From One Generation to the Next: Hmong American Adolescents’ Views of Maternal Racial Socialization

Conceptual Framework

The distinct processes model conceptualizes racial socialization and ethnic socialization as multidimensional constructs that are discrete yet interrelated processes. This type of conceptualization is supported by research (e.g., Juang et al., 2016; Seol et al., 2016) and derives from scholarly discussions that distinguish between concepts of race and ethnicity (Cokley, 2007; Juang et al., 2017; Markus, 2008). According to the American Psychological Association (APA, 2019, p. 47), race refers to “the social construction and categorization of people based on perceived shared physical traits that result in the maintenance of a sociopolitical hierarchy.” APA defines ethnicity as “a characterization of people based on having a shared culture (e.g., language, food, music, dress, values, and beliefs) related to common ancestry and shared history.” (APA, 2019, p. 46).”

A comparison to other models (e.g., Hughes et al., 2006; Huguley et al., 2019) reveals a set of assets associated with the distinct processes model. See Figure 1. Conceptually, racial socialization refers to messages that parents use in response to the socially constructed characterizations ascribed to minority groups to assign lower social status and unequal power relationships (Paasch-Anderson & Lamborn, 2014). In the distinct processes model, racial socialization emphasizes constructive messages that parents share with youth regarding race. Racial group identification includes messages of pride about one’s physical characteristics and membership in a specific racial group. Racism awareness includes messages that help youth to understand that racism exists and that they may be treated unfairly because of the way they look. Racism awareness also includes strategies to cope with mistreatment when it occurs. A third category, diversity awareness, includes messages that people from all racial groups are valued and should be treated fairly as well as messages of cross-race cooperation. Some parents may promote mistrust of other racial groups or choose not to discuss racial issues. These messages are included as negative race messages. In contrast, other models often conceptualize racial socialization with two dimensions: bias socialization and promotion of mistrust, with much research focusing solely on bias socialization.

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Figure 1.

Comparison of models of racial and ethnic socialization.

When discussing race, past research indicates that families sometimes engage in ethnic socialization, as well as ethnic/race neutral socialization practices, which are separate dimensions in the distinct processes model (Paasch-Anderson & Lamborn, 2014; Swartz et al., 2021). Conceptually, ethnic socialization refers to messages and practices that encompass a group’s shared heritage, language, and culture that signify self-defined attributes and affiliation to one’s group. Ethnic socialization is a multidimensional construct that includes messages and practices about ethnic group identification (cultural pride and heritage), cultural markers (cultural practices and traditions), and ethnic family relations (extended family ties and family obligations). In the distinct processes model, ethnic group identification is separated from racial group identification, aspects that are often blended in earlier models. Ethnic socialization is a separate dimension having similar multidimensionality as racial socialization. In contrast, combined ethnic-racial socialization models (Hughes et al., 2006; Huguley et al., 2019), represent ethnic socialization without multidimensionality with a single construct labeled “cultural socialization.” Further, cultural socialization usually includes racial components (racial pride, racial identity, racial history) within its definition so that distinctions between ethnicity and race become blurred.

Finally, the distinct processes model includes a third dimension for ethnic/race neutral socialization messages about personal development, such as good behavior and educational achievement that are general parenting goals (Paasch-Anderson & Lamborn, 2014). These messages are considered universal parenting goals versus goals only endorsed by the mainstream or European American families. In earlier models, mainstream socialization is labeled egalitarianism, (Hughes et al., 2006; Huguley et al., 2019) which confounds multiple constructs such as socialization for mainstream success over racial group membership, omission of race discussions, and colorblind attitudes. These are all different constructs that are obscured when placed under a single broad category. Absent from this conceptualization of egalitarianism is racial equality, as the term would suggest (See Neblett et al., 2008 for an exception).

Racial Socialization in Asian American Families

Although less is known about how Hmong American families prepare youth for racism experiences, information is available regarding Asian American families who engage in racial socialization to help youth cope with discrimination (Alvarez et al., 2006; Benner & Kim, 2009; Seol et al., 2016; Tran & Lee, 2010; for a review see Juang et al., 2017). Asian American families, like other families of color, engaged in more ethnic than racial socialization (Hughes et al., 2006). Additionally, Asian Americans were described as less involved in racial socialization when compared to other minority groups (Ajayi & Syed, 2014). Nonetheless, Asian Americans, including those of Hmong heritage, have experienced racial discrimination (Kiang, Witkow et al., 2016; Kwan, 2015). Among other discriminatory experiences, Asian Americans have been stereotyped as model minorities, perpetual foreigners, and as having the same physical appearance (Daga & Raval, 2018; Juang et al., 2017). Perceived discrimination has been linked to poorer psychological adjustment such as depression, loneliness, lower self-esteem, and poorer school outcomes (Huynh, 2012; Huynh & Fuligni, 2010; Juang & Alvarez, 2010; Kiang, Witkow et al., 2016). Understanding racial socialization processes of Asian Americans, especially Hmong Americans, adds to the limited research in this area. The next section reviews racial socialization practices and outcomes for Asian Americans using the terminology for major constructs of racial socialization (bias socialization, promotion of mistrust, egalitarianism) from a recent meta-analysis (Huguley et al., 2019).

Asian American Racial Socialization and Outcomes

Studies have examined the associations of different racial socialization messages for various outcomes, with mixed results regarding Asian American adolescents and young adults (Juang et al., 2017). Huguley et al. (2019, p. 439) defined bias socialization as messages “in reaction to a broader racially subordinating ecological context, and that accordingly teach children to anticipate, process, and/or cope with discrimination events.” Researchers have suggested that bias socialization can be a protective factor for minoritized youth, yet studies of Asian American youth have resulted in mixed findings. Bias socialization did not buffer against psychological distress in the face of discrimination experiences for a predominately Chinese sample (Atkin et al., 2019) and it did not lessen the negative association between racial microaggressions and individual self-esteem in a mixed Asian sample (Thai et al., 2017). In multiracial studies that included Asian American undergraduates, bias socialization messages were associated with lower ethnic identity exploration and commitment (Nelson et al., 2018) and positively related to depression (Liu & Lau, 2013). However, in a study of Korean American youth, moderate levels of bias socialization related to better school adjustment, whereas high and low levels of bias socialization related to lower school adjustment (Seol et al., 2016). Finally, bias socialization moderated the association between discrimination and depression for immigrant and U.S. born Korean youth (Park et al., 2021). Adolescents who experienced greater discrimination benefited from bias socialization strategies to reduce depressive symptoms.

