Transcending failure: A study on the “failed domestication” of online news for young visually impaired people in China

Media use and news consumption among people with disabilities

Currently, research on media use among people with disabilities tends to concentrate on case studies of media products such as smartphones and the Internet, exploring the relationship between disability and technology. On the one hand, studies indicate that the Internet and accessibility technologies have materially facilitated information access and social participation for individuals with disabilities (Anderberg and Jönsson, 2005; Pearson and Trevisan, 2015). On the other hand, broader research has reached contrasting conclusions, suggesting that, rather than eliminating disability, technology often creates “new dimensions of disability” (Foley and Ferri, 2012; Goggin and Newell, 2003: 131). However, existing research about disability and digital media use has largely centered on issues of accessibility and social media (Jing et al., 2023), with a remarkable absence of focus on online news consumption. This study chooses online news consumption as its research topic owing to the distinctive nature of this medium:

To begin with, as a significant form of information dissemination from mass media to the public, news consumption has always been a key variable since the inception of information inequality studies (Tichenor, 1970). Empirical studies have also revealed that social inequalities in online news consumption are greater than those in offline contexts, and with the media environment becoming increasingly digitalized, this disparity is expected to continue widening (Kalogeropoulos and Nielsen, 2018). Thus, investigating news consumption patterns among people with disabilities in the digital age becomes particularly crucial.

Furthermore, digital disability divide studies have focused predominantly on the Internet and smartphones as objects of scrutiny, oversimplifying “media products” to “technological products,” thereby neglecting the multifaceted essence encapsulated in the term “media.” Online news, as a medium that embodies both information dissemination and technological innovation (Kuo, 2014), is characterized by consumption practices that span technological, textual, and environmental dimensions. This feature makes it an optimal medium for probing the underlying social, cultural, and psychological factors that contribute to “failed domestication.”

Additionally, from a technological perspective, the advancements of screen readers have rendered online news more accessible than other media products (such as video games, digital maps, etc.). Research data also indicates that approximately 70% of VI Internet users are “capable” of using smartphones to access news in China (Kueclub and Information Accessibility Research Association, 2018). Nonetheless, YVIP frequently encounter instances of “failed domestication” in practical use. This apparent contradiction calls into question the foundational assumption of the technological “fix” – the idea that technology can “fix” failures into successes, thus providing a window to explore the complex relationship between disability and digital media.

Domestication studies: Concepts, strategies, and blind spots

The term “domestication” has referred to the gradual adaptation and integration of wild animals or other entities into human life, ensuring their compliance with human control and their inclusion in the household (Silverstone, 2003: 83). In the context of technology domestication, individuals employ various strategies. For example, Sujon et al. (2018) found that Facebook users shifted from “compulsive connection” to viewing the platform as a personal service tool for tasks like scheduling and relationship maintenance. Nimrod and Edan (2021) explored technology domestication among older adults, revealing three strategies: “broad domestication” (high integration and experimentation), “focused domestication” (adopting one device function), and “restrained domestication” (brief experimentation followed by minimal use).

Despite notable progress in domestication research, several gaps still need further exploration. Firstly, extant domestication studies have predominantly focused on “the great potential of digital technology” (Ellis and Kent, 2010: 1), examining how people successfully domesticate specific media to enhance their lives. However, Haddon (2003) challenges the presumption of an invariably successful domestication process, cautioning against such an assumption. Echoing this sentiment, Hynes and Rommes (2006) have critiqued the scholarly neglect of phenomena characterized by problematic or incomplete domestication. Nonetheless, compared with the current large number of empirical studies focusing on successful domestication, “failed domestication” remains a research blind spot. Secondly, another notable gap in the literature concerns the domestication strategies employed by individuals with disabilities in their engagement with media. While Jing et al. (2023) have conducted explorations of media domestication among VIP, comprehensive research on domestication strategies among this group remains relatively scarce. Therefore, our study focuses on the failed domestication of media by YVIP and their domestication strategies.

