Multidimensional Stressors Among Historically Marginalized Indigenous People in Highland Communities: Empirical Insights From the Q’ero of Peru

Abstract

Indigenous peoples living in remote, highland communities in developing nations are faced with unprecedented stressors from a variety of sources that impact their economic, social, and cultural well-being. These stressors are multidimensional and do not exist in isolation. In this paper, we examine how climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and pre-existing socio-economic and political marginalization intersect and impact Peru’s high-altitude indigenous Q’ero communities. Semi-structured interviews conducted in Ocongate with a small community of Q’ero people shed light on the complexity of these multidimensional stressors. The findings highlight the presence of climate extremes, water scarcity, economic degradation, misinformation, and government distrust. These findings suggest that the Q’ero people, as well as other high-altitude indigenous communities, are facing increased vulnerability and impacts to their livelihood due to multidimensional stressors such as climate change, the coronavirus pandemic, and government neglect.

Keywords

Q’ero Peru climate change indigenous multidimensional stressor

Introduction

Peru has one of the highest percentages of people of indigenous heritage in Latin America, with approximately seven million Indigenous peoples belonging to 55 ethnicities (Carrillo-Larco et al., 2022). The country is made up of three main geographical regions: the coast, the highlands, and the jungle. Historical patterns of trade have largely benefited those located in the coastal region, fueling inequality and the marginalization of various groups in the Andes and Amazon regions (Orihuela, 2012). Alongside climate extremes and natural disasters, Peru has faced nine coup d’etats, hyperinflation, and armed social conflict (Carrillo-Larco et al., 2022; Young & Leon, 2009). These factors, along with historical trade patterns, have contributed to the country’s vulnerability to climate change (Bergmann et al., 2021). Historical patterns of climate variability and inequality influence adaptability in light of a devastating new stressor, the 2020 coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. Peru was greatly impacted by the pandemic and was the nation with the most COVID-19-related deaths per 100,000 people (Ramírez-Soto & Ortega-Cáceres, 2022). Historical and continued marginalization, climate change, and the COVID-19 pandemic have not impacted Peru in isolation from one another; rather, all of these factors, henceforth referred to as stressors, are closely entangled and can be understood as multidimensional stressors. Multidimensional stressors, often referred to as multiple stressors, are understood as simultaneous or subsequent occurrences or conditions under which a change in livelihood is provoked or required (Olsson et al., 2014).

Our research focuses on the Q’ero Indigenous peoples who reside in the Peruvian Andes. As a highland indigenous population residing in a harsh, high-altitude environment, the Q’ero people are faced with compounding multidimensional stressors. These include rapid environmental changes due to climate extremes (Cometti, 2020), historical and continued marginalization and poverty (Heikkinen, 2021), and economic and cultural impacts attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2019). This intersection of environmental, political, economic, and health-related stressor makes the Q’ero a poignant case study for understanding the impacts of multidimensional stresses on indigenous communities. This case study is especially relevant to indigenous communities residing in remote, high-altitude regions. We conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the Q’ero community residing in the town of Ocongate. Our findings reveal environmental impacts including drought and extreme weather, political and economic marginalization, and discordance between healthcare policies and indigenous cultural beliefs. This research serves to bring awareness to the compounding effects of stressors on already marginalized groups and encourages a multifaceted and historically informed approach to future mitigation strategies.

Multidimensional Stresses

The challenges local communities face do not exist in isolation. Rather, interconnected stressors from various sources influence and compound one another. Understanding how climatic, environmental, socio-economic, and political stressors interact and influence one another is vital for addressing disproportionate impacts on marginalized communities and creating appropriate development strategies (McCubbin et al., 2015). The concept of multidimensional stressors is emerging from the research related to social dimensions of climate change, development, vulnerability, and resilience that explicitly considers the multiple/multidimensional stressors to understand various social-ecological systems (Antwi-Agyei et al., 2017; Eriksen & Silva, 2009; O’Brien & Leichenko, 2000; Reid & Vogel, 2006; Silva et al., 2010; Tschakert, 2007). The multidimensional stresses can function in very non-linear ways, which can be unpredictable, and uncertain, and deviate substantially from the nature and patterns of the stressors from what they would be when operating alone (Matthan, 2023; McCubbin et al., 2015; Olsson et al., 2014; O’Brien et al., 2009). These multidimensional stresses can pose major livelihood and resilience challenges for households and communities across geographies, particularly, in resource-constrained and climate-vulnerable contexts.