Promotion of mistrust refers to messages that “endorse the need for wariness of members of other ethnic or racial groups” (Huguley et al., 2019, p. 439). In most research that included Asian American adolescents or emerging adults, promotion of mistrust was linked to unfavorable outcomes such as lower academic achievement, less family cohesion, poorer psychological adjustment, and lower ethnic identity (Atkin et al., 2019; Huynh & Fuligni, 2008; Liu & Lau, 2013; Nelson et al., 2018; Woo et al., 2020). In some instances, low and moderate levels of promotion of mistrust messages buffered the negative effect of microaggressions on self-esteem (Thai et al., 2017). Finally, some studies found positive relationships between mistrust messages and adjustment. For example, promotion of mistrust was positively related to ethnic identity exploration (Nelson et al., 2018), to self-esteem over time (Gartner et al., 2014) and was protective against discrimination for U. S. born Filipino youth (Park et al., 2021).

Fewer studies have considered egalitarianism and there are differences in its conceptualization. According to Huguley et al. (2019, p. 439), “Egalitarianism refers to parental emphases on mainstream cultural values or affective norms, which in some cases include cultural assimilation to the mainstream at the expense of one’s home culture expressions.” Egalitarian strategies can also minimize the role of race, omit racial discussions, and promote color-blind attitudes (Hughes et al., 2006; Huguley et al., 2019). In a recent review, egalitarian messages were a stronger predictor of ethnic-racial identity compared to bias socialization (Huguley et al., 2019) for all racial groups. These scholars surmised that egalitarian messages that promote mainstream values without assimilation or rejection of heritage culture are not at odds with pride and heritage socialization. A newer survey measure for Asian Americans distinguished colorblind attitudes (minimize race) from promotion of equality and cultural pluralism (Juang et al., 2016). The authors found that, while Asian American parents emphasized cultural heritage, they also socialized toward mainstream culture and promoted racial equality and cultural diversity. In summary, for Asian Americans bias socialization is associated with mixed outcomes, promotion of mistrust is mostly associated with negative outcomes, and egalitarian messages that promote mainstream strategies for success without assimilation may be more beneficial.

Racial Socialization and Gender

Some information is available about gender differences in racial socialization, but the findings are inconsistent and tend to rely on studies of African American youth (Hughes et al., 2006; Juang et al., 2017; Priest et al., 2014). Overall, when gender differences were found, boys received more bias socialization and reported more discrimination experiences, whereas girls received more racial pride messages or no messages (Hughes et al., 2006; Priest et al., 2014). Asian Americans face specific types of stereotypes (model minority, perpetual foreigner, sexual deviance) that are less explored in the racial socialization literature (Juang et al., 2017). It is unclear how parents help youth cope with these different forms of discrimination (see Daga and Raval (2018) for an exception) and if gender influences socialization messages. In studies that included Asian Americans, girls received more cultural socialization (Huynh & Fuligni, 2008) and boys received more bias socialization (Hughes et al., 2009). Other studies of Asian American adolescents found no gender differences for bias socialization messages (Huynh & Fuligni, 2008; Tran & Lee, 2010). These studies often did not include Hmong Americans. Thus, the findings regarding gender patterns in relation to racial socialization remain mixed and unclear for Asian Americans generally as well as for Hmong Americans specifically. Next, an overview of Hmong history is presented before summarizing what we know about racial socialization in Hmong American families.

Hmong History

The Hmong people have relied on oral traditions to trace their ancestral origins thousands of years back to Imperial China where they were an ethnic minority (Vagh et al., 2018). In the 1800s, many Hmong fled to Southeast Asia to escape persecution and domination by the ruling class in China (Gurda, 2019; Vagh et al., 2018). Yet, as a stateless people the Hmong were still exploited by host governments and were not granted equal access to opportunities (Hein, 2006). The Hmong settled in the mountain regions of Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam where they maintained their cultural traditions, agrarian lifestyle, and patriarchal values. The Hmong have a clan-based culture, with daily life and social activities centered on mutual assistance and support through the clan (Chiang et al., 2015; Gurda, 2019; Vagh et al., 2018; Vang, 2010).

Socialization is gendered in Hmong culture, with girls expected to participate in daily activities of cooking, housekeeping and childcare for the family, whereas boys maintain the family lineage and learn cultural practices related to the traditional Shaman religion (Lor, 2019). By adolescence, males and females spend limited time together, including with their opposite sex parent. These gendered cultural patterns have persisted in the U.S. where Hmong American boys receive more autonomy in their upbringing, and girls have more restrictions, especially outside of home. Relatively less is known about how Hmong families socialize differently by gender regarding racial issues.

Many of the Hmong in the U.S. are refugees who fled Laos when the Vietnam War ended in 1975. The CIA enlisted the Hmong as guerrilla fighters in the “secret war” in Laos to deter the spread of communism. With the withdrawal of U.S. troops, the Hmong were left with dire choices of capture and execution by the communists, placement in re-education camps, or fleeing to refugee camps in Thailand (Gurda, 2019; Hein, 2006). In response to the ensuing refugee crisis, the U.S. passed The Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1975. Through this act, various Christian charities and social service agencies sponsored refugee families to resettle in the U.S. (Fass, 1991; Kiang, Tseng et al., 2016; Paik et al., 2014). Initially, refugee families were “scattered” throughout communities across the U.S., but many Hmong families relocated to reconnect with extended family (Chiang et al., 2015; Fass, 1991; Vang, 2010). Between the mid-1970s and the early 2000s, more than 130,000 Hmong refugees settled in the U.S. (Chiang et al., 2015; Vang, 2010). Unfortunately, the divisive nature of the Vietnam War meant that many Hmong refugees faced discrimination in the receiving communities (Lee et al., 2017; Xaykaothao, 2016).

