Abstract
This study addresses the Bible as a coping tool in a sample of Swedish practising Christians living with cancer, gathered through a qualitative, in-depth interview study, on religious experiences and expressions that serve in the process of coping with a life situation changed by the disease. Through content analyses, and case studies combining tools from Pargament’s coping theory with, above all, role theory, it is shown that the Bible is a part of the coping process for approximately half of the informants. Furthermore, the Bible plays very different roles in the coping process, even for one single person. In the analyzed material, two different ways of using the Bible in the coping process occurs: Biblical passages as bearer of meaning for the informants, and the actual reading as such of the Bible. The former with two different functions in the coping process: (a) in the Biblical passages, see a direct appeal from God to the individual on a personal level and (b) a specific character in a Bible passage serves as an object of identification for the informant. In the coping process, the Bible provides coping tools for the identified coping methods meditative reading, role taking, and (re)interpretation of biblical passages (motivated by a religious tradition). As such, it mainly serves within the framework of the preserving comprehensive coping method. It is also shown that there are changes in the use of the Bible in connection with the changed life situation, as a result of the disease.
Introduction
Reading the Bible is often identified as an important method of coping for practicing Christians (Krause & Pargament, 2018; Pargament, 1997). For more general studies on the use and outcome of turning to the Bible, see: Barna Group (2014), Malley (2004), and Village( 2007). Yet surprisingly few studies have explored how the Bible precisely functions in the coping process: Krause and Pargament (2018) recently identified just a handful of studies on the role of turning to the Bible in coping. They recommend further investigation of the reasons for reading the Bible as a response to stressful events and which specific Bible passages that are found to be especially helpful. The present study of the varieties of Bible usage among practicing Christian Swedes living with cancer is in part a response to these recommendations.
The hypothesis here is that the Bible, as a coping tool, can have at least two major, differing functions in the coping process, with several different accompanying psychological implications. Specifically, in the coping process, the Bible can be regarded as an artifact, and/or it can be regarded as a collection of texts bearing meaning for the reader. Regarded as an artifact, the focus is on the Bible as a tangible physical object. Regarded as a collection of texts, the focus is on the content of the Biblical texts—in this context, content that can comfort, inspire, or encourage.
The rationale for the hypothesis that the Bible can be used as a physical object in coping is based on studies of material religious objects and coping, such as the use of prayer cloths (Lundmark, 2015; Saarelainen, 2016), or seemingly secular objects that become sanctified and thus are given a religious meaning as part of the coping process (Lundmark, 2016a; Mahoney et al., 2005). It seems plausible that the Bible, considering the importance it has for many Christians, as a physical object can have similar functions as, for example, prayer cloths, meaning that anxiety can be relieved by handling the Bible as an object.
The rationale for the hypothesis that the content of the Bible can be an important coping resource is based on the empirical work of, among others, Krause and Pargament (2018) whose research suggests that the magnitude of the relationship between stress and hope being lower for people who read the Bible more frequently; Johnson, Williams, and Pickard (2016), who investigate the reading of the Bible as a specific strategy when coping with persistent mental illness; Hamilton, Moore, Johnson, and Koenig (2013), who investigate how reading Bible passages gives guidance, comfort and strength during stressful life events, and Arcury, Quandt, McDonald, and Bell (2001) who study how reading the Bible can help older adults manage their health.
I have been able to identify only two studies that question how and in what way(s) Bible reading functions in the coping process. One of these studies addresses the question of which Bible passages become important in the coping process (Hamilton et al., 2013). In order to find comfort, the participants in the study (54 African-American adults), use Bible passages categorized as God as protector, God as Beneficent, Praise and Thanksgiving, God as Healer, Memory of Forefathers, Prayers to God, and Life and Death.
The other study focus on the function of reading the Bible as a benevolent religious reappraisal coping strategy, in a sample of 3,010 people participating in a nationwide, face-to-face, random probability survey of people aged 18 and older living in United States (Krause & Pargament, 2018). The results suggest that the magnitude of the relationship between stress and hope is lower for people who read the Bible more frequently, and that those people are more likely to adopt a benevolent religious reappraisal coping strategy.
Several qualitative studies on aspects of religiosity and the process of coping with cancer suggest an interdependence between specific aspects of religiosity and the changed life situation due to the disease, meaning that not only is religiosity playing a role in coping but religiosity is also changed by having a role in the coping process (Hørdam Ausker, 2012; Lundmark, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Saarelainen, 2016; Torbjørnsen, 2011). The question of interdependence between the use of the Bible and the coping process will also be addressed in the present study.
In the present study, the research questions are as follows:
For the informants in the analyzed interview-materials (see the method-section):
1. Is the Bible a part of the coping process?
If so:
2. In what way(s) is the Bible a part of the coping process?
3. Is the use of the Bible changed by being a part of the coping process?
Theoretical framework
The coping process
Following Ganzevoort (1994, 1998a, 1998b), it is assumed that religious coping is composed of four processes—religion, identity, context, and coping—that are constantly in flux and in interaction with each other. To be able to identify the specific influence of religion in coping, therefore, one must adopt a multiphase perspective that views religion as a biographical process that includes all aspects of a person’s life.
Pargament (1997, p. 90) defines coping as “a search for significance in times of stress,” significance meaning whatever is important to an individual, institution, or culture. This search for significance can be understood as a process that includes (a) the psychological, social, and contextual resources available to the person; (b) the particular ways in which the individual makes use of these resources in a given situation; and (c) the outcome of the process, mainly in terms of the extent to which the coping process has been successful in reducing stress, even though other outcomes might also be at hand, such as positive or negative side-effects of the coping process (Ganzevoort, 1998a, 1998b; Lundmark, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017).