Early research conducted in the Sahel region of Africa sought to gain a local perspective on how multiple stressors are perceived by local communities (Tschakert, 2007). A range of stressors were identified by the study participants and varied by gender, including poor health, monetary constraints, and low quality and/or insufficient food. Later, Silva et al. (2010) conducted a study in Mozambique examining the impacts of environmental and economic stressors on smallholder farmers in the Limpopo River Basin. This study found that farmers were less resilient to economic shocks and were under pressure to change farming strategies, leading to less resilience to environmental change. Building upon these two foundational studies in Africa, recent research has been carried out in Mali exploring differentiated patterns of household vulnerability in light of climatic and non-climatic stressors. The findings demonstrate that while drought was the most commonly referenced climate stressor, households were also exposed to a diverse array of environmental and socio-economic stressors including insufficient labor and livestock disease, with high levels of heterogeneity in vulnerability patterns among households within and between local communities (Segnon et al., 2020).

Drought as a significant stressor is not limited to a particular region. Manalo et al. (2021) conducted research in rice-farming communities in the Philippines to examine the non-climatic factors impacting adaptation to drought. The results from this study highlight two types of stressors; direct stressors that directly affect adaptive ability and distal stressors, that have a more indirect but nonetheless significant relation to climate change adaptability.

Shifting the focus to vulnerability in a different light, a recent study explored the impacts of multidimensional stressors on mountain communities in developing nations. Using a small agro-pastoral village in Nepal as a case study, this research examined a range of stressors to study their combined influence, and the results highlight how various stressors, including higher fertility rates, increased crop yield variability, and earthquakes, all interact and compound the effect of one another in an additive trend (Roxburgh et al., 2021).

While still a relatively small body of knowledge, a handful of studies have looked specifically at the impacts of multidimensional stressors on Indigenous peoples. McDowell and Hess (2012) conducted research in Bolivia and explored the impacts of multidimensional stressors on indigenous farmers in the highland municipality of Palca, examining stressors such as climate change, market uncertainty, and institutional marginalization. The findings demonstrate that vulnerability shifts over time as stressors, including land scarcity and delayed seasonal rainfall, compound to reduce access to and necessitate the expenditure of household assets for adaptation.

A recent study in the Canadian Arctic examined the interconnection between local environmental and societal stressors and climate change among the indigenous Inuvialuit people of Paulatuk. The results of this research demonstrate that the Inuvialuit experience climate stressors within the context of preexisting social stressors, such as barriers to participation in subsistence activities, overcrowding, and addiction (Lede et al., 2021). Lastly, research conducted in India with the Adi community focused attention on multiple stressors impacting biocultural resources and livelihoods. The results highlight a range of socio-economic, climatic, ecological, and political stressors that were negatively impacting the livelihoods of Adi women (Singh et al., 2021).

Even though scholars have examined the impacts of multiple stressors on communities across geographies, only a limited number of studies have been conducted on indigenous communities (Lede et al., 2021; Singh et al., 2021), who are among the most vulnerable to climatic and non-climatic stressors. Furthermore, in recent years, communities across the world have been exposed to a new stressor, the global COVID-19 pandemic, which has exacerbated existing challenges, including restricted social, economic, political, and physical spaces (Duran et al., 2023). Our research seeks to expand the knowledge of the impacts of multiple stressors on Indigenous communities while taking into account the COVID-19 pandemic to better inform development strategies and emphasize the importance of a multifaceted and historically informed approach to understanding vulnerability among marginalized populations.

Study Area

Our research was conducted in the neighborhood of Challamucho, which is a small neighborhood located in Ocongate. Ocongate is the capital town of the District Municipality of Ocongate in the Quispicanchi Province of the Cusco Region. It is approximately 120 km southeast of the capital city of Cusco. Located in a valley near Ausangate, a prominent mountain of the Vilcanota mountain range, about 15,223 people live in the approximately 953 sq. km district (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, 2018) (Figure 1).

The national unemployment rate in Peru as of 2023 is 5.4% (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, 2024). In the Quispicanchi Province, the unemployment rate rose to an astounding 50% during the COVID-19 pandemic (Municipalidad Provincial de Quispicanchi, 2023). Within the District Municipality of Ocongate, the majority of the economically active population works in agriculture, manufacturing, construction, services, and trade. Within these industries, the largest portion of the population, 59.02%, works in agriculture, livestock, silviculture, and/or fishing. The pre-pandemic unemployment rate was 8.84% and the average monthly household income per capita is approximately 281.29 Peruvian Soles (US$ ∼70). (Municipalidad Distrital de Ocongate, 2020). The streets of the town of Ocongate are short and narrow, with paved main streets and various dirt roads (Figure 2).