The triple articulation framework

Triple articulation stands as a critical concept within the domestication theory, evolving from the framework of double articulation. Double articulation, proposed by Silverstone (2003), was developed to assess the impact of television on everyday life. It posits that television has a dual role:

As an object, the television becomes both an element in a national and international communication network and the symbol of its domestic appropriation. As a medium, through the structure and contents of its programming as well as through the mediation of public and private spheres more broadly, it draws the members of the household into a world of public and shared meanings as well as providing some of the raw material for the forging of their own private, domestic culture. (p. 83)

Considering the tendency to emphasize context over text in the evolution of the double articulation, Hartmann (2006) drew inspiration from Silverstone and Haddon (1996) to advocate for a refocused attention on individual texts, including individual communicative instances, individual programs, individual websites, text messages, and other similar forms of media. Hartmann conceptualized media as involving a triple articulation of – technological objects, symbolic environments, and individual texts.

The concept of triple articulation furnishes essential perspectives for this study in several pivotal respects: firstly, while research on technology domestication has frequently focused on material aspects, we identify the textual nature of online news as a crucial dimension to scrutinize, particularly concerning VIP. Hartmann’s emphasis on individual texts through the lens of triple articulation allows for the exploration of VIPs’ individualized interpretation of online news. Secondly, the concept of triple articulation underlines the inherent fluidity and potential instability within technology adoption and domestication processes. Achieving “articulation” necessitates the sustenance of specific conditions. Under certain circumstances, articulation can be disrupted or severed, old ties dissolved, and new ones formed (Hall, 1985). This perspective furnishes an analytical framework for scrutinizing and comprehending failed domestication.

In summary, this study interprets the “failed domestication” of online news among YVIP as follows: As technological objects, online news fails to articulate effectively with users’ hardware and software; as symbolic environments, it fails to articulate the private space with the public sphere; as individual texts, it fails to articulate individuals with media content.

Participants and sample

Research has suggested that age is a significant factor in Internet access among people with disabilities, with younger cohorts having higher usage rates (Au, 2024). Accordingly, this study has focused on 18 YVIP, aged between 14 and 35 years (as classified by The State Council of China), who provided data through in-depth interviews (see Table 1 for details of respondents). Using project resources, the researchers established collaborations with schools for the blind and disability federations across China, which facilitated the process of contacting respondents who were willing to participate. While this study acknowledges that economic factors and skills may initially have excluded YVIP from digital media, it specifically explores the issue of abandonment after media access, with a focus on factors other than those mentioned above. Therefore, the selected group of 18 YVIP share similar economic circumstances and skills in using smart devices but differs in terms of occupation, city of residence, personality traits, and educational background.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Sample characteristics.

Name	Gender	Age	Occupation	Visual Impairment
Brother Li	M	32	Taobao Store Owner	Class 2 Blindness
Sister Huang	F	33	Customer Service Representative	Class 1 Blindness
Xiao Zhang	M	17	Student	Class 2 Low Vision
Wang	M	30	Massage Parlor Owner	Class 2 Low Vision
Hong	F	25	Self-Media Practitioner	Class 1 Low Vision
Ling Ling	F	24	Freelancer	Class 1 Low Vision
Zou	F	15	Student	Class 2 Blindness
Chao	M	32	Pharmaceutical Tester	Class 2 Blindness
Jing Yi	F	15	Student	Class 1 Blindness
Li Wei	M	30	Freelancer	Class 1 Blindness
Song	M	35	Unemployed	Class 1 Blindness
Hua Long	M	28	Blind Masseur	Class 2 Low Vision
Ming Zhe	M	19	Student	Class 2 Blindness
Liu	F	28	Blind Masseur	Class 1 Low Vision
Lei Ming	M	31	Unemployed	Class 2 Low Vision
Guang Hui	M	21	Student	Class 1 Blindness
Na Na	F	20	Student	Class 2 Low Vision
Hua Zhong	M	23	Blind Masseur	Class 1 Blindness

Vision impairment classifications in China, as per the Practical Evaluation Standards for Disabilities issued by the China Disabled Persons’ Federation in 2006, comprise two categories: blindness and low vision. Blindness is further divided into two grades: Class 1 blindness is diagnosed when the best corrected visual acuity is below 0.02, or the field of vision has a radius smaller than 5°; Class 2 blindness is determined by a best corrected visual acuity equal to or better than 0.02 but below 0.05, or a field of vision radius smaller than 10°. Low vision is also categorized into two grades: Class 1 low vision is characterized by a best corrected visual acuity equal to or better than 0.05 but below 0.1; Class 2 low vision is identified by a best corrected visual acuity equal to or better than 0.1 but below 0.3.