The particular ways in which the individual makes use of these resources in a given situation are identified as coping methods (Pargament makes a distinction between four comprehensive coping methods, which each include a number of different specific coping methods), which, in turn, can include one or several coping tools (Lundmark, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017). Coping mechanisms, finally, refer to how a method serves to reduce stress—in Pargament’s terminology, in terms of conservation or transformation of means and ends in coping (Lundmark, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Pargament, 1997), or attributing control (Lundmark, 2015, 2016a, 2017). In the cases analyzed for this study, the coping methods vary, but the tool is the same: the Bible (or Biblical passages). The coping process includes the prerequisites of the methods (e.g. psychological disposition, context, etc.), the coping tool or tools, and the coping mechanisms involved. In the cases investigated in this study, the coping mechanism is, in most cases, the conservation of a sense of meaning or health/survival (which here is assumed to be the object of significance), by either conserving or transforming the means for upholding a sense of meaning or health/survival.
The term coping tool is used to denote a specific object used in the coping process. This is not to be confused with objects of significance, the term used by Pargament to denote physical or psychological objects that we care about, and that involve feelings and beliefs associated with worth, importance, and value (Lundmark, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Pargament, 1997, p. 92). This coping tool could be a tangible object, including a person or other living being; or it could be a psychological object, such as a mental image or concept. For example, the Bible as a tangible object can be regarded as a coping tool if it plays a role in the coping process by providing the person with a sense of security when holding it. If a person uses scriptural passages from the Bible, seeking comfort through reading these passages, as an example, the Bible as an object is not to be regarded as a coping tool. Instead, it is the scriptural passages that work as coping tools.
It is important to distinguish conceptually between the coping tool and the object of significance, since both play a crucial role in the coping process, and it can sometimes be hard to fully differentiate between them (Lundmark, 2016a, 2017). What defines an object of significance is that it possesses significance intrinsically (in itself, independently of any function that it may perform). What defines a coping tool, on the other hand, is that it performs a certain function in the coping process: to conserve the object of significance, or, if this is not possible, to transform it (Lundmark, 2015, 2017; Pargament, 1997).
The theoretical framework concerning the coping process that has been elaborated upon so far is, however, not sufficient for answering the research questions. In order to understand how the use of the Bible, in all the varieties described in the interview-material, functions in the coping process, the framework must be complemented with a theory that helps us understand in what way(s) the Bible functions as a coping tool. Specifically, it must not only answer the question of which label in the existing corpus of possible coping methods and coping mechanisms can be appropriate to use when analyzing the use of the Bible, but the theory must also help us better understand why the Bible receives these functions. As will be revealed in the results, scriptural passages seem to have two different functions in the coping process. Differentiating between these two functions requires a complementary theory. In search of this, a theory that addresses the relationship between the reader of the Bible and its content seems appropriate. One such theory is Hjalmars Sunden’s role theory, which, as will be shown in the results, helps to provide a deeper understanding of at least one way in which Biblical passages can become a coping tool.
Hjalmar Sundén’s role theory
Hjalmar Sundén’s (1959) role theory, first presented in his book Religionen och Rollerna (Religion and the Roles), is based on two psychological elements: social psychology and perceptual psychology. The perceptual psychology-element of the theory deals primarily with the selective character of perception, especially how this selectivity is organized. Perception is conceived as being an interpretation process, where the consciousness is adjusted to perceive certain “patterns,” and to exclude others, based on processes where we conceive what we have learned to conceive (Stifoss-Hanssen, 1995). The social psychological element builds on Mead’s role-taking theory, as well as structural role theories. The former focuses on the interactional conception of role—that is, focus being on role-taking as taking the perspective of another person in order to anticipate the other’s behavior, and adjusting one’s own behavior in accordance with this anticipation. The latter focuses on the social structure and position of the role—that is, what playing a role means for meeting the requirements connected with a certain social position (Alma & van Uden, 1995).
Sundén developed his role-theory as an instrument for understanding and interpreting religious experience. The theory suggests that religious traditions contain systems of roles that function as models of performance in interactional systems. An example of such an interactional system is given by Thorvald Källstad (1987): When, for example, Old Testament prophets speak of Jahve and Israel we find such an interactional system. God’s acts are known from the history of the fathers and the people, and the acts constitute the role “God,” and what is told about the fathers constitutes a number of human roles which together with the role “God,” in this case, form the interactional system. (p. 367)
The role functions as a pattern for structuring perceptions. In a coping perspective, given that we are talking about persons who are familiar with the Bible, a model of performance in a given situation can be obtained from the Bible when the person reads a story or passage that contains a human role with whom the person can identify, and this human role’s interaction with God. The pattern searching systems in the brain will structure the perceptions of the situation in accordance with this identification, and it will be a part of the coping process. Källstad (1987) describes this process as follows: A reader of the Bible can identify himself, for example, with a voice from the Book of Psalms. In such a case, he acquires definite expectations of how the God of the Bible who dealt with earlier generations will deal with him. The God speaking in the Book of Psalms will be experienced as reality by the reader of the Bible. Taking the role of a human being and making the Psalmist’s words his own, he adopts at the same time the role “God,” God being the Partner of the human being in the Bible . . .//. . . Adopting the role “God” creates a specific readiness, and because of this readiness he begins to perceive his own situation in a new way. As he himself is the human role, the divine role of the interactional system functions as a momentary pattern of perception, and in certain cases a real phenomenon of restructuring can take place. A religious experience is produced as an “interpersonal encounter.” (pp. 367–368)
The process of assimilating roles from the Bible never really ends for a Bible-reader, and during this constant assimilation of roles, a more permanent disposition of the brain is formed which functions as a perceptual system where the experience of the course of events as divine activity is a reality. This means that the Bible reader will be more and more likely to expect that God will act in similar ways toward the Bible reader as in the roles the Bible reader has taken. In Sundén’s terminology, this anticipation of God’s action is labeled role-adoption; the person who has taken a role (role-taking) from the Bible will adopt the corresponding roles of the taken role, especially the corresponding role “God” (Källstad, 1987).