The population of the inner neighborhood of Challamuco who migrated from Q’ero communities speak Quechua as their first language. Only children who attend school can learn and speak Spanish. They rely on water from the snowy mountain of Ausangate. Sewage is installed, although not for all households. It is important to note that there is no electrical service, which impacts the two educational institutions established for children in the area. Many of the houses the Q’ero reside in are made from a mixture of mud, straw, and clay, along with other materials, and the furnishings are often sparse. In their free time and when they want to socialize with their relatives or friends, different rites are performed to represent the integration of nature and mankind (Figure 3).

Originating as an annex town of Ccatcca, the urban center of Ocongate was part of the Quiquijana reduction. Officially established as a district in 1869, it was not until the mid-1950s that Ocongate was consolidated as a district and a period of growth began with the construction of a main road leading to Puerto Maldonado (Municipalidad Distrital de Ocongate, 2020; Walker, 2016). The Q’ero and other inhabitants of Ocongate and the surrounding areas prefer to be surrounded by their relatives or people they know in their neighborhood and are suspicious of outsiders. Historical marginalization and lack of action from government institutions contribute to this distrust.

The town of Ocongate resides at just over 3500m in altitude, placing it in the transition space between two ecological subregions, Quechua (2300m–3500m) and Suni (3500m–4000m) (Anaya Borda, 2015). The Quechua ecological region is characterized by a temperate-dry climate with periodic rains and a high level of variation in temperature between day and night. The Suni ecological region is characterized by a cold-dry climate with more variation in night and day than Quechua. Ocongate has a yearly average temperature between 9°C and 16°C; however, the Andean region has experienced a decadal temperature increase over recent years and more recent increases in frost events with intense precipitation due to the near location of the Ausangate snowy mountain (Universidad Andina del Cusco, 2020). With riparian vegetation of high density, associated with agriculture, and a high possibility of development, crops of corn, vegetables, potatoes, broad beans, barley, and wheat are common in the area.

Methods

Interviewing the Q’ero is a challenging task, mostly because of their culture, norms, and previous experience with outside interactions, which were not always pleasant for them. After a number of consultations and discussions, we managed to conduct in-depth case studies with ten Q’ero Indigenous community members on topics related to multidimensional stresses, as well as their insights into how these stressors are perceived by community members and what steps have been taken towards adaptation. As most Q’ero live remotely and access is difficult, we chose to focus on a Q’ero community within lower elevation areas and turned to the capital of the District Municipality of Ocongate, the town of Ocongate, where a high density of Q’ero have migrated to live and work. Within the town of Ocongate there are twelve neighborhoods, and we chose to focus on the neighborhood of Challamucho, as only Q’ero people live in this area.

To gain permission to travel to Ocongate, several phone calls were made to various Cusco travel agencies, and eventually received the information about the area and how to get access there. Most of these agencies stated that they only provided group tours; however, due to COVID-19, they were canceled. After continued inquiry, one of the travel agency representatives shared a contact telephone number of a Q’ero man who lived in Ocongate. This is how we connected with our main contact within the Q’ero community, who agreed to help us with our research.

After traveling by car 4 hours from the city of Cusco, one of the authors of this article, who is a native Peruvian, arrived in the town of Ocongate. It is important to note that the Q’ero community is divided into 5 different groups: Hatun Q’ero, Quico, Q’ero Totorani, Marcachea and Hapu Q’ero. All of the individuals we interviewed belonged to the Hapu Q’ero community before they migrated to Challamucho in Ocongate. While in Ocongate, we took detailed notes as well as photos to gain a clearer picture of the community. This specific Q’ero community was chosen because our main local contact resides in this area, as he and all of his relatives migrated to Challamucho from a Hapu community.

The Hapu Q’ero community in Ocongate presents an interesting look into rural-to-urban migration patterns, as they migrated from remote villages to the more developed town of Ocongate. Our participants reflect a tight-knit community based on mutual trust and offer key insights into the Hapu community and the Q’ero community more broadly.

Initially, interview participants were hesitant to engage with a mainstream Peruvian and share their personal insights. This limited pool of available interview candidates led to needing to adjust our sampling strategy to be based primarily upon willingness to participate. This was a necessity, as the level of trust they had for our main contact is what allowed them to feel comfortable agreeing to take part in our research. This community was also selected due to accessibility, with most other Q’ero communities being located in very remote locations where access is restricted for tourists or outside researchers.