Data collection

Data collection was conducted from December 2019 to June 2020, utilizing semi-structured interviews that lasted approximately 30–60 minutes. These interviews focused on topics such as daily information acquisition and online news consumption. The study endeavored to preserve the authenticity of the participants’ narratives and systematically organize them according to the triple articulation framework. The narratives of five selected participants were highlighted because their accounts vividly illustrated the multiple roles of online news in different personal and social contexts. Narratives from other participants were also included to provide affirmative and contrasting perspectives and to enhance the comprehensiveness of the analysis. It is important to note that a protagonist experiencing a failure in domestication resulting from one aspect of the triple articulation does not imply an absence of challenges in other areas; however, we have selectively presented only a more representative segment of their story.

Ethics

In terms of ethical considerations, all participants were fully informed of the study objectives, methodology, and their rights before the start of the interviews. To ensure the privacy of participants, all disseminated data underwent de-identification procedures to remove any personally identifiable information.

Brother Li and Sister Huang’s use of technology: “The newer, the more backward” and “too much of a good thing”

Brother Li, 32, is the owner of a clothing store on Taobao (a popular Chinese online shopping platform). When he was 24, he suffered an eye injury that left him with class 2 blindness. He had previously worked as an accountant in a large company and had a keen interest in financial news. However, his visual impairment not only led to the loss of his job but also required a significant change in his life. With his wife’s unwavering support, he underwent a long process of physical and mental rehabilitation and eventually adapted to living with visual impairment. Later on, recognizing the burgeoning opportunities in e-commerce, he and his wife opened a clothing store on Taobao.

With the advancement of smart devices, Brother Li has highlighted the increasing challenges in adapting to new technologies. Despite claims of accessibility optimization in certain apps, Brother Li often fails to experience the claimed ease of use. For example, he describes Toutiao (a Chinese news platform) as having a cluttered layout, with text, images, videos, and various news elements intertwined, which makes it difficult to navigate efficiently (Interviewees Hua Long and Na Na also provided feedback on the same issue). To make matters worse, just as Brother Li was getting used to the accessible features of the news app, subsequent updates brought new challenges. He found that his favorite financial news app, “First Finance,” had become inoperable after an update due to incompatibility with his essential screen-reading software. Other news apps have encountered similar problems with redesigned layouts that obscure key news content, requiring Brother Li to spend considerable time familiarizing himself with these platforms. Repeated attempts to address these concerns with customer service have resulted in promises of proactive communication with the technical department, but no tangible improvements have been achieved.

As his Taobao store became busier, Brother Li, a former news enthusiast, has started to reduce the time he spends on sophisticated news apps. He has told us that he now tunes in to the radio every morning to listen to the presenter’s insights into international economic developments. It has also become routine for him to listen to the radio news program in the background while he goes about his busy business.

Sister Huang’s technical difficulties have also caught our attention. She is 33 years old, with congenital blindness classified as class 1, and works as a telephone customer service representative for a relative’s company. WeChat is her most frequently used social app, a preference consistent with research showing that VIP often use social media for information (Meribe et al., 2023). This trend is echoed by other respondents we interviewed (such as Zou, Jing Yi, and Lei Ming), who indicated a preference for WeChat and QQ (a Chinese instant messaging app) as their primary news acquisition tools.

