom. The knowledge of how faculty communicate with their students will provide a greater understanding of effective tools to reach and engage Black students.

Familial Capital

Familial capital refers to cultural knowledge nurtured among family that carries a sense of history, memory, and cultural intuition (Delgado Bernal, 2002). This form of capital engages a commitment to community well-being and expands the concept of family to include a broader understanding of kinship (Yosso, 2005). By acknowledging the racialized class that comprise traditional understandings of “family,” familial capital is nurtured by our extended family, which may include immediate family, extended family, friends, as well as faculty and peers who might also be considered part of the family (Yosso, 2005). From these kinship ties, students can learn the importance of maintaining a healthy connection to the community and its resources (Yosso, 2005). Family in this concept also models lessons of caring, coping, and providing education, which inform our emotional, moral, educational, and occupational consciousness (Lopez, 2003). The family becomes connected with others around common issues and realizes they are not alone in coping with their problems (Delgado-Gaitan, 2001).

HBCUs have been acknowledged for their ability to create an inclusive and nurturing environment through meaningful and lasting relationships between students and faculty that enhances students’ success and retention (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Guiffrida, 2005; Palmer & Gasman, 2008). Administrators believe relationships on campus nurture HBCU students and are family-like in nature. These relationships are shaped by the ethic of care and are formed to establish a shared moral responsibility to encourage cultural advancement (Hirt, Amelink, McFeeters, & Strayhorn, 2008). Through relationships students have with faculty and administrators, HBCUs create an inclusive climate that helps promote success for Black students (Hirt et al., 2008). Students who attend HBCUs expressed they form close personal relationships with faculty whom identified as having similar experiences when they were in college (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2008). Social networks formed among peers also serve to create a more inclusive climate at HBCUs. Peer support allows students to become more active in student activities. Connections with other students allow for an easier transition and adjustment to the college environment (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002).

Social Capital

Social capital is a network of people and community resources (Yosso, 2005). Brown and Davis (2001) construct social capital as “a way to think about how these institutions have used their particular social and legal position in the higher educational landscape to advance the interest of African Americans” (p. 41). Simply put, the relationships and networks HBCUs provide for their students become tangible and meaningful resources, which are known as social capital (Brown & Davis, 2001). Due to the reputation of Black intellectuals and professionals among HBCUs’ alumni, faculty, and staff, they serve as one of the primary producers of social capital for Black students (Brown & Davis, 2001). One way in which social capital is played out is through the institutional agents and agencies (e.g., committed faculty, compensatory curricula, alumni leaders in the profession and society; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). “The institutional agents constitute an array of channels that identify, negotiate, and transmit resources, particularly formal and informal relations, that purchase opportunities for the accomplishment of HBCU’s collective agenda- the educational development and attainment of African Americans” (Brown & Davis, 2001, p. 41).

More precisely, the conceptual framework of social capital and how HBCUs provide a network and access to their students has been discussed in the extant literature (Brown & Davis, 2001; Joseph, 2011; Palmer & Gasman, 2008). Research should further examine various perspectives of how social capital is distributed within HBCUs. Palmer and Gasman (2008) provided a perceptive on how HBCUs promote social capital through academic success. Joseph (2013) illustrated the culture of HBCUs and how those advantages benefit the students they look to enroll into a doctoral program superficially in terms of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics disciplines. There needs to be a better understanding of how HBCUs serve as a conduit for social capital for all students; as well as the impact faculty and alumni have on building and growing the network of students attending HBCUs. Promoting social capital at HBCUs will highlight the resources and networks privy to HBCU collegians.

Navigational Capital

Navigational capital refers to the ability to maneuver through social institutions. Historically, this infers to the skill to navigate through institutions not created with communities of color in mind (Yosso, 2005). Navigational capital acknowledges individual agencies within institutional constraints, while connecting to social networks that facilitate community navigation through places and various spaces (Williams, 1997).

Faculty members at HBCUs tend to engage with their students personally, instill a sense of institutional pride, and provide them with the proper tools required to succeed (Berger & Milem, 2000; Palmer & Gasman, 2008). According to Guiffrida (2005), not only do the faculty at HBCUs provide their students with the personalized guidance and active support, but also they demonstrate a higher level of confidence in the students’ abilities than White faculty. HBCUs are known to successfully address any academic deficiencies in the students they admit (Harper, 2007; Palmer & Davis, 2012).

Research has proven that HBCUs generally do a better job of promoting growth and development among Black students than do PWIs in areas such as cognitive development, academic achievement, educational aspirations, degree attainment, and college satisfaction (Allen, 1992; Berger & Milem, 2000; Pascarella, Bohr, Nora, & Terenzini, 1995). In a survey, Gallup-Purdue (2015) concluded that HBCUs also provide a form of navigational capital, by assisting students at HBCUs with the opportunity through applied internships, long-term projects, and extracurricular activities. Such exposure not only sets students on a path to explore career options, but also provides them with the experience they need to excel in the workforce.