As the Q’ero community is low-income and many community members’ work is based on farming and construction, they spend a considerable amount of time working in order to have the necessary means to survive, which makes their time very limited. To overcome the challenge of limited availability, interviews were held at night after work ended or very early in the morning before the workday began and were kept under 20 minutes. Our main local contact was a respected member of the community and was instrumental in helping to gain a small measure of trust and familiarity with a few members of the community, who agreed to participate in our research. Therefore, we conducted ten semi-structured interviews. Participants were chosen under the following criteria: (a) must be of Q’ero ethnicity; (b) must live in the Challamuco neighborhood of Ocongate in the District Municipality of Ocongate; (c) must have once been a part of, or had a parent who was a part of, the Hapu community before migrating to Challamuco; and (d) offer their formal consent to be interviewed and have the interviews recorded.

A series of prompted and unprompted questions were asked while allowing flexibility for other topics and questions to arise. The interviews were conducted in Spanish and participants who spoke only Quechua were accompanied by a local translator. The interview recordings were uploaded to a secure folder. They were then carefully analyzed by two of the authors, who are both bilingual in English and Spanish. The analysis of the recordings allowed the authors to make note of key ideas and quotes, writing them directly in Spanish from the translator. These notes were then translated into English by the lead author, and this translation was verified by the other bilingual author before being included in the manuscript.

Findings: Multidimensional Stresses Faced by the Q’ero

Local Impacts of Global Environmental Change

The long and complex history of Peru has always existed alongside climate extremes and variations in water availability (Bergmann et al., 2021). Due to its geographic characteristics, Peru experiences many natural hazards, including earthquakes, landslides and active volcanoes (Young & Leon, 2009). This country is home to around 70% of the tropical glaciers in the world, with 556 glaciers and 836 glacial lakes (Moulton et al., 2021). Due to regionally variable but steadily rising temperatures in recent decades, Peru is seeing an increase in glacier melt (Bergmann et al., 2021). The many lakes and glaciers of the Andes hold cultural significance for local communities and provide essential fresh water for irrigation and domestic use to the more than 200,000 people who live near them (Moulton et al., 2021). Alongside rising temperatures, extreme temperature fluctuations have also increased and are expected to continue to do so, creating more frequent extreme heat waves as well as low temperature hazards. Droughts have reduced community and business access to water for agriculture and other purposes, and ten cases of meteorological drought occurred in Peru between the years of 1981 and 2018. Floods are another major concern, with melting glaciers contributing to deadly glacial lake outburst floods and 9.2 million Peruvians having been exposed to frequent hydrometeorological stresses in 2014 alone (Bergmann et al., 2021; Moulton et al., 2021).

The highland communities of the Peruvian Andes are especially susceptible to weather extremes and rising temperatures due to the harsh, high-altitude climate. Highland communities rely on runoff from melting glaciers as a key water source, with the Peruvian Andes containing more than 70% of the world’s tropical glaciers. Due to increasing temperatures, these glaciers have been retreating since the mid-twentieth century at an accelerating rate (Bergmann et al., 2021), which has implications for future water availability in the region. For centuries, highland communities lived and farmed following the seasonal patterns of the Peruvian Andes, which was characterized by clear transitions between rainy and dry periods. In recent years, however, this transition between rainy and dry seasons has become indistinct, weather events increasingly severe (Heikkinen, 2021) and the already cold, windy climate even harsher in light of climate change. This was reflected in the field interviews. When asked about changes in the local climate, several Q’ero highlighted recent increases and variabilities in temperature placing stress on the community. One of the respondents mentioned:

“When I came [here] it was mild… it wasn’t very cold nor very hot. Now it is very hot and also very cold” (Female, 55 years old).

As the increase in temperature extremes impacts Ocongate, other Q’ero communities living in higher altitude regions are affected even more strongly. As many members of the Q’ero community in Ocongate migrated from the higher altitude Hapu community, they have experienced the difficulties of life these other groups face. The above participant noted that:

“In the higher altitude communities, they suffer a lot, because it's cold. Also, cars can’t get there easily” (Female, 55 years old)

As a consequence of climate impacts and lack of accessibility, Q’ero community members believed that moving to a lower altitude and more urban area such as Ocongate would be better. However, once they realized the situation was also complicated due to climatic and socio-economic factors discussed later, many are thinking of returning to their original home.

