“After the School Day,What’s Next?”: Exploring Refugee Youths’ Engagement in After-School Programs

Abstract

After-school programs can provide important contexts for youths’ development and well-being. While these programs have the potential to serve as an anchor for refugee youth, previous research cites challenges with their access and engagement with them. Drawing on the Positive Youth Development Framework, which offers a lens on how after-school programs are complementary to refugee youth development and well-being, this study explores refugee youths’ motivation and engagement in after school activities. In-depth interviews were conducted with 30 refugee youth between the ages of 14 and 17 years old who resettled into Chicago. First, refugee students were involved in school-based programs with the goal to share cultural and racial identities, process past traumas, and manage homesickness. Second, refugee youth preferred to seek out homework assistance from stakeholders associated with refugee-led organizations instead of school staff due to their high level of familiarity and trust with them. Finally, refugee youth participated in community-based organizations that encouraged their engagement in civic activities. Recommendations are offered about how schools and community partners can assist refugee students in becoming more involved with after-school programs. This research sheds light on how after-school specialists and educators can offer comprehensive after-school programs to this understudied population.

Keywords

refugee youth after-school programs positive youth development

Introduction

The displacement of refugees is one of the greatest human rights and humanitarian issues of the 21st century. According to the most recent United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) report, a refugee is someone who has been forced to flee their country because of persecution, war, or violence. Moreover, a refugee has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group (2020). The current global refugee crisis is the worst since World War II; at least 82.4 million people around the world have been forced to flee their homes. Among them are nearly 26.4 million refugees, around half of whom are under the age of 18 (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2019), which is the highest number of displaced children and youth in decades. In fact, children are dramatically over-represented among the world’s refugees. Today, nearly one in three children living outside their countries of birth are child refugees; for adults, the proportion is less than 1 in 20 (UNICEF, 2021).

Since 1980, the U.S. has resettled more than 3.1 million refugees due to ongoing conflicts in countries like Syria, Afghanistan, and Ukraine (United States Department of Health and Human Services, 2006–2009). From these numbers, about 35% to 40% of refugees resettled in the U.S. are children. Between FY 2010 and FY 2020, 64% of all refugees admitted to the United States were children under age 14 and women (Monin et al., 2021). Refugee children and youth undergo a range of migration-related stresses that influence their adaptation to a new school and after-school contexts (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). Refugee youth often have experienced heightened levels of violence and trauma prior to fleeing their countries of origin and, compared to adults, are at heightened risk for symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, maladaptive grief, social withdrawal, and behavioral and academic difficulties (Masten & Narayan, 2012; Sullivan & Simonson, 2016). Refugee students also experience separation from family, cultural dissonance, acculturation stress, limited English proficiency, gaps in schooling, distrust or fear of school personnel, conflicting expectations between families and school faculty, and limited financial resources (Bal & Arzubiaga, 2014). Finally, refugee youth experience intense feelings of homesickness, which represent a state of psychological distress experienced as a result of leaving home and living in an unfamiliar and new environment (Van Tilburg et al., 1996). Homesickness is often an overlooked psychosocial problem of refugees. The act of leaving their countries of origin evokes intense feelings of separation and conflicting emotions (Rumbaut, 2005).

After-school programs have the potential to serve as a critical resource for refugee youth who lack familiarity with American schools and communities, offering important information exchange as they learn and navigate U.S. culture. While research on the benefits of such programs for refugee youth is limited, the benefits for U.S. born youth are well-documented. Youth spend more of their waking hours out of school than in school, and more than 14 million school-age children and youth participate in organized after-school programs (Afterschool Alliance, 2014). Scholars suggest that approximately 83% of adolescents (ages 12–17) participate in at least one organized after-school activity (Moore et al., 2000). After-school programs are adult-supervised programs that young people regularly attend when school is not in session, such as before and after the school day or in the summer, and may be located on a school campus or in off-campus locations such as community centers and parks. After-school programs may focus on academic tutoring, provide enrichment in a specialty area (e.g., sports teams, arts enrichment programs, STEM [science, technology, engineering, and math]), offer multipurpose activities and services (e.g., YMCAs, Boys & Girls Clubs, community centers, scout troops), or provide recreational activities (Peguero & Bondy, 2011). Structured after-school activities may also include volunteering or working for pay (Yu et al., 2015).

Research has documented that involvement in after-school programs is beneficial to youth. Existing work indicates that after-school programs improve student academic achievement and reading and math test scores (Dunleavy & Milton, 2009). After-school programs also increase student engagement in activities through which students demonstrate effort and persistence (Blomfield & Barber, 2010). Participation in after-school programs assists youth in developing relationships with their peers and with adults beyond their families and teachers (Mahoney & Stattin, 2000). Finally, after-school programs play a significant role in encouraging physical activity and healthy dietary habits, creating positive health outcomes, and reducing obesity (Mahoney & Stattin, 2000).

In addition to promoting positive youth development, engagement in after-school programs is associated with youth spending less time in unsupervised risky activities. For example, participation in after-school programs has been associated with reduced drug use and criminal behavior (Cunha & Heckman, 2006). After-school hours, particularly between 3 p.m. and 6 p.m., are the peak times for juvenile crimes and risky behaviors such as alcohol and drug use and unprotected sex (Afterschool Alliance, 2014). Moreover, youth who do not participate in after-school programs are three times more likely to use marijuana and smoke cigarettes (Afterschool Alliance, 2014). Participation in after-school programs can be useful in helping students develop “soft” skills, such as leadership and prosocial behaviors (Philp & Gill, 2020); and can lead to improved health, civic engagement, and occupational success later in life (Snellman et al., 2015). Research suggests that participation in after-school activities increases psychological and social adjustment among racial and ethnic minorities, including higher self-esteem and peer acceptance, as well as reduces negative behaviors like drug use and aggression (Heath et al., 2022; Morris, 2015).

Similar to U.S. born youth, after-school programs provide an important context for refugee youths’ development and well-being. These programs function as a space to support motivation and achievement among refugee youth by offering a layer of social capital (Pong et al., 2005). Prior research suggests that refugee youth participate in after-school programs that provide an appropriate and cost-effective avenue for delivering English language programming using different methods and frameworks than the formal school system, promoting students’ language fluency (Paramalingam et al., 2018). Finally, refugee youth prioritize participation in after-school programs that have the potential to provide a physically and culturally safe space for students to get help with homework completion, gain new skills, and work with peers and tutors who have lived experience of migration and resettlement. Cultural safety can be understood as “the outcome of interactions where individuals experience their cultural identity and way of being as having been respected or, at least, not challenged or harmed.” (Paramalingam et al., 2018).