Method
The material presented here consists of portions of the results of two qualitative, in-depth interview studies of religious experiences and expressions that help in the process of coping with a life situation changed by cancer. As being the sole researcher in both studies, I have been responsible for the design of the studies, done all interviews as well as the analyses of the collected materials and the writing of the research reports associated to the project. My prior understanding of religiosity and coping was largely due to my training in psychology of religion, my many years of experiences as a registered nurse working in an oncology clinic, and my own religiosity being a practicing Christian. The first two of which I informed the informants prior to the interviews, the last of which I informed the informants during the interviews. I did not intend to bring my own religiosity to attention when planning the interviews but since all the informants, at one point or another during the interviews, asked me about my own faith, I honestly told them what they asked for. Though especially the fact that the informants where aware of my own religious affiliation might have influenced the answers in the interviews (e.g. that they might feel inclined to answer in accordance to what they believed a Christian should tell another Christian), I have, on a face value, no reasons to believe that this has indeed been the case. An obviously positive thing with being open with my own background both as a scholar, a nurse with much experience with oncological care, and as a believing Christian, is that it helped the interview situation in at least two ways. For one part, it was clear to me that the informants relaxed when they realized we shared the same faith. For another part, in almost all interview situations, the informants asked me cancer-related questions before, under, or directly after the interviews, which I answered and by that, I believe I enhanced their trust (compare with Hedestig, 2006).
The first material (from now referred to as group A) is composed from a convenience sample of 20 practicing Christians in the north of Sweden, all of whom were under treatment for cancer (other portions of the results have already been published (Lundmark, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017)). The purpose of collecting group A was to study the interaction between identified aspects of religiosity among a sample of practicing Christians living with cancer, and the changed life situation due to the disease, with special focus on the coping process. The participants were recruited by staff members—doctors, nurses, or counselors—at the oncology clinic where they were receiving treatment. If staff members happened to learn that a patient is a practicing Christian, they asked the patient if he or she would be willing to participate in the study. If the patient responded affirmatively, their contact information was handed over to the researcher, who sent the patient a letter with information about the study; the letter was followed up with a telephone call some days later. If, after receiving detailed information about the study, the patient decided to participate, an interview was scheduled. The participants were informed that any information that could reveal their identity would be changed before publication. They were also told that they could withdraw from the study at any time without having to provide an explanation. When possible, the interviews were conducted in the participants’ homes.
Eleven of the informants were members of the Lutheran Church of Sweden, and seven of them belonged, particularly, to a Low Church movement within the Church of Sweden called EFS (Evangeliska fosterlandsstiftelsen). Six informants were members of the Pentecostal Church, and three were Baptists (belonging to EFK (Evangeliska frikyrkan) or the Baptist Church). All were regular churchgoers, and many played an active role in their congregations. There were 9 men and 11 women, with an average age of 63.6 years at the time of the initial interview (the youngest being 48 and the oldest 80). The initial interviews were conducted between 2006 and 2010; in August 2012, 11 of the informants were still living. About half of the survivors seemed to be cured of their disease; the others were living with a chronic form of it. When possible, longitudinal data were obtained by means of one to three follow-up interviews at intervals determined in relation to the expected survival time, health status, and logistical considerations. The longest period of time an informant was followed was 6 years. Longitudinal data exist for half of the group.
The initial interview of the informants consisted of two parts, the first of which was heavily influenced by Crossley’s (2000) guidelines—including the interview protocol she outlined following McAdams (1993)—for how to assess the psychological and social worlds of informants. The aim of this part of the interview was to collect data about the informant’s life prior to the onset of the disease with respect to, as examples, childhood, earlier crises, significant others, and social contexts. The second part of the initial interview addressed themes related to the disease, and to the informant’s religiosity, including open questions designed to obtain information about the informant’s prayer life; experiences of God being close or distant, perceived changes in the relationship with God, relationship to the Bible, and rituals important to the informant. The follow-up interviews were structured around individual topics judged to be relevant on the basis of the initial interview. The interview protocol is to be found in Lundmark (2017).
The analytic work started already during the interviews by continuously making efforts to understand and interpret what the informants was saying by asking for clarifications when necessary and also, during the interviews, asking the informants about if my interpretations of what they have said was correct (compare with Kvale, 1997).
The research process further followed the principles of narrative research prescribed by Crossley (2000) and Lieblich, Tuval-Mashiach, and Zilber (1998) in the following way: The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed by means of categorical-content analysis, with one judge as laid out by Lieblich et al. (1998). The interview transcripts were coded in terms of all identifiable aspects of the informants’ religiosity, as they were reported to be both before the onset of the disease, and after the informants had fallen ill and were living with cancer. The categories became the basis for the investigation of the varieties of expressions of the informants religiosity as well as for comparative analyses between the informants. The content analysis resulted in 17 main categories (with subcategories when necessary) covering the varieties of religious expressions found in the material. These categories included prayers, Bible or other religious literature, private rituals, public rituals, meaning, the relationship to God, congregation, miracles, song/music, fasting, positive effects of the disease (in relation to the religiosity), symptom relieves (in relation to the religiosity), the examples of other people, icons/religious art, encounters with angels, pastoral care, and sanctification of medical interventions. This first step of the research process helped to structure the material descriptively, and by that identifying the use of the Bible as one expression of the informants’ religiosity, including the varieties of how the Bible is used by the individual informants. In this work, the software QSR NVivo 2.0 was used.
A second step of the analysis was to complement the information of each category with information about the single informant whose narratives were found in the given category. For every category, the narratives concerning the category were pared with the narratives of the informants in question, covering their life stories including both the story of their time as sick and the story of their relationship with God. Thus, making it possible to ask questions to the material regarding, for example, prerequisites of the expression of religiosity in question (in this case the use of the Bible) as well as its function in the coping process.