This observation supports existing evidence that overall temperature and extreme temperature fluctuations have increased in Peru, with the largest increase seen in the Southern Peruvian Andes where Ocongate is located (Bergmann et al., 2021). Nearly all of the community members interviewed mentioned that the climate had gotten hotter, which has led to a decrease in economic productivity due to drying out the soil as well as the discomfort of being outside during the hottest part of the day:

“For example, in the early morning…it is cold, too cold…but by 10 am or 11 am the heat is insufferable” (Male, 40 years old).

Even if they prefer to start their labors as early as possible, working on land represents hours of sun exposure even in high temperatures. It is also believed that this extreme heat has created more illness within the community, a concern shared by many of the Q’ero who were interviewed. One participant stated:

“...now the heat is a little stronger. Because of this, it is common to catch the flu” (Male, 53 years old).

When asked what measures were taken to adapt to the heat and dry soil, the response highlighted a strong reliance on water from the mountain glaciers that could be gathered from a nearby canal. As highlighted above, Peruvian glaciers are retreating at an alarming rate as temperatures continue to rise (Bergmann et al., 2021). Furthermore, the region is experiencing increased rainfall during the rainy season and a decrease in precipitation during the dry season (Cometti & Martin, 2021), which has implications for future water availability during parts of the year within primarily agriculture-based highland communities such as Ocongate.

It is important to note that the Q’ero hold spiritually driven beliefs surrounding why the climate is changing, with some Q’ero believing their abandonment of ritual practices are to blame for changing seasonal patterns (Cometti, 2015). One community member interviewed highlighted these spiritual beliefs, stating:

“The climate is more intense…God says we have to survive, we have to pray to get things easier. We all depend on God” (Male, 41 years old)

These strong religious beliefs intertwine with trust in nature and inform viewpoints related to the health, survival, and longevity of the community. Owing in part to these changes in the environment, the younger generations of highland communities are having to face the difficult decision of staying on land that no longer suits them or abandoning their communities to sustain their populations (Tello, 2020). As temperatures continue to rise and the mountain water sources needed to help cope are at risk from glacier recession and changes in precipitation patterns, it is likely the impacts of heat on the Q’ero community could worsen in the future. All these climatic stresses are causing outmigration of the younger population from the region, as well as impacting the Q’ero people’s indigenous culture, traditions, and livelihoods in the highland areas in Ocongate.

Socio-Economic and Political Marginalization

There is a growing awareness that climate change does not affect all groups equally, with factors such as marginalization, power imbalance, and primary economic activities all influencing vulnerability (Heikkinen, 2021). To understand the marginalization of Peru’s Indigenous peoples today, we must examine the complex history of colonialism and neoliberal trade patterns in Peru. The Spanish colonization of Peru brought with it the political subordination, cultural depreciation, and economic exploitation of the area’s Indigenous peoples (Kania, 2016). This was fueled by the notion, presented by some European philosophers and theologians of the time, that there was a “natural inferiority of Indians” which served as a means to enforce and legitimize the new legal and political order (Kania, 2016). This notion contributed to an immense power imbalance and socio-economic and political marginalization, which was furthered by trade patterns soon put in place (Orihuela, 2012).

The historical trade policy seen in Peru largely favored those living in Lima or along the coast, which created “left-behind” populations in the Andes and Amazon who did not benefit from these trade patterns (Orihuela, 2012). Coastal/urban industrial development and consumption were favored in place of agriculture, and fiscal resources were concentrated in irrigation projects along the coast. This led to a lack of resources and investment in the Andean and Amazon regions, further exacerbating conflict and discontent within and between the different regions and social groups (Orihuela, 2012).

The Ley de las Comunidades Nativas, a law that was outlined in 1974, was progressive in its assertion of indigenous rights. However, the law carried with it significant expectations regarding the “proper” organization of indigenous societies that did not account for the immense diversity of Peru’s Indigenous peoples. As such, it was thought to carry a level of governmentality and pressure for Indigenous peoples to act in ways dictated by outside forces, instead of based on their individual customs and logic (Killick, 2021). With the neoliberal political system of the 2000s, the Andean region and its people began to be painted as backward and a barrier to advancement in the state’s rhetoric. Today, built on these foundations, there are various policies, such as agricultural policies intended to promote affordable industrial foods, that have ultimately harmed highland indigenous communities (Heikkinen, 2021).

This historical and continued marginalization influences how Indigenous peoples relate to government systems. Alongside histories of trade inequality and harmful policy decisions, there have been historical and contemporary examples of necessary medical care and resources not being provided for Indigenous peoples, as well a lack of government protection from dangers such as mining and contaminated water (Amnesty International, 2017; Cherofsky, 2020). While interviewing members of the Challamuco community, several noted strong feelings of being forgotten by the government their entire lives. One participant mentioned:

“We feel forgotten by the government. All the farmers of the rural, poor communities are forgotten’’ (Male, 41 years old).