Although engagement with after-school programs would likely benefit academic success, social adjustment, and integration into American society, previous research notes that refugee youth may have unique challenges engaging with after-school activities. Compared with children of native-born parents, immigrant and refugee youth are less likely to participate in after-school activities due to family responsibilities, limited financial resources, unfamiliarity with the American school system, lack of transportation, safety concerns, the negative influences of peers, and fear of racism or discrimination (Cherng et al., 2014). Moreover, participation may depend on the specific immigrant and refugee group and type of activity. While research exists to support the benefits and experiences of after-school programs for youth of color and low-income youth (Heath et al., 2022), limited research unpacks the benefits and experiences of refugee youth in after-school settings (Morland, 2007; Naidoo, 2009. Therefore, this qualitative study explores after-school programs within respective schools and local communities, which may differ from U.S.-born and other newly arrived groups, to discover distinct refugee-youth experiences outside the formal school day.

Positive Youth Development Framework

After-school programs function as a critical setting to consider the Positive Youth Development Framework (PYDF). This framework emerged in the context of rethinking child and adolescent development (Damon, 2004), drawing attention to the ideal characteristics youth should have as they develop into adults. The Positive Youth Development Framework (PYDF) seeks to describe how adolescents require continuous and intentional support from the adults and institutions around them. This support creates educational and social opportunities and helps students develop the knowledge, skills, mindsets, and relationships that will help them benefit from current and future opportunities (Benson & Scales, 2009). This framework is a critical model for the most vulnerable students. The premise underlying PYDF is that young people have basic needs that must be met in order to survive and a set of developmental needs that must be met in order to thrive. Instead of focusing on problems or deficits that young people should avoid (Lerner et al., 2013), this framework offers areas that after-school settings should seek to improve for youth to become healthy, productive, and engaged. This framework offers areas that after-school settings should seek to improve for youth to become healthy, productive, and engaged: assets, agency, contributions, enabling environment. Each of these dimensions are highlighted in Table 2.

Due to their particularly vulnerable status, refugee youth require tailored and comprehensive educational and social supports. Schools serve as an anchor for refugee youth, functioning as a supportive environment to promote social interactions with staff and peers and providing a space to develop knowledge and skills for future goals. Supplementing the formal school day, after-school programs offer additional support for academic and social-emotional development. These supports and skills include supplementary English language learning or leadership skills through training. The PYDF offers a lens on how after-school programs are complementary to refugee youth development in and out of schools.

Youth Civic Engagement

Drawing on the “contributions” dimension of the PYDF; to become contributing and thriving members of society, a vital skill for youth to learn is civic engagement behaviors. Youth civic engagement refers to the “individual and collective actions designed to identify and address issues of public concern” (Ehrlich, 2000). Civic engagement can take on numerous forms, including individual voluntarism (e.g., houses of worship), organizational involvement, electoral participation, participation in community-based service groups and arts and literary groups, and more formal activism, such as voting and political engagement (Balsano, 2005). Young peoples’ engagement may involve efforts to address a particular issue, collaborating with others within the community to solve a problem, or interacting with the institutions of representative democracy. Civic engagement has been associated with a number of benefits to youth, such as improved academic performance and well-being (Ballard et al., 2019); increases in social capital (Balsano, 2005); fewer symptoms of depression (Ballard et al., 2019); and further development of students’ focus, self-awareness, and confidence (Trembley, 2019). Moreover, studies have shown that youth involvement in civic activities is positively associated with future gains in income and education (Ballard et al., 2019). Studies show the distinct benefits of civic engagement for youth from historically marginalized communities, such as Black and Indigenous people, people of color, and immigrants, in part because their civic engagement addresses oppressive and systemic conditions that have detrimental impacts on themselves and their communities (Ballard & Ozer, 2016; Miller et al., 2021). Nonetheless, research highlighting refugee youths’ engagement in civic activities within schools and local communities is limited.

Research Objectives

The goal of this qualitative study is to explore the motivations and engagement of refugee students in after-school programs within respective public schools and local communities in Chicago, Illinois. Using the PYDF, the current research explores the following questions:

What are refugee students’ motivations to engage in after-school programs within their schools and communities?

What are the types of after-school programs refugee students engage in beyond the formal school day?

Community Context

Chicago has a long history of resettling refugees into the city, primarily on the north side (Yousef, 2013). As of the 2020 to 2021 academic year, Chicago Public Schools (CPS) had a total student population of 340,658, with 18.6% who identify as a refugee and immigrant and approximately one-third who have been considered English Language Learners (ELLs) at some point during their education (Chicago Public Schools, 2021). Moreover, 37% of all children in Chicago come from families with refugee and immigrant parents. Despite the growing number of refugee and immigrant youth in Chicago, data on the performance of these students in CPS varies widely and is often sparse. Chicago Public Schools have a long history of disregarding the educational needs of ELLs, who typically perform significantly worse on math and reading tests compared to their peers in other urban centers (Belsha, 2017). All of the participants in the current study attended Chicago Public Schools clustered on the north side of Chicago, which serve large numbers of refugee students.

The majority of the student participants (22 out of 30) attended two Chicago Public High Schools—Kennedy High School and King High School. Kennedy High School’s refugee and immigrant population numbered close to 300, or nearly half the school. The school offers a range of services, such as language courses in English, Arabic, Swahili, French, and Spanish, as well as classroom aides and tutoring programs. Lincoln High School has a long history of welcoming refugees into its educational community. The recent outpouring of refugees from war-torn countries like Syria and Myanmar has turned the school into a global space, representing 35 different countries and more than 38 distinct languages. For nearly a century, the school has supported refugee families by implementing programs and providing resources to support newly arrived students, such as a dozen English-as-a-Second Language (ESL) classes and mental health supports. The school has been designated as a “newcomer center” by CPS for its programming and initiatives for refugee students and their families.

Similarly, King High School is known for its inclusive and welcoming practices toward refugee youth. It boasts a demographically diverse student body, with more than 75% of students speaking a language other than English at home. The school has a dedicated team of teachers and staff committed to supporting refugee youth by offering a robust bilingual/ESL program to assist students with their coursework. The faculty and staff mirror the multicultural backgrounds of its students, serving as translators and mentors in class settings. The teachers are fluent in many languages, including Chinese, Arabic, Assyrian, and Spanish, to name a few. The school hosts events tailored to refugee populations, such as resource fairs and “Know Your Rights” meetings.

Eight out of the 30 remaining students attended two other Chicago Public High Schools—Abraham High School and Clinton High School—located on the north side of Chicago. While these schools did not offer a wide range of tailored supports and programs to refugee students, these students received support from faculty and staff and access to school-based after-school programs to supplement their studies in school.

Research Methods

This study employs a qualitative research methodology, grounded in a phenomenological approach (Moustakas, 1994). The use of qualitative methods provides a mechanism for elevating the voices of understudied and marginalized groups to the center of the discourse (Padgett, 2016). The use of the phenomenological approach allowed an exploration of the lived experiences of refugee youth in their out-of-school time activities based in Chicago. The phenomenological approach seeks to understand the lived experiences of people and how they make sense of their experiences in relation to “the situations and conditions surrounding those experiences” (Padgett, 2016, p. 41). This study was approved by the University of Chicago Institutional Review Board.