Wisconsin, the location of the current study, is the state with the third largest Hmong population. Although the Asian population in Wisconsin is small (approximately 4%), 38% of Asians in Wisconsin are Hmong (Wisconsin Department of Health Services, n.d, n.d.). Milwaukee County has the largest Hmong population in Wisconsin (Gurda, 2019) and the fourth largest of metro areas in the U.S. (Pew Research Center, 2017). Although Milwaukee has many Hmong families, they are viewed as invisible or as perpetual foreigners, as they frequently are called upon to explain who they are and why they live in Milwaukee. As refugees, severe oppression in the home country, limited knowledge of U.S. systems, and restricted language skills may all conspire to discourage parents from confronting racism, engaging with local authority figures (e.g., police, school officials), or participating in difficult conversations about race and discrimination (Flanagan et al., 2020; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).

Racial Socialization in Hmong Families

Some research is available on racial socialization practices in Hmong American families, but these studies usually include only a partial Hmong American sample. With a sample that was 61% Hmong American, Tran and Lee (2010) concluded that a substantial number of late adolescents in college had experienced racial socialization practices that included bias socialization (61%) and promotion of mistrust (53%). Being Hmong was associated with receiving more bias socialization when compared to the other Asian subgroups included in the study. For all Asian groups, bias socialization was unrelated to social competence, whereas promotion of mistrust was associated with lower social competence. Another study that included 28% Hmong American 10th and 11th graders found that promotion of mistrust was related to lower ethnic identity for foreign born students (Gartner et al., 2014). In this study, promotion of mistrust was also positively related to self-esteem over time. In another study with 28% Hmong, a person-centered approach found that adolescents who were described as “Culturally Prepared with Low Mistrust” (moderate discrimination experiences, higher cultural pride and bias messages, low mistrust) were the most adaptive group (Kiang et al., 2019). The most common group, termed “Low Cultural Salience,” reported few discrimination experiences, low levels of ethnic and racial socialization, and moderate exposure to model minority stereotypes.

Current Study

With few studies of racial socialization including Hmong American adolescents, this study sought to engage Hmong American teenagers to talk about the racial socialization that they receive in the family context. First, we were interested in the messages Hmong adolescents received from their mother to help them understand their race. In many Asian American families, women are expected to preserve and pass on cultural traditions and family values (Chung, 2017; Juang & Syed, 2010). As the primary caretakers in most Hmong families, mothers or the female caretaker became the focus of our study. Fathers may be less engaged with their children because of late and double work shifts. Second, we examined the adolescents’ responses for gender patterns. The research on gender differences of racial socialization messages is limited for Asian Americans, and even more so for Hmong Americans. Finally, we used the distinct processes model of ethnic and racial socialization that separates the concepts of ethnic and racial socialization. This model provides greater multidimensionality to the broader constructs of racial and ethnic socialization rather than embedding ethnic socialization as a singular category (labeled cultural socialization) within the broader combined construct of ethnic-racial socialization.

Sample

Twenty-four Hmong American adolescents between the ages of 14 and 18 years (M = 15.8) participated in individual semi-structured interviews about racial socialization practices. The students (67% female) attended an urban multi-ethnic high school in the Midwest. Most of the students resided with both of their parents (83%), with the remaining students in other family living arrangements. Many of the parents had educational levels at or below high school. Of the fathers and mothers, 36% and 52%, respectively did not experience formal schooling. Twenty-four percent and 22% of the fathers and mothers respectively had some schooling up to high school graduation. A smaller portion of fathers (16%) and mothers (12%) had some college education or more. Students did not report on parents’ educational background for 24% of the fathers and 14% of the mothers. The parents were born in Laos or Thailand, whereas half the students (54%) had been born in the U.S. and the other half immigrated to the U.S. with their parents as young children. All students were fluent in English and most of them spoke some Hmong. Having the option to complete the interviews in either language, all of the students chose to participate using English.

Procedures

After the study was approved by the university’s Intuitional Review Board, adolescents were recruited from classes and an afterschool Asian Club. Youths in the Asian Club typically had families that emphasized participation in cultural practices, such as traditional dance or music. The adolescents provided written parental consent and also assented to participate in a study on family processes. A taped recording of the consent form in the Hmong language was available for parents. Each adolescent received $10 for taking part in the study. Individual, semi-structured interviews were conducted at school. One interviewer was a graduate student of Hmong heritage who was fluent in both English and Hmong and trained in the interview protocols and completion of the data sheets. The other interviewer was Asian American but not of Hmong heritage. The interviews, which were audiotaped and transcribed afterward, lasted approximately 45 minutes. During the interviews, the interviewer took notes on a data sheet to summarize the responses in the adolescents’ own words. This strategy supported additional probing as the interview progressed. For this part of the interview, adolescents were asked “What is your race?” to prime them for the topic of racial socialization. Next, adolescents were asked to respond to the central question: “What does your mother do to help you understand race as it applies to you?” Neutral probes (e.g., “tell me more”) were used to elicit six responses to this question. Because discussing discrimination experiences helped the participants to talk about racial socialization, a prompt was added for this topic (e.g., “Have you or your mother experienced discrimination?”). The data also included ethnic socialization and ethnic/race neutral categories because participants sometimes included these topics in their responses when questioned about racial socialization.

Both interviewers completed practice interviews prior to the start of the study. The first author provided training sessions to the graduate student on basic interviewing skills and understanding of this specific interview. The graduate student received feedback on the practice interviews regarding taking notes on the data sheet to keep track of what the participant said during the interview. Feedback was also provided on moving through the simple interview questions (presented above) and using neutral probes to engage the participant to provide further information.

The research team included the authors and a graduate student in the Educational Psychology department. The research team has worked with the Hmong American community in the local area to support Hmong families and youth. Each team member is dedicated to the inclusion of Hmong voices in the academic literature. The first author, who was involved in all aspects of the study, teaches courses on diverse families and immigrant children and conducts research on ethnic minority adolescents. The second author is a graduate of the Educational Psychology program with interests in ethnic and racial socialization for immigrant and diverse adolescents. The second author was involved in the coding, analysis and management of the data. The third team member is a Hmong American woman who graduated from the Educational Psychology department and is interested in the study of Hmong families. She acted as an interviewer for the project.