Literature has provided evidence on the impact HBCUs have on Black students’ as they navigate through society (Berger & Milem, 2000; Fries-Britt & Turner, 2002; Gasman, 2013; Hirt et al., 2008; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Wagener & Nettles, 1998). Nevertheless, more research providing various perspectives (i.e., students, faculty, administration) and highlighting various programs that have assisted students in navigating the education pipeline, as well as life, is needed. Examining various HBCUs and their programs will provide multiple perspectives on effective strategies for the success of Black students.

Resistant Capital

Resistant capital refers to knowledge and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that challenges inequality (Delgado Bernal, 1997; Freire, 1970). This form of cultural wealth is grounded in the legacy of resistance to subordination displayed by people of color (Deloria, 1969). Delgado Bernal (2001) explained that resistance can include different forms of oppositional behavior, such as self-defeating or conformist strategies that feed back into the system of subordination.

Higher education has a reputation for its limited access, particularly for people of color. From its establishment, institutions of higher education denied access to individuals who were not wealthy, male, and White (Brown, Donahoo, & Bertrand, 2001). Unlike other institutions, the mission of HBCUs is centered on positioning, preparing, and empowering Black students to succeed in what many perceive to be a hostile society (Brown et al., 2001). These institutions not only promote educational attainment and advancement but also serve as safe space in an otherwise racially demoralizing society (Palmer & Maramba, 2015). HBCUs dispel the belief that higher education is only suitable for the rich or socially prestigious. Surrounded by a racially hostile society, these colleges and universities have established and maintained a tradition of academic excellence. HBCUs work with students who may have low grades and test scores, and due to various circumstances, may not be as well prepared for college. “HBCUs are not concerned with who gets admitted but rather what happens to them afterwards. Undeniably, HBCUs have readily accepted the challenge and continue to help students to succeed and beat the odds” (Brown et al., 2001, p. 569).

In a time of racial turmoil and unrest on many college campuses across the United States, there is a need for more research examining the resistance capital HBCUs provide to their students. From a historical perspective, HBCUs are known for their open access and providing a safe space for Black students, but what does that mean in today’s society? What does it mean today in an age when Jim Crow and segregation are outlawed, but other forms of subtle racism are impacting Black students? What does it mean for Black students who would not have enrolled in an institution of higher education if it were not for the HBCU they attend? What does it mean for students who are now experiencing harsh treatment at other institutions? What does it mean to be judged solely based on your abilities and not your skin color? What does it mean for Black students to step into a classroom where faculty resemble them and hold all their students to high standards? The current racial climate has brought many of these questions to light, and researchers should take full advantage of discovering the impact HBCUs are having in the world of higher education.

Discussion

A dearth of studies has provided an in-depth understanding of the characteristics of HBCUs through the prism of CCW. In viewing HBCUs through this lens, we have argued that these institutions provide Black students with aspirational capital, linguistic capital, navigational capital, familial capital, and resistant capital. Studies (Gallup-Purdue, 2015; Kim & Conrad, 2006) have shown that Black students leave HBCUs having high educational goals, even in the face of adversity. Through linguistic capital, HBCUs provide their students the opportunity to communicate openly and freely, in a safe cultural space. Moreover, with the help of supportive institutional staff (i.e., faculty and administrators), HBCUs provide a sense of familial capital and an affirming environment. HBCU students not only develop navigational capital, which help them to enter society with a sense of purpose, pride, and confidence, but they also cultivate a sense of resistant capital, which aids them in not becoming encumbered by issues such as racism and prejudice that they may experience in the larger society.

In this current article, while we argue that the HBCU environment and as well as faculty, staff, and administrators imbue students with CCW in the form of aspirational, linguistic, navigational, familial, and resistant capital, others have discussed how family and mentors of Latinx students provide them with a sense of familial, aspirational, and navigational capital, which have helped to promote and sustain their academic achievement (Espino, 2014, 2016; Huber, 2009; Larrotta & Yamamura, 2011; Luna & Martinez, 2013; Saenz, Garcia-Louis, Drake, & Guida, 2018). Specifically, in qualitative study with 130 of Latinx male students enrolled across several community colleges, Saenz et al. (2018) explained that the family of the participants not only provided them with familial capital, but also from their family networks, they were provided with aspirational capital. Similarly, the participants in Saenz et al.’s (2018) study explained that they found navigational capital through their mentors in college, given that many of the participants’ parents lacked a college education. In all, the way we discussed how HBCU students have gained various tenets of CCW from the HBCU milieu is similar to how Latinx students have gained similar variations of CCW from their families and others (i.e., mentors). Thus, while CCW originated from different sources, it seems to lead to positive outcomes for Black students attending HBCUs.

HBCUs often receive negative attention through media sources; highlighting the challenges these institutions face, while neglecting to underscore the successes of these institutions. This disconnect is reflected in the tendencies of the government (federal and state) and funders to invest less in HBCUs (Gasman, 2010), while failing to mention “how successful HBCUs have been in educating traditionally underserved students despite the many obstacles they face” (Gasman, 2013, p. 3). CCW provides a diverse perspective of what HBCUs provide to their students. Through this lens, researchers are able to highlight characteristics possessed by HBCUs that are not often valued by institutions of higher education. Although these values might not be acknowledged as tangible attributions of institutions of higher education, future research will be able to show the benefits of the environment fostered at HBCUs.