Sampling and Recruitment of Participants

The sample consisted of 30 refugee students (12 male, 18 female) who came from four countries: Syria (10), Iraq (8), Myanmar/Burma (6), and South Sudan (6). Interviews were held at the International Refugee World (IRW), a community organization located on the north side of Chicago that works closely with refugee families to connect them with mental health, employment, English language, and educational support for youth. In addition to posting fliers around the organization, which were translated into multiple languages, the IRW staff identified refugee students who attended local Chicago Public Schools and assisted in selecting a sample representing a mix of grade level, country of origin, age, gender, and number of years living within the United States. The IRW staff also recommended students for interviews whom they connected with during educational and after-school programming offered at the organization. To be included in the study, students had to meet the following criteria: identify as a refugee, be between the ages of 14 and 17, attend high school, attend a U.S.- based public school for at least 1 year, and speak English. This study focuses on refugee youth, which can be uniquely challenging due to the assumption of adult responsibilities at an early age, separation from family, and exposure to trauma and adversity during critical developmental periods (Khan et al., 2022).

The IRW staff invited refugee parents and students to the organization to describe the study to them in Arabic, Burmese, and English and to obtain signed consent and assent forms, which were available in the aforementioned languages. At this introductory meeting, I shared information about my professional and personal background and answered questions about the study. For example, I described my previous volunteer and work experience with refugee youth in Chicago and other countries. I also described the purpose for engaging in this study, and my previous volunteer experience with IRW. Most of the participants had lived in the U.S. between 2 and 3 years. Table 1 provides demographic information on the students (Table 1).

Table 1.

Characteristics of Student Participants (N = 30).

Students’ names (Pseudonym)	Country of origin	Time in the US (months)	Grade level	High school name
Amir	Syria	18	Freshmen	Kennedy
Tasneem	Syria	18	Junior	Kennedy
Muhammed	Syria	12	Freshmen	Abraham
Bassma	Syria	8	Freshman	Kennedy
Yalanda	Syria	8	Junior	King
Onur	Syria	18	Sophomore	Kennedy
Saarah	Syria	3	Freshmen,	King
Tamur	Syria	3	Sophomore	King
Amara	Syria	3	Junior	King
Abia	Syria	36	Freshman	Clinton
Maia	Iraq	48	Freshmen	King
Sharonda	Iraq	24	Freshman	Kennedy
Shamir	Iraq	84	Junior	Kennedy
Leila	Iraq	30	Sophomore	Kennedy
Karida	Iraq	30	Junior	Kennedy
Syman	Iraq	44	Freshman	Abraham
Shaia	Iraq	42	Freshmen	Abraham
Zahrah	Iraq	18	Senior	Abraham
Aung Shein	Burma/Myanmar	12	Freshman	Kennedy
Hayma	Burma/Myanmar	6	Freshman	King
Sandi	Burma/Myanmar	6	Sophomore	King
Chit	Burma/Myanmar	18	Junior	King
Myaing	Burma/Myanmar	12	Junior	Abraham
Khin	Burma/Myanmar	12	Freshmen	Clinton
Aamira	South Sudan	18	Freshman	Kennedy
Yusra	South Sudan	18	Sophomore	Kennedy
Samiya	South Sudan	36	Senior	King
Abdo	South Sudan	16	Sophomore	Abraham
Munir	South Sudan	12	Junior	King
Nazeer	South Sudan	16	Sophomore	King

Data Collection

Interview sessions lasted between 45 and 60 minutes. I conducted interviews before school, after-school, and/or during the weekends. Refugee students received $10 Target gift cards for their participation. Several translators were available if students required additional language support to convey their narratives. However, because most students spoke English, the interviews were largely conducted in English. Only two students requested an Arabic translator to be present at the interview. Data were collected from January through October 2018, overlapping with the Trump Administration. President Trump’s new rules directly impacted immigration from this refugee population, leading to a 40% drop in study entrants.

To explore the aforementioned research questions, I developed a semi-structured interview protocol with the different dimensions of the PYDF in mind. The questions aimed to assess student perceptions of the assets or skills they bring to after-school contexts as well as their views on after-school programs’ environment (i.e., how welcoming/comfortable is the program) and effectiveness as compared to formal school time. I incorporated probes and follow-up questions in response to developing themes as the interview process progressed. Prior to finalizing the interview protocol, the protocol was reviewed by several qualitative research experts and IRW staff members—and edited based on their feedback. I piloted the interview guide with several refugee students who participated in after-school programs at IRW before engaging participants. Sample interview questions are provided in Table 2 for reference.

Table 2.

Positive Youth Development Framework and Sample Interview Questions.

PYD domains	PYD program features	Key activities	Sample interview questions related to the PYD framework
Assets & Agency	Skill Building	Develop soft skills through building activities with individual, family, peer, and community settings.	1. Describe the types of skills and/or talents you bring to after school programs. 2. Describe the types of skills you have learned engaging in after school programs.
Contribution	Youth engagement and contribution	Allow youth engagement to take different forms. This can include youth expression, youth involvement in community service and creating opportunities for youth decision-making at various levels of government.	1. Describe times when you have been civically engaged or active in your communities. 2. What are your motivations to be active in your community?
Enabling Environment	Healthy relationships and bonding	Identify and link youth to positive adult role models, mentors, coaches, teachers, health care providers and community leaders.	1. Describe the types of interactions you have with trusted adults in after school programs. 2. Describe at least one adult who you view as a role model or mentor in after school settings.
	Belonging and membership	Foster activities where youth feel included regardless of gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disabilities or other factors. Identify activities that provide positive sense of belonging (schools, sports, community service, faith-based youth groups, etc.)	1. Describe your motivations to participate in after school programs.2. Define your process for developing friendships with your peers.3. Describe the times when you felt like you belonged within after school programs.
	Positive norms, expectations, and perceptions	Have clear and consistent norms and expectations about health, relationships, and forms of engagement that provide youth an increasing amount of responsibility.	1. Share any leadership opportunities you have engaged in during after school programs.
	Safe space	Create safe spaces that are tailored to the needs of youth – including physical infrastructure as well as emotional safety.	1. What are characteristics of a safe space in after school programs?2. Describe after school programs that make you feel safe.
	Access to age appropriate and youth friendly services; integration among services	Make information available to youth and families, connecting and integrating health and social services.	1. How do you access information about school and/or community services?

Source. Positive Youth Development Framework (n.d.).

Data Analysis: Finding Themes and Patterns

I used inductive analysis as an approach to focus on raw data to derive a concept, theme, or model through interpretations made from the raw data. The interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. I coded interviews using MAXQDA, a software program designed to support computer-assisted qualitative methods. For the first coding cycle, I engaged in descriptive coding, which “summarizes in a word or short phrases the basic topic of a passage of qualitative data” (Saldaňa, 2012). For example, applying PYDF, I identified terms like “supportive environment” and “homework assistance” to indicate areas wherein students referenced their after-school programs as enabling environments. For the second cycle of coding, I used the In Vivo code, which is employed to prioritize and honor the participant’s voice by using direct quotes from participants as codes (Saldaňa, 2012). This method is particularly useful for participants who speak different languages or come from different cultures. In this cycle of coding, I identified numerous quotes that aligned with the four dimensions associated with PYDF (i.e., Assets, Agency, Contributions, Enabling Environment). Before delving into the writing process, I engaged in code weaving to integrate key code words and phrases into narrative form to see how the puzzle pieces fit together. Finally, I incorporated pseudonyms for each participant and community organization to maintain anonymity and confidentiality. To verify my findings, I shared my interpretations of the findings with two faculty mentors who were familiar with the study.