Content Analysis

Notes taken during each interview summarized what each participant said to help the interviewer keep track of information to support open-ended probing. These data sheets were typed into a data file for coding purposes. The interview transcripts were used to enhance the data sheets and to provide further context for the responses. Each of the six responses from the data sheets represented one coding unit for a total of 144 units. The data were analyzed using a directed content analysis approach (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). The initial coding was conducted by the first author. She followed the coding scheme for the distinct processes model of ethnic and racial socialization (Paasch-Anderson & Lamborn, 2014) and was influenced by readings on ethnic-racial socialization (e.g., Hughes et al., 2006; Huguley et al., 2019; Juang et al., 2016). First, responses were coded at the theme level (Racial Socialization, Ethnic Socialization, Ethnic/Race Neutral Socialization). Although the lead question asked specifically about race, the coding supported distinctions among these three broad types of socialization practices because students included these types of socialization in their responses. Next, responses were coded into categories that were consistent with the distinct processes model to provide greater detail in the type of messages that were described in the interviews (Racial Group Identification, Racism Awareness, or Diversity Awareness). Another category representing Negative Race Messages included two sub-categories. Some mothers did not discuss the topic of race, which was coded as No Discussion. Messages that reflected negative attitudes about other racial groups were coded as Mistrust. Two categories of Ethnic Socialization included Ethnic Group Identification and Cultural Markers. Messages about Personal Development were coded as Ethnic/Race Neutral Socialization.

Two coders held a series of meetings to discuss and review their independently coded data. This was a dynamic process to allow new topics to emerge from the data and to refine the coding scheme (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Three emergent categories were identified. The first, Intra-Racial Discrimination, emphasized oppression and marginalization across Asian subgroups. Bicultural Socialization represented aspects of ethnic socialization and ethnic/race neutral content. A final emergent category was a contextual factor that encompassed participants’ lived Discrimination Experiences. See Table 1 for examples that represent each code.

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Table 1.

Coded Themes, Categories and Brief Examples of Message Content.

Categories	Examples
Racial socialization theme
Racism awareness	[Discrimination is] a part of life. We’re Asian, sometimes you just have to stand up for yourself.
	Whatever you do they [other people] don’t understand. Mom would say ignore it, focus on getting advice.
Discrimination experiences—contextual factor a	Racial slurs. Being followed in store, being pushed around.
	Have experienced discrimination at school because we’re Asian.
Intra-racial discrimination a	They (my parents) moved, they wanted to get out of the war.
	Because of past history there is some conflict or issues around some kind of Asians.
Diversity awareness	She says not to discriminate against other people, that we should treat them how you want them to treat you.
	Being involved with other races, she’s OK with it; It’s OK to bring people home from other backgrounds.
Racial group identification	Our skin color and look; all related to Laos.
	[She explains that] we have different color skin.
Negative race messages	No Discussion
	We don’t talk about race.
	She doesn’t talk about race. She doesn’t think about it.
	Mistrust
	Mom says negative things about other races.
	[She has racial] stereotypes about others.
Ethnic socialization theme
Cultural markers	We eat different, we eat Hmong food.
	I watch Hmong movies with my Mom
Ethnic group identification	She teaches us about being proud of who we are; she wants us to wear Hmong clothes and take pictures.
	She tells stories of her life, traditional stuff about Hmong culture, the cultural practices.
Bicultural socializationa,b,c	We came to America, we were still gonna keep our culture, but add American culture also to it.
	We have a different language. We learn Hmong first and American later.
Ethnic/race neutral socialization theme
Personal development	Be your own person, don’t follow the crowd.
	Work hard to be more successful.

a

Emergent categories.

b

Bicultural socialization combines elements of ethnic socialization and ethnic/race neutral socialization.

c

Assimilation (opposite bicultural socialization). Example: “Now that we’re living in America, we have to get used to being American or living in America.”

Reliability coding was completed on the data from 10 participants or 42% of the data. This included 60 responses (six responses per participant). A second coder was trained to complete the reliability coding. She was not a part of the original research team for this project but was experienced in coding interviews for racial and ethnic content from other investigations. The overall percent agreement for the study was 93.7%. Coding discrepancies were resolved through consensus.

Racial Socialization

A total of 68.7% of the responses emphasized racial topics as reported by the adolescents. Most of these responses (50.6%) were coded as one of five categories: Racism Awareness, Discrimination Experiences (without a socialization message), Intra-Racial Discrimination, Diversity Awareness, or Racial Group Identification. Some messages (18.1%) were considered Negative Race Messages that included No Discussion of race or Mistrust. (Figure 2). Examples of the racial socialization messages using excerpts from the adolescents’ interviews are provided next. Pseudonyms are used in place of the adolescents’ names.

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Figure 2.

Distinct processes model of Hmong adolescents’ perceptions of racial socialization messages.

Racism Awareness (22.9%) included messages from mothers that, as a member of a minoritized group, the teenager might be mistreated by others or teased for being Asian American. Some mothers shared their discrimination experiences to alert adolescents’ that unfair treatment exists. Ab (female) said that her mother doesn’t like it “when people talk to her like a child. . .don’t let people talk down to you through education.” Jong (female) was told stories by her mother of mean things that were said about her. Jong explained,

She can’t speak English all that well, so when ah, she always talks about when we first came, and how my dad was sick, and stories about him on the city bus, and how sometimes she wanted to cry, ’cause I mean, she understands some words, and so, like, that got her really mad and stuff.

Racism Awareness not only alerted youth to the existence of racial bias, inequity and unequal treatment by others, but sometimes provided strategies to deal with it. One approach was for mothers to instruct teenagers to use active coping strategies in response to racial problems. For example, Houa (female) was told to “Yell back [if in a discriminatory situation]. Tell them all Asians are not the same. Say Hmong are different from Chinese.” Other teens were told to seek advice and elicit support from other adults in response to mistreatment. Cai (male) reported that his mother would address the situation for him. He said, “I guess she’d come and try to talk to them. Or I guess if something happens, go to talk to them. Or [ask], ‘How did this happen?’ and stuff.”