However, the complex labeling system within WeChat presents accessibility challenges for VIP. In accessibility mode, WeChat features are marked with densely packed voice labels, which can often lead to accidental selections. For example, when she tried to open the “Chat Box,” she mistakenly touched “Contacts” or “Discover.” To address these issues and enhance her WeChat experience, Sister Huang has customized her app settings, specifically concealing advanced features such as “Moments,” “Top Stories,” and “Channels,” and disabling “Subscription” (as shown in Figure 1). “At first, I did not know that I could hide the features, and I often activated the tabs by mistake,” said Sister Huang. Since then, she has notably diminished her engagement with online news and information features.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 1.

Sister Huang’s WeChat “Discover” page (left) VS the author’s WeChat “Discover” page (right).

While making these changes, Sister Huang skillfully maintains access to essential information through personal networks. She has found that family or community caregivers often share important news about her daily life. In particular, during the pandemic, updates were shared through the neighborhood homeowners’ group on WeChat, and community workers were available to assist and deliver notices at home as needed. In addition, Sister Huang emphasizes that community events and talks are also important sources of new information. Thus, even without online news, the supportive environment, provided by her family and community connections, remains an important link to the wider world.

Despite the “technological fix” perspective emphasizing technological upgrades and personalization as pivotal for enhancing user experience (Riegger et al., 2022; Shankar et al., 2011), the practical experiences of YVIP in online news consumption fall short of expectations. The discrepancy arises because technologies often become obsolete before achieving accessibility, or updates inadvertently compromise pre-existing accessibility features (Jaeger, 2012: 34). Consequently, YVIP often perceive themselves as perpetually striving to keep pace with technological evolution (Abeele et al., 2012; Dobransky and Hargittai, 2016), leading to the adoption of a “repeated domestication” strategy to cope. Ultimately, online news, as technological objects, fails to articulate with the mobile devices and applications utilized by YVIP, prompting them to explore alternative media to fulfill their informational needs.

The symbolic environment of Xiao Zhang’s news consumption: Social preferences and moral economies

Ms Liu, a sighted teacher at a school for the blind in a northern city, designed a course called “Psychological Health and Social Skills” to help introverted and self-conscious VI students better integrate into society. As well as teaching general psychological health skills, Ms Liu set up an “Information Pioneer group” of VI students who were responsible for selecting, editing, and sharing news content in class. In addition, Ms Liu invited sighted volunteers to regularly discuss current affairs with the VI students to enhance their understanding of the information and the social context behind the news. However, despite Ms Liu’s innovative and proactive measures, most of the students chose to leave the “Information Pioneer group” after the course ended, with only a few continuing to maintain the habit of reading the news.

Xiao Zhang, a 17-year-old student who has low vision (class 2), was one of Ms Liu’s students. His experience sheds light on the reasons for the failure of “collective domestication” in Ms Liu’s class. Born into an ordinary family in a second-tier city in China, he was an introverted only child. In this supportive and harmonious environment, Xiao Zhang found his place and sense of belonging, rarely interacting with people outside his immediate social circle. Despite being an experienced netizen and attending the Psychological Health and Social Skills course, Xiao Zhang showed little familiarity with online news content. When asked about recent news stories he had followed, Xiao Zhang hesitated, unable to give specific examples. “Knowing too much about unrelated things can be distracting,” he explained. “In everyday life, news relevant to us is rare; it is only on occasions like the International Day of Disabled Persons that society and the media focus on us,” he added.

When asked to recall news-related stories, Xiao Zhang recounted an incident during a class meeting: Xiao Zhang had been listening to the novels of Jin Yong (a renowned Chinese author of martial arts novels) on an online radio platform. He was deeply fascinated by the novels and had great admiration for the author. So he shared what he thought was important news with his classmates – the recent media reports of Jin Yong’s passing. However, this topic did not arouse any interest among his classmates. On the other hand, when one of his classmates talked about the school’s water dispenser – a matter more relevant to everyday life – a lively discussion ensued.

Xiao Zhang also explored his cautious approach to online activities. Acknowledging his limited online activity, Xiao Zhang explained that if he came across an interesting news item online, he would wait until school to discuss it face-to-face with his classmates, rather than posting it on social media. Another respondent Ming Zhe explained, “We generally avoid sharing news online because those who frequently engage in this behavior could be seen as posers by other peers.”