After writing up my findings, I conducted stakeholder checks and debriefings at the IRW to enable participants and community members to comment on categories used and to verify accurate interpretations of the data gathered. Also, stakeholder/community meetings were held to share final research findings and discuss possible programs and future research studies. A final draft copy of the study was provided to stakeholders for review.

Engagement in qualitative research requires the researcher to practice reflexivity, identity, and positionality (Mason-Bish, 2019; Padgett, 2016). Positionality not only shapes the research but influences the interpretation, the understanding, and, ultimately, the belief in the truthfulness and validity of the research consumed by others. To promote trustworthiness and reliability within this study, I explored the findings with my translators, who also identify as refugees from similar countries as the participants. Due to the translators’ close connections with participants, we carefully reviewed and applied general interpretations to ensure accuracy (Padgett, 2016). To ensure validity in this study, time was devoted to reflect on, flesh out, and interrogate my research orientation in reflective memos, which evolved throughout the study. My positionality builds on over 15 years of practice and research experience working with refugee and migrant youth within the school and community settings in international contexts (e.g., Turkey, Jordan, and India) and domestic, urban settings (e.g., Chicago, Baltimore, and Detroit). While I do not identify as a refugee, these earlier encounters were instrumental in giving me firsthand accounts of academic and developmental challenges among refugee youth.

Findings

The findings from this study describe refugee youths’ motivation and engagement in after-school programs within their respective schools and local communities. A majority of the youth typically engaged in only one after school program and participated in academic and recreational programs within community spaces. Findings are presented in alignment with the PYDF. While some themes fit under multiple areas offered by the framework, I grouped the themes under three dimensions: (1) Agency, (2) Enabling Environment, and (3) Contributions. First, refugee youth exemplified agency in describing their motivation to participate in after-school programs as a form of remembrance, allowing them to engage in activities associated with their previous lives. Second, refugee youth demonstrated the importance of an enabling environment in their preference to seek out homework assistance from stakeholders associated with refugee-led agencies and community-based organizations instead of school staff due to a high level of trust, familiarity, and availability. Finally, youth evidenced their contributions to their communities by participating in community-based organizations that encouraged civic engagement. Youth described their involvement as driven by fighting for refugee rights, pushing back on xenophobic and anti-refugee policies at the state and federal levels, and to connecting with peers and community members who shared a similar interest in political activism.

PYDF—Agency and Enabling Environment Dimensions

The agency and enabling environment dimensions of the PYDF each involve youth’s perceived and realized access to resources and support. The agency dimension describes the importance of youth believing they can use the resources offered to them to achieve their goals. This way of thinking is fostered by an enabling environment—characterized as a setting that develops and supports youth’s existing strengths, offers additional resources needed for them to thrive, and increases access to opportunities wherein they can use their skills to achieve their goals. Both dimensions are exemplified in refugee youth’s accounts of their motivation to participate in school-based programs and their specific participation community-based programs for homework assistance.

Refugee youths’ motivation to participate in school-based programs

Six refugee youth described their motivations to participate, in particular after-school programs, like sports or arts-based programs. Refugee youth explained that their engagement in activities associated with their previous lives before resettlement helped them process feelings of homesickness, loss, and pre-migration experiences. This engagement represents refugee youths’ agency in using the resources available to them to work through emotional distress. For example, Syman, an Iraqi student, described his motivation for participating in soccer: “I used to play soccer a lot back at home [in Iraq]. Like, I was good too. Like really good. I like playing soccer because it reminds me of home. I used to play all the time.”

While Muhammed, a Syrian student, mentioned how his participation on a soccer team was critical to his adjustment to the U.S., he also shared that soccer served as a reminder of his home country:

Playing soccer is my favorite thing to do. Like, favorite thing. I used to play all the time when I lived in Iraq. That’s what you do. When I came here [to the United States], it was my goal to play soccer. When I heard about the school team, I tried out for it. I had to be on it. It gives me a chance to play. And I almost forget that I’m in America—it reminds me of home.

Similarly, Saarah, a Syrian student, shared how she joined a youth musical ensemble to connect with her peers who shared similar identities and to perform songs as a reminder of her country of origin, assuaging her feelings of homesickness and isolation:

I really like to hang out with other girls like me—people who identify as Arab. It reminds me of home. I miss home so much. When we sing the songs. . .songs from home, it makes me feel good. I can sing them in Arabic.

Yalanda, a Syrian student, also shared a similar motive for engaging in the sewing and fashion club, reminding her of the time she used to share with her mother and aunts. She stated:

I like attending this program [sewing and fashion club]. Like, I’m from Syria, and my family came here [the U.S.] a few years ago. Like this program [Play After-School Matters] allows me to sew. It reminds me of my family back at home. I miss them. I wish I could go back to see them.

One of the local high schools offered a writing club to allow refugees an opportunity to process their thoughts and feelings related to migration and general feelings of loss. Numerous students described how they missed their previous lives but shared how they did not have a place to share their feelings prior to joining the writing club. These spaces were ideal for students to delve deep into difficult topics within a safe space with their peers and trusted adults. Sharonda, an Iraqi student, stated:

I love this [writing] group. I mean, I really love it. I like to write, and this [program] allows me to write whatever I want. It was hard to be here [in America] when I first came, but it’s gotten better. I have some friends, mostly from Iraq. I know a lot more English. But I still get sad sometimes. Like, I miss home. I want to go back. Writing helps me to process the fact that I want to go home.

When asking Sharonda to describe her writing themes, she responded:

I like to write about my home. . .what it looked like. It was so pretty. It’s different than the U.S. I write about my friends. I write about my family. Some of my brothers are still in Iraq. They want to come here [to America], but they can’t. I miss them so much. Sometimes, I don’t know what to do. I miss them so much. This writing group lets me write whatever I want. Sometimes, I write for hours about everything that makes me sad. I feel so much better.

Similarly, Tasneem, a Syrian student, also described how much she appreciated the writing group, stating:

I like this group. My friends are in it with me. I started coming to the meetings because I needed a space to think and write about home. I don’t want to forget home [Syria]. We talk about home. . .about Syria. We talk about our feelings. It’s good.

Khin, a Burmese student, described how much he enjoyed being connected to the drama club because it allowed him to work on a mini-skit where he writes about his previous home in Myanmar, stating, “I don’t really get to process home with anyone. Like, I have all these memories of life before [I came] here [to the U.S.]. This club lets me write about it. I’m working on a mini-skit that I hope to perform for my school. I want them to know about my home.”