Another common approach was for mothers to deescalate the situation by encouraging their child to back down. While these strategies may appear passive, from the mother’s viewpoint, their child is less likely to be harmed or to become further involved with authority figures that the family may not trust. Mai (female) said that, “I have experienced prejudice, name calling. I usually ignore it. I don’t want to start problems. [My mom taught me to] just let it go.” From the interviews, it was apparent that some of the parents did not want the interactions to escalate into physical fights and viewed this advice as a way of protecting the adolescent. For example, Keej (male) reported, “[She said] just don’t do anything because she doesn’t want like anyone getting hurt or she doesn’t want the house getting hit with rocks or anything like broken windows.” In other cases, parents viewed ignoring racial comments as a more mature approach. When Ying (female) discussed a racial incident with her parents, she was told to be a better person. In this excerpt, Ying explained that other teenagers at school view all Asians as the same in a mean way that dehumanizes Asians as not having individual identities. She then describes her parents’ position to disregard these types of comments.

Yeah, we tell her like why are these people weird? They assume we’re Chinese and like, they try to talk weird and you can’t understand what they’re saying at all. Just ignore them or whatever because they don’t know what they’re talking about. My dad said the same thing too, like they don’t know what they’re talking about, just don’t get mad. [They want me] to be a better person.

Discrimination Experiences (8.3%), an emergent category that was a contextual factor rather than a type of racial socialization, represented the adolescents’ racialized experiences. While talking about racial socialization messages from their mothers, some of the adolescents also talked about personal experiences of discrimination without including information about racial socialization. These quotes place experiences of racial socialization in context and illustrate the racism and discrimination encountered by these Hmong American teenagers. One type of discrimination experience included being teased for speaking differently. Keej (male) described his experiences saying,

In the neighborhood when you’re at home, you’re just walking and then there is like a bunch of Mexican and Latinos, and they call you “ching-ching” and stuff like that. And then they start saying stuff like “ching-chong, ching-chong” like that. And you’re like, what are you saying, I don’t even get it.

Adolescents also reported that they were called “Chinese” by students of other races when those students knew that they were not Chinese. Being categorized and misrepresented by other students as Chinese is a racialized act that equates all Asians as looking alike or being the same. It is a dehumanizing experience that discounts the individuality of persons and specific Asian subgroups. Ying (female) said,

The only thing I don’t like is like when the Blacks, they talk, they will say something like, ah, you know, like how they think that Chinese is only one race for everybody. Like if you’re Asian or if you’re Hmong, they automatically think you’re Chinese. I don’t like that.

These responses reveal the demeaning experiences that happened to these Hmong American adolescents in their neighborhoods and at school. For example, they were belittled by other students for the way they talk and were purposively mistaken as being of Chinese background in a dehumanizing manner that suggests “all Asians are alike.” These quotes also reveal the tensions between different racialized groups that live in the working class neighborhoods surrounding the school. The Hmong American students were often teased and challenged by African American or Latino teenagers residing in their neighborhoods and attending school with them.

Intra-Racial Discrimination, an emergent category (8.3%), focused on the history of the Hmong as a minority group in Laos, Thailand, and China. This category emphasized elements of racial socialization in the discussion of oppression that occurred between specific Asian groups. Mothers told stories of how the Hmong were mistreated and the challenges they faced to coexist in Southeast Asian countries. Paj (female) said, “When Hmong lived in Thailand, we weren’t treated right. When we moved to Laos it was still the same. We had to work for Laotians to earn money.” Some adolescents conveyed that their mother talked to them about the marginalization that took place in different countries. Mee (female) said,

My mom and dad told me that they [Hmong] lived in villages and moved down from China to Laos and Thailand – scattered everywhere.. . . In Laos they get along with Laotians. We lived on their land so they might think something bad about us or not. It’s like segregation but not with bad feelings.

Adolescents also heard stories about the war and the refugee experiences that followed. Chue (male) said, “My parents tell me some stories. They mentioned what happened a little, how they escaped to the refugee camp.” Another adolescent stated that her mother talked about the war and how that has influenced her parent’s views of other Asian groups especially the Vietnamese. Sua (female) said,

My parents talk about the Vietnam War and all that. Sometimes even though they’re Asian, some of the races, like the Vietnamese, sometimes can be kind of difficult to be around. . .Some Hmong people don’t like the Vietnamese. It’s just kind of like the history thing. . .because of what happened to them.

Diversity Awareness (7.6%) included beliefs that all people are equal and should be treated fairly and judged for who they are inside rather than on superficial external features. Alang (male) was told, “Don’t hate others because of their race. You should not hate them because they are different from ourselves.” Leej (male) said his mother showed acceptance of his friends from different racial backgrounds, as seen in the following comment.

[Do you bring friends to your house?] Yeah, I have. [Have you ever brought somebody who wasn’t Hmong?] Um, well, I have once or twice. [How did it go?] Well, it’s just normal. It’s just like I’m bringing my friends along. . .I think she’s just learning more of who the person is, you know. Like. . .she wants me to be involved with any different ethnic group, or any race as long as [they are] in the positive way of, you know, influence.

Racial Group Identification (3.5%) included messages about embracing one’s natural appearance and outward indicators of one’s race such as skin color. Keej (male) commented, “She doesn’t want us to like dye our hair a different color. She said our hair should be a natural color, like black all the time.” Some of the messages emphasized embracing one’s difference. Cee (female) was told not to change and to value herself. She was told, “They don’t know you, just because you’re different don’t change who you are. . .people are born different.” Some messages explained the racial hierarchy in the U.S. based on skin color. Xee (female) said,

My mom’s like, you know, we come to America, we don’t have pure white skin like Americans. You know, we have a tannish-yellowish color, you know, that’s what tells us apart that we’re not American. . .And so, Mexican has a darker color than us, so one will know, ‘Okay, those are Mexicans.’ And then, you know, Black people have the darkest color, and then White people have the whitest color, and that’s how like, she puts them by color and stuff.