Xiao Zhang’s experience suggests that the online news consumption of YVIP is influenced by social preferences and moral economy. Chatman (1991) described the living and social space of information-disadvantaged groups as “small worlds,” where boundaries are drawn between social insiders and outsiders. Members of these “small worlds” are reluctant to trust outsiders, rarely gain information through interaction with them, and perceive such interactions as risky (Chatman, 1996). For the general public, the social dimension of news can serve to strengthen emotional bonds with strangers. However, within Xiao Zhang’s social network, there is no urgent need to utilize the social function of news to connect with outsiders. As a result, discussing news has not become a routine of his daily life.

To become functional, a technology has to find a place within the moral economy of the household, specifically in terms of its incorporation into the routines of everyday life (Silverstone, 2003: 129). The moral economy is equally applicable to spaces outside the home, and many other power relations have emerged in this domain. When new ICTs are acquired, social entities other than households or individuals need to engage in negotiations regarding the adoption of these technologies (Martínez and Olsson, 2021). Integrating online news into the “small worlds” of YVIP also requires negotiation with existing ethical norms. Factors such as physical disabilities and limited social spaces have fostered a subdued, quiet culture within the VI community. This culture is in stark contrast to public self-presentation, which is often interpreted by the VI community as “posing.” Consequently, in order to conform to the prevailing moral economy within social spaces, YVIP tend to be less inclined to display themselves publicly.

This study moves beyond the traditional research on social inclusion, which has largely focused on external factors such as societal structures (Chadwick and Wesson, 2016; Rimmerman, 2013: 33–54). Instead, it delves into the intricacies of how inclusivity within the VI community directly impacts the flow of information and interpersonal dynamics among its members. Crucially, this study also underscores the subjective perspective of VI individuals, who, akin to Xiao Zhang’s case, perceive information that is too remote from their daily lives as unnecessary and potentially disruptive. As a result, they actively streamline their information acquisition channels, reflecting a pragmatic approach to managing the influx of information in their lives. Thus, as symbolic environments, online news does not effectively articulate the private and public spheres.

Wang and Hong’s interpretations of news texts: Contesting authority and embracing individualism

Wang, a 30-year-old person with class 2 low vision, runs a massage parlor in an eastern coastal city. Known for his gregarious and outgoing personality, he actively engages in conversation with his customers daily. Wang has recounted his initial fascination with online news when he first got a smartphone. Using screen readers to “read” the news seemed to open up a new realm for him. He has kept up to date with global news, from major national events to local community issues, and has followed developments in the VI community as well as the changes brought about by technological advances. Over time, however, Wang has begun to recognize the complexities inherent in online news.

Wang has found that numerous news headlines are overly sensationalized and lack substance, often leading him astray with clickbait. On one occasion, for example, Wang encountered a news story on his smartphone that proclaimed: “Brain implant electrodes, a cure for blindness is on the horizon!” He initially believed it was a revolutionary technology that had the potential to change the life of the VIP. However, when he read the full report, he realized that it was only an initial laboratory study, far removed from clinical application. In addition, some news applications also contain soft advertisements, which can be a challenge for VIP trying to distinguish it from genuine news (Interviewees, Hua Zhong; Song). Wang had come across purported “healthcare products” that claimed to significantly improve vision. As Wang still has some light perception, these advertisements inevitably catch his attention. If it weren’t for his customers who promptly revealed the truth, Wang might have succumbed to the deception. As a result, Wang has felt a deep sense of indignation and disappointment about the information available on the Internet, and he has begun to question the lack of accountability of certain media and advertisements.

In addition to clickbait and false advertising, Wang has also been plagued by the problem of fake news. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Wang encountered an alarming social media report claiming that a mysterious disease had broken out in a certain city, leading to the urgent quarantine of hundreds of people. This made him worry about his relatives living in the city. However, when he contacted them, he discovered that it was an unfounded fake news story. Wang added: “They later informed me that the news story used a recycled image from an old news report, with a significantly lower image quality. The lack of authenticity was obvious to people with clear vision.”