This highlights the continued marginalization of certain social groups, an issue that has only worsened in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. Indigenous peoples represent around 25% of Peru’s population, and the vast majority of them live in rural areas (Houghton & Bascolo, nd). While certain steps have been taken to provide more support to these communities through government programs such as “JUNTOS,” access to these programs is limited and for many unattainable due to the pandemic and vaccination requirements. “JUNTOS” is a government created national economic program that is intended to promote access to quality health and education services for the poorest families in the country through providing a bi-monthly stipend of 200 soles (∼US$ 53.28) for families below the poverty line. Only one of the community members we interviewed was able to be a part of this program, with several others stating they could not receive the aid because they were not vaccinated. One of the respondents stated during the interview:

“I did not get vaccinated, so I could not receive any aid.” (Male, 34 years old)

Vaccination facilities were offered in Ocongate, and several community members did become vaccinated against COVID-19, in large part to receive this governmental aid. Many, such as the above respondent, chose not to receive the vaccine due to a combination of cultural beliefs, mistrust in government institutions, and negative side effects other members of their community experienced. One participant who was vaccinated noted that:

“I got very sick with COVID-19. To this day I am not okay. Then I got vaccinated and it was worse… We [her and her husband] do not want anymore vaccines” (Female, 60 years old)

The Q’ero of Ocongate, like many rural indigenous groups, are a close-knit community. As such, some saw the negative side effects of the vaccinations directly in their friends and family members. This influenced a few to refuse the vaccine, even though they would have benefited from the aid the JUNTOS program provided. The policy of only receiving aid alongside vaccination further exacerbated feelings of marginalization and neglect for indigenous cultural/spiritual practices and personal concerns.

Most community members expressed varying levels of distrust in the Peruvian government. Participants expressed concerns about inefficiency and corruption within the government, with one stating:

“Presidents are in jail and it will continue because people don’t allow presidents to work… President and congress fight like cats and dogs because they do not agree on or trust each proposal they give’’ (Male, 53 years old).

This viewpoint is perhaps influenced by how citizens, congressmen and the media seek to expose the president’s past legal problems or keep track of every word they say, which can be considered to go against the political identity many Peruvians hold.

Most recently, it was evident that a lack of access to education, economic hardship, and harsh climate conditions place pressure on Indigenous peoples to migrate to more urbanized areas (Baldinelli, 2017; Browne, 2017; Howard & Lobo, 2013). This can be seen in the Challamuco community (Cometti, 2020). Every community member interviewed migrated at one time or another to Ocongate from a small community high in the Andes known as Hapu. The participants identified two main reasons why they chose to make the journey to Ocongate and establish their families in the Challamuco neighborhood. The first is to give their children access to education. The second most noted reason for their migration was the intense cold in Hapu as well as the isolation of these rural communities.

Despite the lack of access to education and the harsh climate, some Q’ero noted that they want to return to the higher elevation Hapu community. This was due to the increase in cost of living in Ocongate, as well as the feeling of losing their access to natural remedies and cultural heritage, perhaps exacerbated by Covid-19 and the misinformation surrounding the vaccine. One respondent stated:

“Almost everything…everything, everything, everything is difficult to cope with here. I’m seriously planning to go back with my family to Hapu in order to be surrounded by natural products for which I don't have to pay anything at all. I can’t find solutions here, everything is expensive’’ (Male, 40 years old).

Impacts of the COVID-19 Pandemic

The high coronavirus mortality rate seen in Peru has been attributed to capacity limitations of the Peruvian healthcare system, among other factors (Ramírez-Soto & Ortega-Cáceres, 2022), which is likely related to Peru having one of the lowest healthcare investment rates in the region (Schwalb & Seas, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic was not the first large-scale health crisis the people of Peru have faced, with recurrent outbreaks of dengue as well as cases of cholera, Zika, and other diseases in recent years (Schwalb & Seas, 2021). Peru reported its first confirmed case of COVID-19 on March 6, 2020, and the government implemented one of the earliest and strictest lockdown measures only one week later (Schwalb & Seas, 2021). In the Cusco region of Peru, there have been 146,229 confirmed cases of COVID-19 (as of February 19, 2023), and the total vaccination rate in the region is 83.45% (Peruvian Ministry of Health, 2023).