Refugee Youths’ Participation in Community-Based Programs for Homework Assistance

This section continues to build on the agency and enabling environment dimensions of the PYDF, demonstrating how refugee youth were more likely to seek out academic support and homework assistance from the local community and refugee-led organizations than from their schools due to a higher level of familiarity, reliability, and trust with the staff and volunteers who often shared similar cultural and ethnic identities, familiarity with their current identities as refugees, and awareness of their academic needs. Refugee youth exercised a high level of agency to acknowledge the need for additional homework support and to identify supportive, enabling environments to receive that support. Moreover, many community organizations offered robust and ongoing academic programs, such as ESL classes, summer programs, and in-home tutoring and mentoring. Several students described their preference to seek homework assistance from these external partners. For example, Khin, stated:

I go to Refugee World to get help with my homework. I have a tutor who works with me on Mondays and Wednesdays with Math and English. It’s just easier for me to go there [the organization] than to meet with teachers. They [the tutors] get me. I’ve known them for a long time, like a year, and I trust that they will help me. And he [the tutor] speaks Burmese and English.

Similarly, Abia, a Syrian student, described how she preferred to meet with her tutor at Girl Universe than with a school staff member due to her close bond and familiarity with her tutor: “I’ve known my tutor for a few years now. She’s very helpful. I like meeting with her. She knows my family. She even knows some Arabic, so we talk about my homework assignments in English and Arabic. I like being around her.” When I asked her about connecting with teachers and staff at the school for homework help, she quickly dismissed my question, stating:

I don’t like meeting with my teachers. I mean, they’re nice. But my English is not always good enough to explain why I don’t understand something. I get nervous talking to them. I don’t want them to think, like, I don’t understand the stuff [course content]. Like, I don’t want them to think I’m stupid. I just like to meet with my tutor at Girl Universe. It’s just easier. Like, I know her.

Zahrah, an Iraqi student, shared a similar sentiment, expressing high anxiety levels about seeking homework help from teachers. “My teachers are okay. Like, they’re pretty nice to me. But I don’t ask them for help with anything. They seem very busy. And I don’t feel comfortable around them. And I don’t want them to think that I don’t get the work. I mean, I get it but sometimes I need a little more help to finish it.” When I asked Zahrah where she received homework help, she stated, “I go to Refugee World to meet with my tutor. We’ve worked together for two years. It’s just easier that way.”

Finally, Abdo, a South Sudanese student, mentioned his preference to meet with tutors from a local after school program over his teachers at the school, stating, “I’ve been going to the center for a while. I’ve been working with the same tutor for about a year. She [the tutor] knows, like, the type of work I do, so I don’t have to explain a lot to her. She speaks my language [Arabic], so she explains important concepts to me. My teacher doesn’t know Arabic, so she may not be able to explain it to me like Amara [the tutor]. . .yeah, I don’t want my teacher to think that I need help with everything, even though the work is really hard.”

PYDF—Contributions: Refugee Youths’ Involvement in Civically Engaged, Community-Based After-School Programs

The contributions dimension of the PYDF details youth’s engagement in action for their own positive development and that of their communities. Although refugee youth’s contributions can be seen throughout their involvement in community-based after-school programs, their contributions were most clear in after-school programs centered around civic engagement. Civic engagement can take on various forms, including individual voluntarism, organizational involvement, or electoral participation. It may involve efforts to address a particular issue, collaboration with others within the community to solve a problem, or interaction with the institutions of representative democracy. At local community organizations, refugee youth could participate in a range of activities, such as writing letters to elected officials about refugee rights and protesting against city and state policies that negatively affect refugee populations. As mentioned, the in-depth interviews were conducted during the Trump Administration (2017–2021). Several students mentioned their goal to push back on Trump’s anti-refugee rhetoric and policies by becoming more civically engaged in their communities. More specifically, they engaged in activities like letter-writing campaigns supporting politicians who support refugee populations within Illinois. These students were also engaged in policy and advocacy campaigns to create the necessary infrastructure to quickly and accurately disseminate pertinent information and coordinate legal services for refugee groups directly impacted by federal and state policies. One advocacy program created a “Youth Civic Leadership Academy” to empower and train refugee youth about human rights and bring about positive change in their local communities through active participation in local, city, and state governments. After receiving comprehensive training on the importance and process of writing letters to government officials, the students devoted several days to drafting personalized letters, receiving feedback on the content, and mailing the letters to the appropriate parties.

When asked to explain the reasons for their efforts, several youths described feeling “obligated” or a sense of duty to become more aware and to protect their personal rights, as well as the rights of their families and communities. Moreover, refugee youth described the desire to push back on the xenophobia and negative beliefs about refugee groups by being active in their communities, displaying what it means to be a “good citizen” by fulfilling their rights and duties within their society. Nazeer, a South Sudanese student, stated, “Before attending the workshops, I didn’t know that I had rights. Like, I’m a kid. But I have rights, and I have a voice. They [the instructors] encouraged us to use our voice for change. They also encouraged us to vote and to tell our families to vote once they become citizens.” Similarly, Sandi, a Burmese student, shared how much she enjoyed campaigning among refugee youth and adults, especially around the importance of voting. She stated, “I know I can’t vote right now, but I still like to campaign around this issue. I like to describe the electoral process with my peer family and family friends. I think it’s important.” Amir, a Syrian student, stated, “I’m in America. I’ve got to do something. I can’t just sit around and not do anything. People think we [refugees] are bad people or that we can’t do anything for ourselves. But we’re not. It’s up to me to speak up and show that we can do stuff for ourselves. That’s why I attended the academy [Youth Civic Leadership Academy].” Tamur, a Syrian refugee girl, also echoed this general sense of duty to be civically engaged to keep her family apprised on her and her family’s rights:

I try to help my family understand what’s going on. I try to help my community. I mean, I’m still learning about the U.S., but it’s important to speak; they [her peers] talk bad about me being Muslim. I try to say something or write to government people with my issues too. We learned how to write letters to government people in Refugee World Infinity. We learned to speak up when people say bad things about us [refugees].

Leila, an Iraqi girl, shared a similar reason for being as civically involved as Amir: “I like attending the meetings on letter writing and protests. I didn’t know you could do that here [in the United States]. I didn’t know people actually cared about what I had to say. They [American citizens] need to know that we [refugees] matter to this country.” Onur, a Syrian boy, also conveyed a similar statement:

When the President [President Trump] started saying mean things about Muslims, I got very scared. What if my family had to leave? But I went to the Refugee World Infinity, and the staff told me not to worry—that I was legally here. But I was still scared. I couldn’t sleep or eat or anything. The same woman asked ‘if I wanted to join her and some other kids to protest and stuff.’ I said, ‘yes.’ I’ve been protesting stuff for almost a month now since school is over, like on the weekends.