In some cases, the analysis had a third step. This was to, when possible, follow a particular informant (over time) with regard to a specific theme with a comparative intention, following the development (changes) of a specific religious expression over time with regard to the coping process (for a more substantial account of the method, see: Lundmark, 2017).
The second material (from now referred to as group B) is composed of six in-depth interviews of a convenience sample of six practicing Christians who had, or had had, cancer. The purpose of the recruiting group B was to investigate the expressions and functions of prayers in coping. The reason for including this material in the present study is because of the highly illuminating incidental findings regarding the use of the Bible. The average age of the participants was 53.3 years (varying between 40 and 80), there were 4 women and 2 men, 3 belonging to the Lutheran Church of Sweden, and 3 belonging either to the Pentecostal movement, or a Baptist church. The interviews were conducted in 2001. The methods used were similar to the methods of collecting and analyzing group A but without a longitudinal design (for a detailed account of the material, method and results, see: Lundmark, 2002).
In both the cases groups A and B, the theoretical framework used as point of departure was the coping theories of Pargament (1997) and Ganzevoort (1998a, 1998b). The research process has included a constructive element of interaction between theory and empirics. In several of the analyzed expressions of religiosity, a need for complementing the original theoretical framework was evident since the framework did not provide sufficient help to understand the function of the religious expression in question (compare with Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2008).
The studies generating groups A and B were both approved by an ethical committee (Regionala etikprövningsnämnden i Umeå, avdelningen för övrig forskning, Dnr 06-019 Ö (group A), and Dnr 01-162 (group B)). Concerning group A, a substantial discussion of the ethical issues is offered in Lundmark (2017).
Results
The outline of the following presentation is first, to present an account of the informants’ Bible reading habits, and changes in these related to the changed life situation as a result of the disease. A case study will be presented that shows how such changes can play out. The case study also illustrates an unexpected way in which the Bible becomes a coping tool that is not covered by the hypotheses given in the introduction. After that follows an account of the varieties of the functions of Bible passages in the coping process, illustrated by two more case studies. The Bible as a physical object, which was a part of the hypotheses in the introduction, was not found in the interview material, and is therefore not accounted for in the results, but will be discussed in the section for conclusions and discussion.
The narratives in group B are not analyzed with regard to changes in Bible-reading habits and passages of importance in the coping process, since the material was generated for another purpose and the narratives concerning the use of the Bible are incidental findings. Some of these findings are nevertheless illustrative; hence, they will be used in case study 2.
Bible reading habits and changes in these connected to the disease
All the informants reported reading the Bible on occasion, but they varied in how often and how important it was to them. About half of the 20 informants in group A indicated that the Bible played an important role in helping them cope with their cancer. Following their diagnosis, there were changes of one sort or another among half of the informants. These changes concerned either how often they read the Bible, which passages were important to them, or the way in which the Bible was read. For those whose reading frequency decreased, the self-assessed reason was that they did not have as much energy to read as before. Those whose frequency increased said that they had more time to read as a result of being on sick leave. For a couple of the informants, the very way in which they read the Bible had changed. The most common Bible book quote when mentioning important passages are the Psalms.
Case study 1: The actual reading of the Bible as a coping method
Mrs. K, a Lutheran, was 49 years old when I interviewed her for the first time. She had at that point undergone what seemed to be a successful course of chemotherapy for lymphoma. With the disease apparently in remission, she was newly optimistic about the future. But nine months later, on the occasion of a follow-up interview, she revealed that she had suffered a relapse only a few weeks after the initial interview. At this point, quite short of breath and with a severe cough, she was receiving strictly palliative treatment. She died 5 weeks after the second interview.
Mrs. K had been a workaholic. She said that, prior to becoming ill, she had lost focus on what she had earlier regarded as important in life; she had become consumed by her work. The disease, however, turned her around. Among other ways, this change became strikingly evident in the very way that she read the Bible. Here is how she described it during the first interview: I brought the Bible to the hospital, even while not in a condition to read. and above all, I was not prepared that the reading, that is, the actual process of reading, would change in such a dramatic way as it did . . . it was something new, and perhaps also an interesting discovery somehow, that you read in a way that every letter becomes imprinted with such an enormously clarity that there is no possibility of stopping reading, to break in the middle of a sentence, but you really have to read to the end of the sentence. Extremely slowly. A way of reading that would never be possible at work because there you have to read fast, read what is most important, and then process what you have read. No, quite the contrary [compared to at work] . . . // . . . it is a radical difference. But then, this changed again when I regained more and more health. I turned back to my old way of reading the Bible, where you can read half a sentence and then break and think about something else, and then continue to read. I lost the enormous . . . direction against the very text that was present when I was unhealthier. . . that was something quite remarkable . . .
During the follow up interview 9 months later, Mrs. K answered the question of whether this new way of reading had continued: It has continued, but not in the sense that it has been imprinted letter by letter as slowly as it was first, but I think Bible reading has changed . . . //. . . I read in a different way now . . . not that I can say that I have come closer to the word—Only God knows this—but still in the depth, so that you see a spatiality in the text and I find that very fascinating . . .//. . . I must say it is a grace that I have another rhythm of time now, and that I really try to take the time to read the Bible in a different way [than before I got sick] and I don’t mean the timely time, but a kind of inner time, so you get the chance to take it in . . .//. . . it becomes a different kind of reading, for which I am thankful. I hope it does not disappear . . .//. . . I have had some problems with my breathing lately, in the sense that I cannot breathe as deep as I used to do and perhaps some other problems as well, health problems, but it becomes an instant relief when you get into this calmness and start reading. . . Interviewer: You become calm when you read the Bible? Mrs. K: yes, the breathing gets calm, I can breathe deeply without problems, and there is no pain. This is a side effect that you discover with some amazement somewhat later, but I do not cough, surprisingly enough. And I think that it is strange how the inner soul can be so affected. Interviewer: This relief, do you think it is because of the fact that you read the Bible, or is it the way you read? Mrs. K: Both, and it also goes for . . . visits to church and the mass . . . The last time I attended church, I didn’t cough once . . . not once. At home, it is sometimes absolutely impossible [not to cough] . . . and it is not that I sit still, I do that most of the time, it’s absolutely not that . . .