During the field research, most interview participants mentioned that COVID-19 has decreased the economic aspect of the community due to lockdown measures and the dramatic reduction of tourists in the area. In 2020, Peru’s president, Pedro Castillo Terrones, decided to send all Peruvian citizens into a compulsory lockdown, which canceled flights, limited citizen transit, and forced people to stay in their homes. Because they were not able to leave the house or work freely, the Q’ero observed the economy worsening, with one person stating:

“We were just at home so the economy started to get worse little by little” (Female, 55 years old).

As the lockdown was quite strict, the Q’ero stayed at home and selling their products or going out to purchase the necessary production materials was prohibited. As such, there was not a way for them to continue making or selling artisanal products, a significant portion of their economic activities and income. Some participants echoed the worsening of the economy and a sharp rise in the cost of living, and expressed feeling forgotten by the government and having no control of the different prices stated by markets

Several participants identified the selling of goods to tourists as their primary economic activity, with one participant highlighting a common type of artisan good produced in the community, stating:

“Our women make fabrics from Alpaca that they sell to tourists” (Female, unknown age).

Owing to this key role in the local economy, tourism was identified by most participants as something positive that is being lost with the pandemic and related lockdown measures. One respondent mentioned:

“Tourism always helps us more than the government, but now it is few due to the pandemic’’ (male, 41 years old).

Tourism offered the Q’ero a direct and reliable income through selling their products; however, during the pandemic the government prohibited the selling of products through strict lockdown measures. In addition, the Q’ero believed the government did not help or support them during this time, which made them feel a sense of abandonment. This frustration with the government was further fueled when the COVID-19 vaccine became available in the region. Initially, some Q’ero’s were in favor of receiving the COVID-19 vaccine. However, misinformation and a lack of information were a key factor in this, as some Q’ero were not sure about what was going on and it was not clear if the discussion was about a virus or a sickness that could kill anyone who got infected. As a chaotic situation of people getting sick, everyone started to believe in the closest comment they heard, and misinformation and false promises that the COVID-19 vaccine had 100% efficacy were spread throughout the community.

Due to government regulations, as of December 10, 2021, proof of complete vaccination became required for those 18 years and older to enter public institutions, including banks and hospitals in Ocongate (El Peruano, 2023). Some members of the community said that it was quite difficult to receive the Bono Familiar Universal, an aid package provided by the national government, as they had to go to the bank to collect it and could not enter without proof of vaccination. Not only were they unable to receive aid if they did not consent to the vaccine, but they also could not easily receive medical attention in hospitals, as they were prohibited to enter without a vaccine card. This government pressure and strict regulations is what motivated some Q’ero people to become vaccinated. One of the respondents mentioned:

“I am vaccinated to receive money from the government. It was a condition because for a long time, it was prohibited to enter banks, hospitals or any other public or closed area without your vaccination card’’ (Male, 40 years old).

Unfortunately, instead of representing a formal document, the vaccine card represented a limitation of individual rights, dictating the public and private spaces that one could or could not enter. Despite these pressures, many Q’ero wanted to choose not to get vaccinated due to traditional cultural beliefs, but said they were forced to without their consent. They were not informed of their rights and the probable consequences of getting vaccinated. Some Q’ero shared that after receiving the vaccines, they started to feel weaker and ill, and consider the vaccine as something negative that impacts their health and ability to provide for their family. One respondent mentioned:

“I got two doses of the vaccine and it was obligatory. It made me feel a little weak, I did not feel like working, I did not feel like farming or cropping…Before, I could do anything easily. I just felt sick as I couldn't do many things and so just stayed in bed.” (Male, 41 years old).

The Q’ero believe strongly in the power of natural remedies to cure illness, and many used this approach in lieu of western medicine and standardized treatments to treat Covid-19. The most commonly referenced natural remedies was the use of eucalyptus, with one participant stating:

“During [Covid-19] I used herbs such as eucalyptus to treat myself because I prefer natural treatment over hospitals’’ (Female, 33 years old).

This highlights the Q’eros’ deep cultural connection to, and trust in, nature, as, despite being faced with the belief that they could die from the COVID-19 virus, they chose to pursue natural remedies. Other natural remedies for various ailments were discussed as well, including ointments made from urine and salt to rub on feet, the burning of maize as an incense, and various oils. Preference for natural remedies is largely culturally driven; however, it is also in part fueled by distrust of public hospitals created through mistreatment and exclusion based on vaccination status. The Q’ero considered the whole government system as one that gives attention to wealthy people or the ones who live in the most populated areas, with the same happening in the healthcare system and so they do not feel well treated and prefer to go to private hospitals. This nonpublic system represents a less chaotic area where they can be received and more openly express their needs.