Two sub-categories were identified that represented Negative Race Messages. Some adolescents reported No Discussion of race with their mothers (12.5%). Kaj (female) commented that “Race isn’t mentioned in my house, so I guess race doesn’t really matter.” Blia (female) said, “Prejudice and discrimination are not a topic.” Since his mother did not discuss race, Tooj (male) sought out conversations with other family members. He said, “I don’t talk to mom about it, just to my brothers. I don’t talk to dad either.” The absence or avoidance of discussion about race-related topics sent an ambiguous message about race that could be interpreted in different ways by the teen (e.g., race isn’t important or racial issues should be ignored).

A few messages (5.6%) were about Mistrust or negative stereotypes of other races, such as when Cai (male) said that his mother “thinks bad things about other races.” Lis’ (male) mother had firm expectations that he date someone who is Hmong. This message excludes other races as marriage partners.

She’s prejudiced. [Oh, she is, so in what way?] Like, she doesn’t want us to date other races but Hmong. . .[Is she assuming that you’re not going to marry like a White or an African-American or a Latino, that’s just like out of the question?] If you do it’s known as an embarrassment of the family.

These Hmong American adolescents reported that their mothers use various racial socialization messages that include racism awareness, intra-racial discrimination, diversity awareness and sometimes racial group identification to help them understand race and racism in the U.S. Sometimes the mothers elected not to talk about race.

Ethnic Socialization

Ethnic Socialization was included in some of the adolescents’ responses (22.2%), even though the study participants were asked about racial socialization. These messages directed the adolescent to focus on elements of the Hmong culture. Cultural Markers (14.6%) refer to aspects of religion, language, cultural events, or marriage. Leej (male) was reminded about preserving Hmong traditions. He said, “She’s just saying like, you know, practice your religion or practice the culture we had. . .we came from our traditions.” Lis (male) discussed aspects of the Shaman religion that were emphasized in his family.

We still do the Hmong religion. . . [So, Shaman?] Yeah, Shaman [And what does that involve?] Well, it involves sacrificing. That’s when all the relatives come together. . . And then there’s also funerals. They play queej [a traditional instrument] and they say some of, I don’t know, it’s kind of like singing but it’s not like singing. [You mean chanting?] Yeah, and you listen to it and it tells the dead body, the soul, how to get to heaven.

Cultural Markers included speaking the Hmong language. Chue’s (male) mother encouraged him “to remember our language.” Other teens were told about the significance of Hmong language. Mee (female) said, “We have our own different languages; more than one.” In addition, marriage to another Hmong person was seen as a way to preserve Hmong culture and traditions. ¹ Ab (female) said her mother “Want[s] me to marry Hmong, for help, to talk. [She] sees it as losing the Hmong culture [by] intermarrying.” Jong (female) was also encouraged to date and marry someone who was Hmong. She said, “[My mother] wants us to date and then marry Hmong. We’ll understand each other more. They want the support from them because they are Hmong.”

Ethnic Group Identification (7.6%) included feeling proud of one’s Hmong cultural heritage, shared values, and a sense of belonging among Hmong people. According to Sua (female),

[She also wants you to be around Hmong people and one of the ways she said was so you can have a connection (mentioned by the student earlier). Can you explain that a little bit more?] When we talk to Hmong people, you don’t feel like a stranger. It’s like they are a part of you, they’re also Hmong and when they talk, you can understand and know what they’re talking about. Either it’s about family or um, clan issues, and Hmong stuff. And then you can just understand what the other Hmong person is talking about.

Mai (female) also talked about the importance of identifying with Hmong culture. She said, “She can give me advice and then I often choose what I do. And I have to choose like the Hmong and that’s the reputation I have to choose, the Hmong.” Thus, mothers sometimes focused on cultural practices and ethnic identification as a mechanism to address race and racism as experienced by their adolescents in the U.S.

Bicultural Socialization (4.2%), another emergent category, indicated that mothers wanted adolescents to orient both to Hmong and U.S. society. These messages combined aspects of ethnic socialization and neutral content. Speaking both Hmong and English was seen as valuable for life in the U.S. Xee (female) said, “We have a different language. We learn Hmong first and American later.” As the first child born in America, Xee went on to talk about being both Hmong and American. She was aware of her Hmong heritage and the family’s resettlement in the U.S. These experiences shaped her retention of Hmong identity along with incorporating aspects of American identity. Xee explained,

I’m American, but then like, I also have a part of me that, you know, I don’t do what Americans do every day, like a normal-day life. Like, I have something more added on to that life. So you know, ‘cause I have, you know, more, like, I’m Hmong-American.. . .So when we came to America, we were still gonna keep, you know our culture, but add American culture also to it.

Preserving Hmong culture and getting along with people in the U.S. were seen as avenues for success. Sua (female) explained,

She wants us to be with Hmong people. She also wants us to go out to understand the way of how American life is and going to school and getting to know the people, so it can also help our achievements or goals.

These adolescents shared how they were guided by their mothers to retain their Hmong identity and cultural practices while adding American ways of life geared for success and positive interactions with others. Opposite to Bicultural Socialization, a few responses were considered Assimilation messages (“she talks about being American”) that prioritized adjusting to American culture over maintenance of the heritage culture.

Ethnic/Race Neutral Socialization

Ethnic/Race Neutral Socialization accounted for 3.5% of the responses. These messages discussed aspects of Personal Development, such as education and proper behavior. These responses were clearly distinct from responses that simply report that mothers did not discuss race. These responses indicated mothers’ expectations for positive personal conduct, usually regarding achievement or general behavior. Houa’s mother talked to her about feeling proud of her academic accomplishments. Houa (female) said,

Like, I don’t know, just the way she tells us to go to school and get good grades and stuff like that. [Okay, and how, how does she encourage you to go school and get good grades? What does she do?] She would say, like, you don’t want to end up with nothing in your life. . .go to school. . .have a real job, and become a police officer, or a teacher, or a doctor.”

Gender Comparisons

A comparison was made of the frequencies of message types for girls and boys. The responses were calculated to account for 100% of the responses separately for girls and boys. The percentage for each message category was compared by gender. See Figure 3 for the graph that shows the separately calculated gender responses for comparison. A difference of more than double the percent for a category was considered a gender difference in how commonly some types of messages were mentioned. Boys were more likely to report receiving No Discussion about race. Cai reported that his mother “Does not teach about race.” Keej believed that his mother experienced racism, but the topic was not discussed. He said, “I think she has (experienced racism) but hasn’t talked about it.” Boys also reported more Discrimination Experiences in the community or at school. For example, Tooj said, “Yeah a lot of (discrimination). Racial slurs, being followed in store, being pushed around.” Chue reported that he had experienced discrimination by stating, “in middle school some said mean things. I didn’t take it serious, I walked away.” Thus, we saw a discrepancy for boys reporting more discriminatory experiences but having fewer discussions about race with their mothers.