The story of Mrs. K illustrates something that recurs in several different ways in the narratives of both groups A and B: there is an interdependence between the expressions of the informants’ religiosity and the life situation as changed by cancer (see also Lundmark, 2002, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017). Mrs. K did not have the strength to read the Bible as she once used to. In a part of the interview not quoted here, she mentioned that she used to read fast and often, sometimes pausing to consult reference literature. Because Bible reading was such an important part of her religious practice, she still tried to read after she became ill, but her fatigue forced her to read virtually syllable by syllable. In this new mode of reading, however, a rhythm arose that she found pleasant. She returned to the common method of reading when she gained strength, but she soon discovered that she missed the important dimension added by the way she read while in the hospital. With some effort, then, she found her way back to the slow form of reading, which for her becomes a new coping method. When, late in the course of her disease, complications arose in the form of severe coughing and breathing problems, reading the Bible in the slower mode brought relief: her breathing became calmer and the coughing disappeared.
The interdependence between the religiosity and the life situation changed by the disease is evident in this case. The case also illustrates another recurring observation in both materials A and B: when a concrete aspect of the religiosity is changed (in another way than merely by frequency) due to interaction with a life situation affected by cancer, this often happens in the direction of higher functionality of that aspect of religiosity in the coping process (compare especially with the use of prayer cloths (Lundmark, 2015) and the process of sanctification of health care interventions (Lundmark, 2016a). The condition of Mrs. K forces one of the aspects of her religiosity—Bible reading—to change. This change, in turn, becomes something positive that contributes to her coping, including symptom relief.
The evident way in which the rhythm of reading is connected to breathing reminds one of the meditative reading that, for example, is associated with the Jesus prayer, and perhaps also lectio divina, suggesting that the reading in this case has physiological functions similar to meditation, in this way contributing to anxiety reduction (c.f. Pargament, Ano, & Wachholtz, 2005). The reduced anxiety, in turn, is likely to have a positive effect on breathing problems. The coping method in this case could be labeled “meditative reading,” and the coping tool is the Bible.
In terms of Pargament’s system of comprehensive coping methods, the coping method in this case, can be labeled as a reconstructing coping method. In other words, the means of the significance (in this case the way of using the Bible) is changed or transformed (transforming coping mechanism), whereas the ends of the significance (what is protected by the coping process) are conserved (conserving coping mechanism). Later, when this reading becomes normality, it functions as a preserving coping method, that is, both the means of the significance as well as the ends of the significance are conserved.
The functions of Bible passages in the coping process
For approximately half of the informants in group A, the content analysis identified narratives covering the topic of Bible passages of especially importance after the informants became ill. The analysis of the interview-material shows that the use of the Bible in the coping process is, using Pargament’s terminology of comprehensive coping methods, in most cases a preserving coping method (an exception is illustrated in case study 1). In other words, both the means of the significance (in this case the Bible, perhaps together with the religious tradition) as well as the ends of the significance (what is protected by the coping process) are conserved (conserving coping mechanism). This will be exemplified below.
Bible passages of importance in the coping processes
Which Bible passages become important to relate to in a crisis says something about which significant object(s) is at stage in the coping process. One type of Bible passage that is a recurrent theme for some of the informants is passages that explicitly concern healing (from now on referred to as type a). For example, when Jesus heals the paralytic man in Capernaum, or the women with bleedings. These kinds of passages are, however, fewer than what might be expected, and can only be found in the narratives of three of the informants. In the narratives of some of the other informants, there are references to biblical passages that, on face value, are not about healing, but in the context implicitly give this meaning. One concrete example of this is how one of the informants sees Psalms 128:6 (“that you may see your children’s children”) as a promise of healing, or at least that the informant will live for several more years, given that his children was still too young to have their own children (more attention will be given to this particular case in case study 3 below). The importance of these types of Biblical passages that explicitly or implicitly touch on healing suggests that the significant object at stage here is health/survival.
A more common type of Bible passage to refer to (found among 8 of the informants) is passages that concern finding strength in difficult situations, and promises that God will be present in the situation, for example, that God will not give more burden than we can carry, or God will be with us all days (from now on referred to as type b). The importance of this type of Biblical passages suggests that the significant object at stage here is a sense of security, or perhaps quality in life.
A third type of Bible passages referred to is about death and that death is not to be feared, for example, passages about the death and resurrection of Christ or Lazarus (from now on referred to as type c). The importance of these types of Biblical passages suggests that the significant object at stage here is a scene of security. These kinds of passages are found in the narratives of three of the informants.
A constant feature in the narratives is that the informants interpret the Biblical passages in accordance with their own life situations. Besides the already mentioned examples, there exists references to Biblical passages that helps the informant understand a very specific experience. One example is an informant who first experienced what she thought to be a miraculous recovery, but she relapsed after quite a short time. In this situation, the words of St. Paul became important: “for the gifts and the calling of God are irrevocable” (Romans 11:29).
To sum up, the means of the significance in the analyzed narratives is the Biblical passages. The significant objects at stage in the narratives seem to be health/survival, and sense of security or perhaps quality in life. The specific coping method, adhering to Parament’s terminology, is the use of the Bible in the form of getting religious support through the content of the mentioned Bible passages.