Finally, several students expressed their motivations to be active in their communities as a mechanism to build connections with their peers and community members as they engaged in activism. For example, Aamira, a South Sudanese refugee girl who attended Lincoln High School, described how much she loved to connect with her peers while spreading information about voting rights to her local community.

I like passing out fliers with my friends. We get to walk around the community and knock on doors. Sometimes we break into small groups and compete to see who can knock on the most doors. It’s fun. Like, I met them [the other refugee youth] through this program, and we’re like friends now. That’s cool. . . . oh yeah, I get to meet folks in the community – I didn’t know so many people were here.

Discussion

This article utilized the Positive Youth Development Framework to highlight how refugee student engagement in school and community-based after school programs demonstrates the capacity to participate in activities that promote assets, agency, and contributions within supportive and enabling environments. Building the skills and assets of youth has potentially both immediate and long-term positive effects on the mental and physical health, economic development, and overall well-being of adolescents, their families and communities (Patton et al., 2016). Moreover, the PYDF is valuable in determining how after-school programs can function as a mechanism for offering refugee youth educational and social opportunities. Applied to a particularly vulnerable yet resilient population like refugee youth, this framework emphasizes refugee youths’ need for positive support and skills development by engaging with teachers, staff, and volunteers who offer homework assistance and language support.

PYDF—Agency: Refugee Youth Seek Support to Address Feelings of Homesickness and Loss

While refugee youth embraced many aspects of their new lives in the United States, the participants described feelings of homesickness and loss. Refugee youth experience “cultural bereavement,” a sense of losing touch with attributes of their homelands (Eisenbruch, 1988). These findings suggest that nostalgia and a strong connection to one’s home country were salient themes around engagement in particular after-school programs that granted space to engage in activities associated with home.

The Positive Youth Development Framework is focused on strengths that make young people more resistant to negative outcomes, like depression or anxiety, and more capable to choose a positive life direction (Gomez-Baya et al., 2022). PYDF has demonstrated protective effects on mental health problems (Leung et al., 2017; Zhou et al., 2020), as well as positive relations with youth well-being and thriving (Gomez-Baya et al., 2019; Kozina et al., 2019). To combat feelings of depression, homesickness, and loss, refugee youth embraced their strengths and assets by engaging in particular activities such as writing, theater, and sports. These refugee students acquired these skills prior to resettling to the U.S., and through further engagement in these activities in school or community-based after school programs, they were able to showcase and refine these skills. Additionally, refugee students selected activities for their amusement, to connect with peers who possessed similar identities, and to process feelings of loss and homesickness associated with resettlement. For example, engaging in drama and reflective writing through arts-based, after-school programs allowed refugee youth to process and reflect on previous lived experiences by exploring these themes within safe and transformative spaces. Students possessed limited spaces to express their thoughts in a structured environment during the school day, so participating in visual and literary arts within an after-school setting was highly beneficial.

PYDF—An Enabling Environment: Homework Assistance through Community Organizations

Numerous community organizations and refugee-led organizations highlighted in this study function as an enabling environment as conceptualized in the PYDF, which describes the importance of refugee youth being engaged in environments that encouraged participation and magnified talents from staff and volunteers. For example, volunteers and mentors associated with refugee-led and community organizations cultivated strong relationships with refugee students by offering ongoing homework assistance and leadership opportunities in a safe space, as conceptualized by the PYDF. Upon resettling into the United States, refugee youth encountered staff and volunteers from community-based programs and refugee-led agencies before or during enrollment into schools and afterward. The engagement occurred as staff and volunteers assisted families with securing housing, seeking employment, enrolling the youth in schools, and assisting the families in securing medical services. Through these previous and ongoing interactions, refugee youth developed a high level of familiarity, relatability, and trust with staff and volunteers from these local organizations. Numerous students shared how they felt more comfortable and safe seeking academic support from their assigned tutors and mentors from external organizations than from school-based staff. The ability to identify and link youth to positive adult role models, mentors, and community leaders is an important tenet of the Positive Youth Development Framework, with youth being able to connect with caring and consistent adults in their lives. While the students acknowledged that their teachers were kind and approachable, several expressed a layer of anxiety around teachers perceiving them as being less intelligent, incapable of completing the coursework, or unable to describe their academic struggles due to language barriers. However, several refugee students did not express the same level of anxiety while engaging with tutors and mentors at the community levels. Finally, refugee youths’ capacity to seek additional academic and social-emotional support through community-based organizations demonstrates a high level of agency. Instead of struggling to grasp course content, they sought additional support by meeting with tutors to ensure that they received academic support.

PYDF—Contributions: Civic Engagement as a Critical Tool

Drawing on the Positive Youth Development Framework, refugee youths’ civic engagement is an example of their ability to contribute to communities to promote positive change. Refugee youth participate in civic education programs, informing and shaping how these young people develop democratic identities and habits and directly link these identities and behaviors to building and sustaining democracies.

During the interviews, several students explicitly and repeatedly mentioned the importance of being more involved in local communities and the desire to “give back” to people within their network. They also expressed an obligation to support their families and incoming refugees, who may have questions about or express levels of anxiety around the political environment and how to navigate particular policies and laws. Several refugee youths also expressed a desire to push back on xenophobic rhetoric, policies, and programs directed toward refugees (Itaoui & Elsheikh, 2018). By participating in after-school initiatives around civic engagement, refugee youth were committed to remaining informed, to fighting policies detrimental to them and their families, and to developing their leadership skills, which is core to the Positive Youth Development Framework. They sought to have a voice in their communities by functioning as political actors toward change through activism and by sharing pertinent legal information with their families (Lerner, 2004).

Finally, refugee involvement in community-based civic activities leads to elevated psychological well-being and reduced isolation and builds relationships with others. The refugee youth engaged in numerous civic activities with their peers, fostering an opportunity to forge close relationships with each other. Existing research demonstrates strong links between altruistic behavior and well-being, leading to young people displaying more positive emotions, better mental health, reduced depression, and more intentional well-being in response to stressful situations (Schacter & Margolin, 2019).

Implications: The Value of Arts Programs

To combat feelings of homesickness, sadness, and loss, it is ideal for refugee youth to engage in after school programs that allow them to process feelings and that reduce depression. Therefore, schools and community organizations must be intentional about offering group-based mental health support to refugee youth that will help these youth process and heal from past trauma during and after the formal school day. By engaging in art therapy, refugee students can process experiences on their own terms and in a safe setting with trusted adults and with peers who may be experiencing similar feelings. Offering art-based therapy in after-school settings will enable refugee youth to unpack an array of emotions they may have, like homesickness, bereavement, loss, and anxiety, especially if they are unable to access mental health support during the school day.

School and Community Partnerships: Bridging the Divide

Partnerships between school districts and refugee service providers, including resettlement agency affiliates, community-based organizations (CBOS), and ethnic community-based organizations (ECBOs), are critical for refugee youth development. Therefore, it would be ideal to promote or assign trusted community advocates to help build sustainable connections between community-based after-school providers and school staff, especially to enhance knowledge around educational activities occurring for refugee students outside of school. Building connections between school and community groups can signal to school staff that refugee students struggling in their classes are receiving academic support, which may not be clear unless indicated by students or their family members. Seeking assistance with homework, language support, or social-emotional needs can be rather daunting for refugee students and their families who have not built trust and communication with school staff.