Wang also expressed his dissatisfaction with so-called “experts.” He had previously come across reports on improving tactile paving for the VIP. The “expert” in the report suggested several improvements, but Wang found his recommendations impractical. As a result, he decided to start a dialogue on social media to correct this misinformation. However, his proposal was not taken seriously, and he was even ridiculed and attacked by individual netizens.

Eventually, Wang grew tired of the sensationalist headlines, misleading advertising, fake news, and pervasive cyberbullying on the Internet. In our dialogue, he openly expressed his view: “Currently, I mainly use the Internet to keep in touch with customers, order food, and conduct financial transactions online. As for news, I now turn to television and radio as I find them more reliable and authoritative sources of information.”

Similarly, Hong, who has undergone similar experiences, offers her interpretations of online news. Hong, a 25-year-old graduate of a school for the blind, has challenged the social stereotype that expects her to become a masseuse (Lin and Yang, 2020). She said: “Who says blind people have to give massages?” With her musical talent and singing skills, Hong initiated a program on Qingting FM (an online radio platform in China), which features storytelling, music sharing, and interviews with friends. For Hong, news is not an element of daily consumption, but rather a utilitarian tool for her professional activities. She has revealed that her job requires her to collect online news and prepare manuscripts, but she does not attach much importance to the news after work. She has shared some of the challenges she encounters when utilizing online news in her work: firstly, the trend toward multimedia and visualization in digital journalism has led to a proliferation of images, but existing screen readers are unable to interpret such visual content. In addition, the presence of homophonic puns and Internet slang in the news also poses a challenge to her understanding. Hong explained, “For example, there was a news story about blind people that used a pun with “新视界” (Xin Shijie, refers to a new “vision”). Its pronunciation in Chinese is similar to “new world,” so it refers to both a “new vision” and a “new world.” If it were in Braille, I could understand it. However, with these kinds of puns online, if netizens had not explained it to me, I would be clueless.”

Hong expresses the core reason for her aversion to online news: She had once been the subject of a media interview to share her journey in the music field, but the report overemphasized her visual impairment and was full of terms such as “misfortune” and “adversity,” portraying her as conforming to a stereotypical image of overcoming hardships, rather than acknowledging her musical talents. Hong highlights that numerous online news stories exhibit a comparable style. “On the Internet, if I don’t mention it, my vision impairment garners no attention,” she adds, “the tone of these narratives invariably induces discomfort, as though serving as a constant reminder of my plight.” The concept of a “virtual self” on the Internet enables individuals with disabilities to conceal their “disability” identity, affording them the chance to “escape” from the constraints of their physical disabilities (Abeele et al., 2012; Bowker and Tuffin 2002). Nevertheless, the pervasive “victim narrative” in online news pulls YVIP back to reality, compelling them to face their physical circumstances and disability stigma (Goffman, 1963: 86).

Both individuals and households develop strategies to control technologies, both in the sense of controlling the use by others and controlling the place of technologies in one’s own life (Haddon, 2006). Hong’s case serves as an illustration as she has attained a deep understanding of strategies to manage technologies. As a self-media practitioner, online news is crucial in her professional field, yet in her personal life, she consciously avoids exposure to it and even exhibits aversion toward it. As Haddon (2003) pointed out, “Nor should one assume that domestication is always entirely ‘successful.’. . . Their place in life can be bounded, as when they are only used for certain purposes in certain circumstances compared to what others might see as their fuller potential.” Hong’s division and management of the domestication field embody a strategy of “bounded domestication.” This further indicates that the application of technology among YVIP is not a standardized process but rather an outcome resulting from active integration based on individual needs, which involves not only the management of time and space, but also the division of the domestication field.

Overall, Wang and Hong expressed their dissatisfaction with online news, which primarily stemmed from its failure to effectively articulate the YVIP and the news content. As a response, they elected to take proactive measures: either turning to alternative media or adopting a strategy of “bounded domestication,” entailing a calibrated adjustment in their interaction with online news.