However, when looking at the narratives in the interview material more closely, it seems as if the religious support through the content of Bible passages can function in at least two different ways, because they derivate from different kinds of psychological processes. One way is that the informants, in the Biblical passages, see a direct message from God to them on a personal level. Usually, we are referring to shorter passages, a few words, or perhaps a few verses. The Bible passages become a coping tool in that the informants have the belief that God talks through the Bible to the reader at all times. This will be further illustrated in case study 3 below.
Another way is that a specific character in a Bible passage serves as an object of identification for the informant. Usually, we are talking about passages longer than only a few words, or verses where the context is of importance. This will be illustrated in detail in case study 2 below.
Case study 2: Role-taking/role-adopting as a coping method
With the help of Sunden’s role theory, we can psychologically understand what happens in the coping process when a person identifies with a Biblical character in terms of role-taking and role-adoption.
The following is a freely rendered quotation from an interview with Mrs. D, a middle-aged Pentecostal woman who has been living with an incurable cancer for many years. The quotation is one of several examples of her experiencing that God has spoken to her: When I became ill . . . there was this woman who recently had become a believing Christian, she had been so for about a year. She prayed and still prays for me . . .//. . . She called me one day and said, “there is something I want to tell you, but I don’t know how to do it, I don’t really understand it myself so it is sort of hard.” I said: “but what is it? I’m listening!.” Then she said “I was praying and then I experienced something, I was praying and suddenly I saw a vision, I saw a watch, and this watch was going counter clockwise. I thought, what is this? I have never heard of this! I didn’t know what to do of this, but it was when I was praying for you.” Then she told me that she prayed to God to help her understand what this was all about. She felt that she should open her Bible, and she opened it at random and started to read. The passage was about Hezekiah, when he was sick and asked for a sign that he would be well again, it is in Kings [2 kings 20:1-11]. And it reads that Isaiah said that it is easy for the sundial to go forward, but to take a step back is not easy . . . and then it says that the sundial went several steps backward, and then she understood that this was about me, that I would live. It says that he lived 15 more years after that episode. I took this to heart and was thankful, it was not like a revelation, but it has followed me all the time (the interview took place six years after this episode, the quotation is a freely rendered translation from the original interview in Swedish (Lundmark, 2002). The interview belongs to group B).
Mrs. D receives this Bible passage from a fellow Christian. The narrative that gives a context to this receiving of the passage includes an illustration of a religiously motivated use of the Bible, perceived as a tool for God to communicate. This is the habit of reading a Bible passage at random when in need of guidance, a habit well known in many Christian contexts. The way in which the fellow Christian received this passage is likely to give extra weight to the message perceived in it. We can see several dual role-situations in this example. The fellow Christian takes the role of “Isaiah,” the messenger in the passage, with the corresponding role-adoption of both “God,” and “Hezekiah,” the receiver of the message. Mrs. D, in turn, takes the role of “Hezekiah,” with the corresponding role-adoption of both “God” and “Isaiah.” In the case of Mrs. D, the role-taking of Hezekiah, with the corresponding role-adoption of God, becomes a coping method for protecting the significant object(s) health/survival, and likely also sense of security. This happens when Mrs. D identifies with Hezekiah and, so to speak, makes his story hers (the role-taking). The role-taking, in turn, means that Mrs. D’s pattern searching system will structure the perception of the situation so that (a) the vision of the fellow Christian have the same meaning as the proof provided by Isaiah that God would let Hezekiah live and (b) this proof is perceived as being intended for Mrs. D. Once the perception of the situation is structured in this way by Mrs. D, the role-taking becomes a powerful coping method for dealing with the uncertainty of the future, given her incurable cancer, by implying a promise from God that she will live. In coping terms, the coping method can be labeled role-taking, and the coping-tool is the specific passage which provides the interactional system with the actual roles at stage: the role-taking of Hezekiah with the corresponding role-adoption of, in this case, both Isaiah—the messenger (in the form of the fellow Christian), and God.
Case study 3: (Re)interpreting Biblical passages as a coping method
In case study 2, we analyzed the use of a Biblical passage where there was an obvious example of role taking. In some cases, in the interview material, there is no obvious role to take, but the passage is obviously still an important coping tool. A portion from the interview with Mr. D, already quoted in a previous section, can serve as an example here. Mr. D is a middle-aged Pentecostal man with cancer in a late stage. The treatment is strictly palliative, and the only interview conducted with him took place approximately 5 weeks before he passed away.
On questioning of if there are any Biblical passages or stories that mean much to him since becoming ill, he reported the following: There is a word in the Psalms where it says that you shall see the children of your children. It has become a prayer of mine that I shall see them, because that means that I will be cured. Or, at least that the disease will not progress more. Because of this, I am very optimistic . . . //. . . even if you lose your speed, so to speak, when things like that happen [referring to an incident some days earlier when he had to receive hospital care for a complication]. Somehow, I feel that God is with me, all the time, and there is a meaning that I still cannot see to all this. . .//. . .it is like a promise. In my situation, it is not the medicines or the doctors first and foremost, even though I do think of them as tools in the hands of God. The optimal thing is to get help from the Lord. I see no conflict between [this and] visiting the hospital . . . //. . . But then we have [this Bible passage] that I received. This is what I think is so wonderful, that the Holy Ghost knows what stands in it [pointing at the Bible that lays at the table in front of Mr. D]. The Holy Ghost wants to show me, and because of that, it was so exciting to get it, like a direct word from God. I really thought God said, “you shall see the children of your children.” If I take this to my heart, then I don’t have to worry about dying yet, because my children are still small. This gives peace to my mind, no matter how God plans to make this happen. But my understanding of this right now is that it means I will live a while longer. I didn’t know exactly where this verse was in the Bible [he had vaguely remembered this verse], but then I read the Psalms and suddenly, there it was . . .//. . . and this became like a promise . . .//. . . my whole situation depends on God being faithful. Whether he chooses to take me home or not [meaning here to die], I do not hold God to be unfaithful to his promises. I must take it from whatever little knowledge I have at the moment about God. He knows this is how I think, and he must correct me if I have somehow gotten lost in my thoughts about this.