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Figure 3.

Message content by gender.

In contrast, girls were more likely to report messages about Intra-Racial Discrimination. It appeared that Hmong mothers were more likely to choose daughters than sons to discuss painful memories about war, exclusion from broader social life in Southeast Asia, or refugee experiences. Xee’s mother told her about being forced to leave at the end of the Vietnam War. Her mother said to her, “We didn’t want to leave our country, we didn’t want to leave Thailand, but we had to leave. Your dad was gonna get killed, and so we had to leave.” Girls also reported more Bicultural Socialization messages that focused on maintaining the Hmong heritage while also taking on elements of U.S. culture in the United States through language development and friendships. Finally, girls reported receiving more Ethnic/Race Neutral messages that emphasize education and proper behavior (Mai: “She tells me a lot about what I should do in everyday decisions.”). For other types of messages, boys and girls reported similar levels of response.

Positive Racial Socialization

This study provides in-depth information about the racial socialization practices that occur in Hmong American families. Hmong American teens, like other Asian Americans have racialized experiences in the course of their daily lives. Consistent with earlier studies, they continue to be teased for how they speak and misidentified for being of Asian heritage that is different than their own (e.g., Hein, 2000). All of the teenagers indicated that they had received some racial socialization that included messages about racism awareness, intra-racial discrimination, diversity awareness and racial identification. Racism awareness, or messages about the unfair treatment of minority groups and strategies for responding to racism, was the most common type of message mentioned by these Hmong American adolescents. Some mothers shared stories of their discrimination experiences with warnings that people might not treat them fairly and how to respond to racial experiences. Some mothers encouraged these teenagers to stand up for themselves or garner support from adults if they experienced discriminatory actions from others. Other mothers directed adolescents to ignore or walk away from incidents of prejudice or discrimination. Active and passive strategies for addressing racialized experiences were similarly reported by adolescents in this study. For intra-racial discrimination, an emergent topic that focused on the challenges and conflicts that exist between Asian groups, mothers talked about other Asian groups oppressing Hmong people in Southeast Asia.

Diversity awareness that promoted acceptance of all groups as equals was a less common approach that some mothers conveyed to these teenagers. Racial group identification that discusses appreciation and acceptance of looking different was another less frequent type of racial socialization message. Messages explaining that racism exists, providing strategies for coping with discrimination, supporting pride in racial heritage, and valuing people from different backgrounds are generally viewed as beneficial for immigrant and racial minority youths.

Mistrust and Avoiding Race Conversations

In some families, less adaptive forms of racial socialization may occur either by promoting wariness of other groups through mistrust messages or not having discussions about race. A few adolescents received mistrust messages, which are often seen as a less helpful racial socialization strategy. Immigrant and refugee parents may convey mistrust messages to protect their children based on their own experiences of discrimination and acculturative stress (Woo et al., 2020). For adolescents whose mothers did not engage in discussions about race, it was not always clear whether silence about race indicated denial of racial issues, reflected a personal belief that race is not important or was an attempt to protect youth from the harsh realities of racism. For the current study, the mothers were first generation, which may influence racial socialization practices. Some second-generation Asian American parents were more likely to proactively discuss racism and discrimination with their children, an approach that contrasted with their immigrant parents (Juang et al., 2018). Future research should explore Hmong parents’ rationale for not discussing racial issues with their teenage children. There may be some areas in which families would benefit from community support to facilitate communication on challenging topics about race. Local Hmong community organizations and groups that address refugee needs may be able to provide culturally relevant services for these families (Collier et al., 2012; Goodkind, 2006).

In addition, models of ethnic and racial socialization treat the issue of not discussing race differently. The literature review by Hughes et al. (2006) places egalitarianism (referring to mainstream socialization) and silence about race in the same broad category even though they are distinct concepts. In a more recent literature review, Huguley et al. (2019) present egalitarianism as emphasizing mainstream values and affective norms, but also including color-blind ideologies, and no discussion of race. In the distinct processes model, no discussion of race is a part of racial socialization. In addition, we present diversity awareness as a form of egalitarianism that is part of racial socialization and distinct from both mainstream values/norms and not discussing race. Similarly, Juang et al. (2016) include a distinct dimension for promoting equality that is separate from minimization of race, which taps into color-blind attitudes. Conceptual separation of mainstream socialization and no discussion of race may be a better solution for future research. In addition, diversity awareness that emphasizes equality across racial groups should be included as a component of racial socialization. Clearly, there have been challenges to forming a consensus on the meaning of not discussing race in academic discussions of ethnic and racial socialization. Further elaboration of central categories of racial socialization is an area that would benefit from further development.

Patterns in Messages About Race

The present study is consistent with prior research that found variations in the types of racial socialization messages reported by the same person. In conjunction with racial socialization messages, adolescents who were asked specifically about racial socialization reported that mothers also relied on ethnic socialization and sometimes neutral messages. Ethnic socialization messages were used to build awareness and pride in heritage language, religion, and other cultural traditions as a way to maintain cultural continuity across generations. Adolescents viewed knowing the Hmong language and practicing the Shaman religion as sources of pride and connection to their ethnic group. Positive cultural messages can enhance ethnic identity and self-esteem (Atkin et al., 2019; Gartner et al., 2014). This finding suggests that some Hmong parents may emphasize ethnic and cultural pride messages rather than discuss race directly (Swartz et al., 2021).

Furthermore, adolescents who reported that their mothers did not discuss race also gave examples of racial socialization messages that she provided. Research has shown that adolescents receive different types of messages, and the emphasis that parents place on certain messages can vary (Atkin & Yoo, 2021; Kiang et al., 2019). For example, Asian American adolescents whose parents emphasized a combination of messages about cultural heritage, becoming American, racial equality, and cultural pluralism had higher ethnic-racial identity and social connectedness (Atkin & Yoo, 2021). Message combinations that emphasized mistrust of other groups or minimized race were less beneficial for adolescent adjustment (Atkin & Yoo, 2021; Kiang et al., 2019). The adolescent responses in this study largely reflected helpful messages regarding race and messages to reinforce cultural heritage.