Limitations and Future Research

There are three limitations associated with this study. The first limitation relates to sample recruitment and data collection, which occurred through IRW: the sample consisted of students who were involved with the organization; that is, students who were intentionally seeking resources within school and community spaces. Refugee youth who were not connected to IRW may have provided a different set of perspectives on their after-school programs, which would be valuable insight. The second limitation relates to my lack of fluency in Arabic or Burmese. While all the participating students had some familiarity with English, there was variation in their comfort using it. Therefore, some of the participants may not have openly shared their narratives, or their perspectives may have gotten lost in translation. The final limitation is that the findings cannot be generalized outside of an urban school context where there is not a robust refugee community or outside schools that offer specialized supports and programs to refugee youth.

Moreover, engagement with the interviews varied depending on the participant’s prior knowledge of English, and how long they had resided in the United States. Although efforts were made to ensure the accuracy of the translations, there likely was slippage concerning the communication of subtle cultural meanings. Concessions were made to minimize these barriers (e.g., check-in meetings with the translators before and after each interview to process the interviews). While the translators were intentional about describing the subtle meanings and differences in order to arrive at the best English wording, translating concepts from Arabic to English was difficult due to culturally specific and culturally bound words.

Future research should further explore the after-school experiences and types of participation that refugee youth in elementary and middle school settings participate in. More research should be conducted to implement and evaluate the effectiveness of arts-based therapies and programming to address refugee youths’ feelings of anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and depression associated with displacement and resettlement. While studies have highlighted the benefits of after-school programs for refugee students, fewer studies have been conducted to quantify the effectiveness of such programs to determine which aspects have the most positive impact on youth and to determine youth participation rates in after-school settings. Finally, the types of activities offered by after-school programs vary considerably as, not surprisingly, do the quality of these services. Therefore, there is a need to develop evidence-based practice models and standards of practice that will address the particular needs of refugee youth. Finally, while the two main schools were described as having robust programming geared toward refugees, some of the youth suggested a level of distrust or fear of receiving homework support from teachers. Therefore, it would be worthwhile to explore how schools can create welcoming and supportive environment to support with newly resettled refugees and their families.

Research Data

sj-docx-1-jar-10.1177_07435584221144952 – Supplemental material for “After the School Day, What’s Next?”: Exploring Refugee Youths’ Engagement in After-School Programs

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-jar-10.1177_07435584221144952 for “After the School Day, What’s Next?”: Exploring Refugee Youths’ Engagement in After-School Programs by Ashley Cureton in Journal of Adolescent Research

This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage).

Footnotes

Acknowledgments and Credits

The author would like to thank her dissertation chair and faculty mentor, Dr. Sydney Hans, at the University of Chicago Crown School of Social Work, Policy, and Practice for her incredible mentorship and feedback in writing this manuscript. The author would also like to thank her research assistant, Erick Aguinaldo, and the University of Michigan community for their suggestions and feedback. Many thanks to every participant in this study who shared their stories and experiences of navigating academic and after-school spaces.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Fahs-Beck Fund for Research and Experimentation.

ORCID iD

Ashley Cureton

Author Biography

Ashley Cureton is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work and School of Education. Prior to her current role, Ashley was a Provost’s Postdoctoral Fellow and Lecturer in the School of Education and the Department of Sociology at Johns Hopkins University. She explores the educational and mental health needs and outcomes of refugee and migrant children, youth and their families in the U.S. and abroad.

References

Afterschool Alliance. (2014). America after 3pm: Afterschool programs in demand. http://afterschoolalliance.org/documents/issue_briefs/issue_keepingkidsSafe_65.pdf

Bal

Arzubiaga

A. E.

(2014). Ahıska refugee families’ configuration of resettlement and academic success in U.S. Schools. Urban Education, 49(6), 635–665.

Ballard

Ozer

(2016). Implications of youth activism for health and well-being. In Connor

Rosen

(Eds.), Contemporary youth activism: Advancing social justice in the United States (pp. 223–243). Praeger.

Ballard

P. J.

Hoyt

L. T.

Pachucki

M. C.

(2019). Impacts of adolescent and young adult civic engagement on health and socioeconomic status in adulthood. Child Development, 90, 1138–1154.

Balsano

A. B.

(2005). Youth civic engagement in the United States: Understanding and addressing the impact of social impediments on positive youth and community development. Applied Developmental Science, 9(4), 188–201.

Belsha

(2017, June 28). English learners often go without required help at Chicago schools. The Chicago Reporter. https://www.chicagoreporter.com/english-learners-often-go-without-required-help-at-chicago-schools/

Benson

P. L.

Scales

P. C.

(2009). Positive youth development and the prevention of youth aggression and violence. International Journal of Developmental Science, 3(3), 218–234.

Blomfield

Barber

B. L.

(2010). Australian adolescent’s extracurricular activity participation and positive development: Is the relationship mediated by peers? Australian Journal of Educational Developmental Psychology, 10, 108–122.

Cherng

H. Y. S.

Turney

Kao

(2014). Less socially engaged? Participation in friendship and extracurricular activities among racial/ethnic minority and immigrant adolescents. Teachers College Record, 116(3), 1–28.

10.

Chicago Public Schools. (2021). Stats and facts. Retrieved December 11, 2021, from https://www.cps.edu/about/stats-facts/

11.

Cunha

Heckman

J. J.

(2006). Investing in our Young People. University of Chicago, Department of Economics. [Unpublished manuscript].

12.

Damon

(2004). What is positive youth development? Annals, AAPSS, 591, 13–24.

13.

Dunleavy

Milton

(2009). What did you do in school today? Exploring the concept of student engagement and its implications for teaching and learning in Canada. Canadian Education Association.

14.

Ehrlich

(2000). Civic responsibility and higher education. Greenwood Publishing Group.

15.

Eisenbruch

(1988). The mental health of refugee children and their cultural development. International Migration Review, 22, 282–300.

16.

Gomez-Baya

Babić Čikeš

Hirnstein

Kurtović

Vrdoljak

Wiium

(2022). Positive youth development and depression: An examination of gender differences in Croatia and Spain. Frontiers in Psychology, 12, 689354. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.689354

17.

Gomez-Baya

Reis

Gaspar de Matos

(2019). Positive youth development, thriving and social engagement: An analysis of gender differences in Spanish youth. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 60, 559–568. https://doi.org/10.1111/sjop.12577

18.

Heath

R. D.

Anderson

Turner

A. C.

Payne

C. M.

(2022). Extracurricular activities and disadvantaged youth: A complicated—but promising—story. Urban Education, 57, 1415–1449. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085918805797

19.