In this Biblical passage, there is no direct person to identify with (the Psalm is addressed to Israel as a people). Still, the passage is interpreted by Mr. D as a direct word from God to him. The important thing is the formulation, “you shall see the children of your children,” together with the deep belief that God speaks through the Bible to its readers at all times which is a method of interpretation provided by the religious tradition in question.
As in case study 2, the Bible as a coping tool is here conserved when it functions as a means in the coping process. Furthermore, the end of the coping process—the significant object—is also conserved. In this case, the significant object seems to be survival, and probably also a sense of security. Depending on how one looks at it, it could be argued that we are here talking about a kind of religious reframing. As a coping method, religious reframing is classified by Pargament as the comprehensive coping method reconstruction (characterized by a conservation of the ends of the coping by transformation of its means), and indeed, the Bible as a coping tool is changed in the sense that a new understanding of the passage has occurred. Yet, it could also be argued that the means is the Bible together with a religious tradition that provides the possibility of reinterpreting passages as direct speech to the individual reader. Following this argument, the proper classification, according to Pargament’s coping theory, should be the comprehensive coping method preservation (characterized by a conservation of both the ends of the coping and its means). Personally, I’m inclined to see it as the latter, and thus choose to see the coping method more as a sort of religious (re)interpretation instead of religious reframing. My main argument here is that although the Bible passages are reinterpreted, this is done within the framework of a religious tradition that allows, or even encourages, such reinterpretations, and this tradition is more likely conserved than transformed in this case. So, what is conserved is not the interpretation of the Biblical passage, but the tradition to reinterpret the Biblical passage as a direct message from God to the individual reader in his or her concrete life situation. The coping method in this case could therefore be labeled (re)interpretation of a Biblical passage (motivated by a religious tradition), in which the new interpretation of the Biblical passage is the coping tool.
To sum up with direct answers to the research questions, for the informants in the analyzed interview-materials:
The Bible is a part of the coping process for some of the informants (for half of the informants in group A, the question of prevalence cannot be answered for group B).
The Bible is a part of the coping process by providing coping tools for the coping methods meditative reading, role taking, and (re)interpretation of Biblical passages (motivated by a religious tradition). As such, it mainly serves within the framework of the preserving comprehensive coping method, that is, both the means (the Bible and in some cases the religious tradition) and ends (the significant objects, which in the analyzed cases seems to be health/survival, and sense of security or perhaps quality of life) of the coping process are conserved.
We do find changes in the use of the Bible in connection with the changed life situation as a result of the disease, but mostly these changes are not directly connected to the coping process. When the change is increase in reading frequency, it is usually due to having more time to read the Bible. When the change is decrease in frequency, it is usually due to having less strength to read the Bible. However, we also find that the use of the Bible is changed by it having a part in the coping process, as in the case of Mrs. K, accounted for in case study 1. In this case, the change is in the direction of higher functionality of the role of the Bible in the coping process.
Discussion
On the results
In the introduction, it was hypothesized that there are at least two major, differing ways of using the Bible in the coping process. One way was that the content of the Bible could bear meaning for the reader, and as such could be used in the coping process. This has been confirmed. The other way was to use the Bible as a physical, tangible object that could provide a similar function as, for example, prayer cloths. This has not been confirmed by the analyzed interview material. However, a third way in which the Bible is used in the coping process appeared instead. That is, the actual process of reading it turned out to play a role in the coping process. This is something quite different from the other ways in which the Bible works as a coping tool in the material, and shows two things: first, we find examples of interdependence between the use of the Bible and the life situation changed by the disease, which means that the use of the Bible not only has a function in the coping process, but is also changed by being a part of the coping process. This is in accordance with results from other studies associated with group A (Lundmark, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017) as well as some other studies referred to earlier (Hørdam Ausker, 2012; Torbjørnsen, 2011). In addition, the Bible can play very different roles in the coping process, even for one single person. This second observation gives reason for raising critical questions about the way in which religiosity as a whole, or even when divided into different aspects of religiosity, such as prayer, congregational life, or the use of the Bible, is often treated as a single entity in research.
In the interview material, there are three general types of Bible passages found with importance for the coping process: (a) passages that explicitly concerns healing, (b) passages concerning finding strength in the situation, and (c) passages concerning death and resurrection. Besides those, there are Biblical passages very specifically connected to a certain situation. In comparison with Hamilton et al.’s (2013) findings, there are similarities in the kinds of passages used by the informants. The obvious similarities are with Hamilton et al.’s categories God as a healer and Life and death (compare with types a and c). Also, their categories God as protector and God as beneficent seem to be covered by the present study’s type b to a large extent. However, the other categories present in Hamilton et al.’s analysis were not found in this study. The reason can only be speculated, perhaps it is because of the lesser amount of informants in the present study, and/or different religious traditions represented in the two studies. The latter makes sense, given the importance ascribed to context in religious coping from, among others, Ganzevoort (1998a, 1998b).
Handling the Bible as a physical, tangible object is not a coping method in the analyzed interview material. The reason for this can also only be speculated; however, one plausible explanation could probably be that it is due to the psychological dispositions of the informants. Research done on physical objects and the coping process suggests that the role of such an object as a prayer cloth becomes a coping tool if the coping process involves creating and/or handling transitional objects as a coping method (Lundmark, 2015). This indicates that the prevalence of religious objects is not a sufficient reason in itself for using them in the coping process, there also has to be a certain psychological disposition to create and/or handle transitional objects. If such exists, the religious tradition can hold a multitude of possible objects. Given, however, that we know from previous studies on group A that only 4 of the 20 informants use religious objects in the coping process (Lundmark, 2015), it is still an open question why these four informants use other religious objects as coping tools but not the Bible. More research is needed here.