Bicultural Socialization

Bicultural socialization merged two main types of socialization. A small group of adolescents reported that they received bicultural messages that blended ethnic socialization and neutral socialization. The teens mentioned that their mothers wanted them to know both their native language and English to maintain close bonds with Hmong people, but also have success in the United States. Many refugee and immigrant families want their children to move easily between the two communities. Thus, adapting to a new culture is viewed as adding another layer of culture rather than replacing the original culture (Inman et al., 2007; LaFromboise et al., 1993; Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2013; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018; Swartz et al., 2021). Research shows that a bicultural orientation is beneficial for psychological well-being, coping with stresses related to minority status, and developing social resources (Atkin & Yoo, 2021; Wei et al., 2010).

Gendered Racial Socialization

Consistent with other research, boys in this study were more likely than girls to report discrimination experiences (Alvarez et al., 2006; Huynh & Fuligni, 2010). However, they also were less likely to discuss race with their mothers when compared to girls. This represents a mismatch between having racialized experiences but receiving limited guidance from mothers to address these events. Prior research has found that multiple factors influence parent-adolescent communication in Hmong families, such as adolescent emotional discomfort, generational differences, language challenges, or Hmong social proscriptions (Meschke & Juang, 2014). A cultural norm may emphasize that by adolescence, Hmong families minimize interactions between cross-gender pairs that would include mothers and sons. Further investigation is needed to understand why mothers were less likely to communicate about race with their sons, despite the boys’ more frequent reports of discrimination.

Girls were more likely to report discussions about intra-racial discrimination, bicultural socialization and neutral content with their mothers. Girls and their mother may be closer and more likely to talk about painful past experiences, such as intra-racial discrimination. In some Asian ethnic groups, gendered family expectations can oblige girls to be emotional nurturers and carriers of cultural knowledge (Chung, 2017). Girls in this study may be tasked with preserving the history of the Hmong people and their resilience against oppressive forces in Southeast Asia. This may be the case, even though Hmong culture identifies boys as intergenerational transmitters of traditional religious practices (Lor, 2019). Finally, living in the United States may provide more career and work opportunities for Hmong women than were available in Southeast Asia. Mothers may express these values through bicultural socialization as well as ethnic/race neutral messages, which emphasize education and achievement. Clear understanding of gender patterns in racial socialization remains a challenge for the field to address.

Limitations

This study included a set of limitations. For instance, only a small group of young people from a single high school in one city were interviewed. While we were able to understand their perspectives in a more nuanced manner by using interviews, there are limitations to the generalizability of these results to Hmong American adolescents in general. Further understanding of how gender, social class, generational status and other factors intersect to influence how racial socialization takes place could be accomplished with a larger study of Hmong Americans that takes into consideration the growing diversity within Asian groups living in the U.S. (Gebeloff et al., 2021). Importantly, this research could explicitly examine intersectionality in relation to racial socialization in families within the broader context of inequity toward Asian Americans in the U.S. (Rosenthal, 2016; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018; Van Hook & Glick, 2020).

The interviews focused on the adolescents’ perceptions of their mothers. Information about the role that fathers and other relatives play in racial socialization would also be valuable. Including information from multiple family members would provide further insight about the racial socialization process in Hmong families. Thus, future research could include multi-informant information within and beyond the immediate family. In the interviews, it was suggested that some racial socialization occurs with siblings and peers as well as with adults.

Knowing how young Hmong Americans are socialized by other family members, extended family, and within the community would enhance our understanding of racial socialization for this Southeast Asian group.

The study focused on racial socialization practices but was unable to make direct connections between these practices and youth outcomes. It is important to connect these socialization experiences to the adjustment that is experienced by these youth. Future research can make connections between these socialization practices and racial identity as well as other aspects of socio-emotional development. Importantly, further work with longitudinal designs will help to understand how these messages can relate to adjustment at later points in time. Research can consider how receiving these types of messages during childhood connect to adjustment during adolescence. At the same time, this study extends our understanding of racial socialization processes for a refugee group from Southeast Asia.

Conclusions and Implications

This study provided an opportunity to further examine the distinct processes model that considers racial, ethnic, and neutral socialization practices as separate, yet interrelated processes (Paasch-Anderson & Lamborn, 2014). The data both support and extend the distinct processes model. In response to a question about race, many responses reflected racial content, as would be anticipated from the distinct processes model. Aligning with findings and conclusions from previous research (Juang et al., 2016), further differentiation of meta-constructs (ethnic socialization, racial socialization), as well as for specific categories within the meta-constructs (diversity awareness, no discussion of race), is needed in this literature. Hmong Americans interweave ethnicity and race when addressing racial issues even as they distinguish between the two concepts. We propose that diversity awareness reflects a category of racial socialization. Not discussing race is also a message about race, perhaps representing an implicit message that can be challenging to interpret. We include intra-racial discrimination as an element of racial socialization that is likely to be relevant to immigrant and refugee groups.

Recently, research has focused more attention on understanding racism and discrimination experienced by Asian Americans and how parents engage in racial socialization to address these realities. This topic has become more critical as incidences of anti-Asian bias have escalated (Cai et al., 2021; Eligen et al., 2021; Waldrop, 2021). At the same time Hmong Americans continue to be underrepresented in Asian American research on race and normative family processes. This study illuminates the multifaceted racial socialization practices that occur in Hmong American families to prepare youth to navigate discrimination experiences and embrace their racial heritage. Further, the alarming increase in anti-Asian violence challenges us to understand how families can protect youth, and how communities can support these families as they discuss race. Conversations about race in the broader U.S context, and reflection on the personal meaning of racial issues, are the starting points for empowerment and activism toward eliminating injustice and inequality. These actions are needed in Asian American families, in local communities that support them, and in the broader, scientific community that unites with Asian American adolescents and their families to challenge discrimination and inequity.