Without a doubt, given the current racial tension in the United States, HBCUs are needed now more than ever. The questioning of HBCUs’ existence should shift to acknowledging their wealth and how do we as a nation sustain and support such institutions. HBCUs have experienced a major increase in their enrollment in 2016 after acknowledging the lack of safe spaces on the campuses of PWIs (Kimborough, 2016). Many in the Black community view HBCUs as places that provide students with the environment they need not only to succeed academically, but also to be safe and secure in who they are as Black people. As this country continues to struggle with racism and discrimination, the understanding of what HBCUs provide for their students should be highlighted as the nation not only looks to close achievement gaps, but also as Black students look for a safe haven within higher education.

Implications

This research notes the importance of Yosso’s (2005) work of CCW when discussing communities of color or entities that serve them (Jayakumar et al., 2013). For example, in this article, using Yosso’s CCW’s framework helped to examine HBCUs through a prism that is not often used when discussing Black colleges. As a result, the various forms of capital that HBCUs impart to their students can be understood in a more holistic and broader context. Indeed, the discussion in this article provides fodder for how researchers and other stakeholders of HBCUs should consider viewing and understanding HBCUs. Using a CCW lens will provide the “true value” that HBCUs offer Black students in addition to academics, by providing a more holistic education. Second, stakeholders should view HBCUs based on their mission opposed to comparing them to institutions that do not share the same focus. Through this approach, hopefully stakeholders will support HBCUs as they seek to provide a positive educational experience for Black students.

While there is a dearth of longitudinal studies that have followed HBCU graduates to better understand how the tenets of CCW have aided them in their future endeavors, what is clear is that graduates of HBCUs feel more prepared and confident than their same-race counterparts who have graduated from non-HBCUs as they engage life after college (Gallup, 2015). With a limited body of research documenting how HBCUs provide a sense of CCW to Black students in higher education, additional research is needed to provide an in-depth understanding of the various forms of capital HBCUs offer to their students. In particular, more research is needed on individual forms of capital within CCW, as well an introductory of new forms of capital. As most of the studies have examined HBCUs without CCW, doing so through the prism of CCW would provide HBCUs the opportunity to tell their story about strategies, which positively affects the success of Black students, but often goes unnoticed and undervalued. Knowing the importance of various capitals and their contribution to the success of Black students will contribute to better practices when addressing Black students’ needs.

As it pertains to the various capitals within CCW, more research is needed in providing students’ perspective of CCW at HBCUs and the role it plays in their success. It is imperative that research provides a voice to students and their experiences. By providing students’ perspectives, stakeholders are better informed about best practices and what practices are not as effective as once believed. The students’ voice will also inform stakeholders on areas of improvement. Such research can possibly lead to strategies that will assist in establishing an even greater increase in student enrollment and success.

Researchers should also engage faculty and administrative perspective on the role CCW play in student success at HBCUs. As research on faculty at HBCUs is sparse (i.e., Jackson, 2002; Wei & Hendrix, 2016), many decisions have been made based on little empirical data. Outside of the students themselves, faculty and administrators have the best understanding of their students and their needs (Palmer, Arroyo, & Maramba, 2018). Therefore, faculty and administrators would better inform stakeholders of some of the challenges facing HBCUs and their students. Such research may assist stakeholders in how they can better address supporting HBCUs as they continue to make strides in educating Black students.

This article has discussed the many ways that HBCUs impart CCW to their students and argued that researchers should be more intentional about using CCW as they investigate the environmental contexts of HBCUs. The concept of CCW takes an antideficit approach for how historically marginalized groups are combatting the many barriers they often face in order to succeed. As more Black students attend institutions of higher education, it is imperative that educators, administrators, and other stakeholders, regardless of institutional type, consider investigating, understanding, and implementing the tenets of CCW to help promote their success.

Conclusion

This article has discussed how HBCUs serve a conduit to CCW for Black students. Through literature, this research suggests that HBCUs provide sources of aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistance capital. In other words, HBCUs provide Black students with the ability to develop goals, by their method of communication, a family-like environment, a broader network, and a pathway to success with the least racial resistance. Such positive conditions play a major role in the success HBCUs have with educating Black students in higher education.

HBCUs are a major contributor of CCW for Black students. As policy makers, funders, and institutions look to close the achievement gap and increase college completion rates, HBCUs will continue to play an instrumental part. The literature has expressed how HBCUs are essential institutions within America’s higher education landscape, and how they provide a unique and unduplicated educational experience. Indeed, from the article’s discussion, it is clear that researches should be more proactive in using CCW as they examine the cultural, academic, social, and emotional benefits students gain from attending HBCUs.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

DeShawn Calvin Preston is the Institutional Effectiveness Program Manager at Morehouse School of Medicine. His research focuses more broadly on higher education policy as it pertains to the impact on students of color. He also studies Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and other Minority Serving Institutions (MSIs). Robert Palmer is an Associate Professor at Howard University. His research focus is access, equity, retention, persistence, the college experience of racial ethnic minorities, particularly within the context of historically-black colleges and universities (HBCUs).

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