Approximately half of the informants of group A use the Bible in an obvious way in the coping process. This raises questions of why this is not found among all the informants, given the assumable importance of the Bible to a practicing Christian. It is obvious in the interview group as a whole that the religiosity of all of the participating informants do play an important role in their coping with a life situation changed by cancer, but which aspects, or expressions, of their religiosity (prayers, rituals, religious objects, the Bible, the congregation, strong religious experiences such as visions, the congregational life, religiously motivated ideals etc.) seems to vary considerably among the informants. The reasons for this can, of course, be many. In previously published studies belonging to the project associated with group A, it has been established, through analyses of prerequisites for the use of various religious expressions in the coping process, that prerequisites such as the psychological disposition of the individual, as well as contextual aspects, are highly important when trying to understand why a particular religious expression becomes important for the individual in question (Lundmark, 2010, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017). In a similar way, the assumed importance of the Bible to a practicing Christian does not necessarily mean that the Bible has a function in coping for the person in question. A part of the answer might be found in the occurrence of the identified coping methods where the Bible serves as a coping tool. The coping methods meditative reading, role taking, and (re)interpretation of biblical passages (motivated by a religious tradition) might not be functional methods of coping for all of the informants, and for this reason we do not find these particular coping methods among all the informants. When we do find them, the Bible becomes a part in the coping process because it serves as one of several possible coping tools for the coping methods meditative reading and role taking (it is not hard to imagine also other possible resources than the Bible as tools for meditative reading and role taking) and for the coping method (re)interpretation of biblical passages (motivated by a religious tradition).
On the method
The procedures for enhancing validity, accounted for in the method section, is basically of three kinds. Triangulation in different forms (accounts for different individuals’ use of the Bible; longitudinal accounts from particular individuals on the use of the Bible; comparisons between other studies on the topic); case analyses including a disconfirming case analysis (case study 1, in which a way of using the bible in the coping emerges that was not initially hypothesized), and reflexivity. In order to demonstrate the validity of the study, as much transparency as possible has been offered in this research report (compare with Yardley, 2015).
It is common in qualitative studies using content analysis to have two coders. This has not been possible in the present study but following Lieblich et al. (1998) in their discussion on content analyses with one or several judges (here meant coders), it can be argued that having only one judge can be compensated by the single judge being an expert on the material: “The judgment process may include more than one judge but . . .//. . . can be also carried out by a single ‘expert’ who gains experience by rereading the text from the defined perspectives and refining her understanding of the topic.” (p. 133). Becoming an expert on the material in the present study has been accomplished by being responsible for all the planning and carrying out of the different steps in the research process of the project.
Since this is a qualitative study of a small sample in a specific context, the question of generalizability can be interpreted as a question about transferability, meaning that the reader transfer knowledge generated from one case to another similar case (Mertens, 2005). Yardley (2015) argues that a criterion for validity in qualitative research is to ensure that the study have sufficient breadth and/or depth to give additional insights to the issue researched. In the present study, this is provided by the given background information of the informants, the information about theoretical framework and method, and by the results presented by the accounts of the varieties of the use of the bible (breadth) in the material and the illustrative case studies where the function of each variety of the use of the bible is analyzed with respect to the coping process (depth). In doing this, the readers has been provided with sufficient information to make their own eventual comparisons with other cases (Mertens, 2005). For a more thorough discussion of the criterions for quality, see Lundmark (2017).
On the theoretical framework
I have in earlier publications (Lundmark, 2015, 2017) argued that Pargament’s coping theory is a fruitful tool to help us understand something about the functions of religiosity in coping, but leaves us with quite a few questions regarding in what way—or why—a particular religious expression has the function it has in the coping process. For these kinds of questions, Pargament’s coping theory must be complemented with other psychological theories. It seems to me that the choice of a complementing theoretical framework must vary, depending on what religious expression we are discussing, as well as what context we are talking about. The reason for this is, as Pargament has pointed out, that coping involves all aspects of our lives (Pargament, 1997). Therefore, it can surely also involve all aspects of religiosity; hence, in order to understand religion and coping, we need a multitude of psychological theories in our methodological toolbox. For example, in an analysis of the function of religious objects, object-relation theory can give a fruitful helping hand as a complement to the existing traditional psychology of religion coping theories, such as Pargament’s (Lundmark, 2015, 2017). In order to understand the prerequisites of strong religious experiences, such as, for example, religious visions and their role in the coping process, it might, in a similar way, be meaningful to consult theories from the field of perceptual- and social psychology (Lundmark, 2010, 2017). During the analytical phase of the present study, role theory turned out to provide a helping hand with its concepts of role-taking/role-adoption. These concepts became useful tools when trying to understand the psychological mechanisms behind the use of scriptural passages providing possible objects of identification. My point here is that in order to try to understand religious coping, we need to be eclectic in our choices of analytical tools. Those that are labeled psychology of religion coping theories (as, for example, Pargament’s) should not be the only tools for scholars studying religious coping.
On future research
As always, the results raise new questions. In my opinion, an important one to ask is if there is a correlation between, on the one hand, a conservative or liberal understanding of the Bible, and on the other hand, the use of the Bible as a coping tool. Also, most likely there are several different psychological mechanisms to account for in order to understand the importance (or lack of importance) of the use of the Bible in the coping process. I have suggested that the psychological mechanisms of role taking/role adoption are of importance when trying to understand the use of the Bible as provider of objects of identification. I have also, in order to try to understand the interpretations of Biblical passages as direct message from God to the individual, suggested the seeming importance of a religious tradition that enables (re)interpretations of Biblical passages as direct message from God to the individual. I am sure much more will be said about this if new materials are gathered and analyzed from different religious contexts, and perhaps also from individuals suffering from different traumas.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the Swedish Cancer Foundation for contributing to the financing of this study, David Wulff for help with the editing, and the reviewers for their very helpful comments on the manuscript.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