Itaoui

Elsheikh

(2018). Islamophobia in the United States: A reading resource pack. Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society. University of California. https://haasinstitute.berkeley.edu/global-justice/islamophobia/resource-pack-us

20.

Khan

B. M.

Waserman

Patel

(2022). Perspectives of refugee youth experiencing homelessness: A qualitative study of factors impacting mental health and resilience. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 13, 917200. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2022.917200

21.

Kozina

Wiium

Gonzalez

J.-M.

Dimitrova

(2019). Positive youth development and academic achievement in Slovenia. Child & Youth Care Forum, 48, 223–240. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10566018-9457-y

22.

Lerner

R. M.

(2004). Liberty: Thriving and civic engagement among American youth. SAGE.

23.

Lerner

R. M.

Napolitano

C. M.

Boyd

M. J.

Mueller

M. K.

Kristina

Callina

K. S.

(2013). Mentoring and positive youth development. In DuBois

David Lane

Karcher

Michael J.

(Eds.), Handbook of youth mentoring (pp. 17–27). SAGE Publications.

24.

Leung

C. L. K.

Bender

Kwok

S. Y. C.

(2017). A comparison of positive youth development against depression and suicidal ideation in youth from Hong Kong and the Netherlands. International Adolescent Medicine and Health, 0, 20170105. https://doi.org/10.1515/ijamh-20170105

25.

Mahoney

J. L.

Stattin

(2000). Leisure activities and adolescent antisocial behavior: The role of structure and social context. Journal of Adolescence, 23(2), 113–127.

26.

Mason-Bish

(2019). The elite delusion: Reflexivity, identity and positionality in qualitative research. Qualitative Research, 19(3), 263–276.

27.

Masten

A. S.

Narayan

A. J.

(2012). Child development in the context of disaster, war and terrorism: Pathways of risk and resilience. Annual Review of Psychology, 63, 227–257.

28.

Miller

K. K.

Shramko

Brown

Svetaz

M. V.

(2021). The election is over, now what? Youth civic engagement as a path to critical consciousness. Journal of Adolescent Health, 68(2), 233–235.

29.

Monin

Batalova

Lai

(2021, May 13). Refugees and asylees in the United States. Migration Policy. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/refugees-and-asylees-united-states-2021

30.

Moore

K. A.

Hatcher

J. L.

Vandivere

Brown

B. V.

(2000). Children’s behavior and well-being: Findings from the national survey of America’s families. Child Trends.

31.

Morland

(2007). Promising practices in positive youth development with immigrants and refugees. The Prevention Researcher, 14(4), 18–20.

32.

Morris

D. S.

(2015). Actively closing the gap? Social class, organized activities, and academic achievement in high school. Youth & Society, 47(2), 267–290. https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118x12461159

33.

Moustakas

(1994). Phenomenological research methods. SAGE Publications.

34.

Naidoo

(2009). Developing social inclusion through after-school homework tutoring: A study of African refugee students in Greater Western Sydney. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 30, 261–273. https://doi.org/10.1080/01425690902812547

35.

Padgett

D. K.

(2016). Qualitative methods in social work research (Vol. 36). SAGE Publications.

36.

Paramalingam

Majid

Okelana-Awoluski

Cranmer-Byng

(2018). The role of after-school programs in promoting academic and life success of immigrant, refugee and racialized children and youth, https://www.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl486/files/our_work/ICP/IDM/2019_IDM/research_report_-_empwerment_squared_final_may_10_2018_3.pdf.

37.

Patton

G. C.

Sawyer

S. M.

Ross

D. A.

Viner

R. M.

Santelli

J. S.

(2016). From advocacy to action in global adolescent health. Journal of Adolescent Health, 59(4), 375–377.

38.

Peguero

A. A.

Bondy

J. M.

(2011). Immigration and students’ relationship with teachers. Education and Urban Society, 43(2), 165–183.

39.

Philp

K. D.

Gill

M. G.

(2020). Reframing after-school programs as developing youth interest, identity, and social capital. Policy Insights from the Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 7(1), 19–26.

40.

Pong

S. L.

Hao

Gardner

(2005). The roles of parenting styles and social capital in the school performance of immigrant Asian and Hispanic adolescents. Social Science Quarterly, 86(4), 928–950.

41.

Positive Youth Development Framework. (n.d.). https://www.youthpower.org/positive-youth-development-pyd-framework

42.

Rumbaut

R. G.

(2005). Children of immigrants and their achievement: The roles of family acculturation, social class, gender, ethnicity, and school contexts. In Taylor

R. D.

(Ed.), Addressing the achievement gap: Findings and applications (pp. 23–59). Information Age Publishing.

43.

Saldaňa

(2012). The coding manual for qualitative researchers (2nd ed.). SAGE.

44.

Schacter

H. L.

Margolin

(2019). When it feels good to give: Depressive symptoms, daily prosocial behavior, and adolescent mood. Emotion, 19(5), 923–927. https://doi.org/10.1037/emo0000494

45.

Snellman

Silva

J. M.

Frederick

C. B.

Putnam

R. D.

(2015). The engagement gap. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 657(1), 194–207. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716214548398

46.

Suárez-Orozco

M. M.

(2001). The developing child: Children of immigration. Harvard University Press.

47.

Sullivan

A. L.

Simonson

G. R.

(2016). A systematic review of school-based social-emotional interventions for refugee and war-traumatized youth. Review of Educational Research, 86(2), 503–530.

48.

Tremblay

(2019, May 19). 5 ways kids benefit from civic engagement. United Way of Massachusetts Bay and Merrimack Valley. https://unitedwaymassbay.org/blog/5-benefits-kids-gain-from-civic-engagemen

49.

UNICEF. (2021). Child displacement. https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-migration-anddisplacement/displacement/

50.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019). Global Trends: Forced displacement in 2020 Division of Operational Services, Field Information and Coordination Support Section. Author. https://www.unhcr.org/flagship-reports/globaltrends/

51.

United States Department of Health and Human Services. (2006–2009). Refugee arrival data (fiscal years 2006-2009). Administration for Children and Families, Office of Refugee Resettlement.

52.

Van Tilburg

M. A.

Vingerhoets

A. J.

Van Heck

G. L

. (1996). Homesickness: A review of the literature. Psychological Medicine, 26, 899–912.

53.

Yousef

(2013). Refugee resettlement on Chicago’s north side. In Curious City. WBEZ. https://www.wbez.org/shows/curious-city/refugee-resettlement-onchicagos-northside/a6985f8f-cdc8-4d62-96ac-710dc7e3f14e

54.

S. M.

Newport-Berra

Liu

(2015). Out-of-school time activity participation among U.S.-immigrant youth. Journal of School Health, 85(5), 281–288.

55.

Zhou

Shek

D. T. L.

Zhu

Dou

(2020). Positive Youth Development and Adolescent Depression: A longitudinal study based on Mainland Chinese high school students. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17, 4457. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17124457

Supplementary Material

Please find the following supplemental material available below.

For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.

For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.

0.00 MB

0.03 MB