Conclusion

This research examines high-altitude community perception of multidimensional climatic and socio-economic stressors in the context of rural, Indigenous peoples, using the Q’ero of the Peruvian Andes as a case study. While the amount of literature addressing multidimensional stressors has increased considerably in the last two decades, the empirical application of this framework is still limited in regards to indigenous communities, and even more so in light of the relatively new, and extremely impactful, stressor that is the COVID-19 pandemic. To offer an expansion to the multidimensional discourse and begin to address the above limitations, we interviewed members of the Q’ero community. We examined how Covid-19 interacts with other socioeconomic and environmental stressors to create complex vulnerabilities among indigenous peoples, especially those in high altitude regions. In doing so, our research serves to help enrich understanding of multidimensional stressors, as well as offer a novel perspective that includes the recent Covid-19 pandemic.

The results of our study highlight that the impacts of climatic and socio-economic stressors do not exist in isolation, but rather interact and compound one another, shaping vulnerability in indigenous communities. These findings are consistent with other literature in the multidimensional stressors discourse, focused on Indigenous peoples (Lede et al., 2021; McDowell & Hess, 2012; Singh, et al., 2021), as well as other vulnerable groups more broadly (Manalo et al., 2021; Roxburgh et al., 2021; Segnon et al., 2020; Silva et al., 2010). The Q’ero residing in Ocongate perceive climatic changes in their community as consistent with the perceptions of other Indigenous and rural communities in the Peruvian Andes (Cometti & Martin, 2021; Heikkinen, 2021), as well as physical science observations in the region (Bergmann et al., 2021).

Our research highlights a strong recognition of increased temperatures and extreme heat waves in the region, more so than has been seen in previous studies with similar groups. This heat is perceived to be linked to an increase in illness in Ocongate and may be in part due to the town being at a slightly lower elevation than other Indigenous communities in the Andes. Future water security in the region may be impacted by these rising temperatures, as the Q’ero and other Andean communities rely heavily on glaciers as a key water source and these glaciers are disappearing at an increasing rate (Bergmann et al., 2021). Furthermore, a decrease in precipitation in the dry season has been observed to lead to the mountain lagoons the Q’ero rely on for farming activities not being replenished fully (Cometti & Martin, 2021; Tello, 2020). These findings provide further evidence that communities that rely mainly on smallholder farming and agricultural practices are among the most vulnerable to the negative effects of environmental change (Nyantakyi-Frimpong & Bezner-Kerr, 2015). Beyond the socio-economic impacts of changing water resources, water holds a significant spiritual power among the Indigenous peoples of the Andes, with water being the main element of the Andean cosmos, associated with movement, change, and the very essence of life (Boelens, 2013).

Indigenous communities’ ability to adapt to local climate challenges directly relates to the socio-economic stresses they are facing. The COVID-19 pandemic is a globally significant and relatively new stressor, and little is known about its impact on indigenous groups or its interaction with other multidimensional stressors. The Q’ero, like most of the world, were ordered to stay home for a significant portion of 2020. This meant that many Q’ero were not able to continue working and tourism was halted. Tourism acts as part of the Q’ero’s economic livelihoods primarily through the selling of traditional products, with it being common for Q’ero women to work as artisans. The loss of tourism-related income created by the COVID-19 pandemic and the strict government lockdowns propelled the Q’ero further into extreme poverty, an impact that has been seen in other regions as well (Teachout & Zipfel, 2020). The economic and health impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbate existing stressors from climate change, including the economic impact of decreasing water availability in farming-based communities and the health risks associated with extreme heat.

An important finding from our research regards the spreading of misinformation about the Covid-19 vaccine. The Q’ero stated that they were not informed of potential side effects and were told false promises that the vaccine had 100% efficacy. This is highly misleading and does not align with current research that demonstrates inherent limitations in vaccine effectiveness as well as various types of potential side effects (Dickerman et al., 2022; Klein et al., 2021; Walmsley et al., 2022). Other studies have investigated conflicting information that Indigenous peoples have received regarding vaccine safety and effectiveness from government entities, social media, and symbolic representations throughout the pandemic and have shown the negative impacts on health outcomes and fluctuating vaccination rates they have contributed to (Gomes Machado et al., 2022; Manca et al., 2022). While the economic loss related to COVID-19 lockdowns was an expected finding, as this has been seen in many other regions, the amount of misinformation and indirect pressure the Q’ero experienced related to vaccination stands out with implications in the fields of social justice, indigenous rights, and cultural preservation.

The socio-economic impacts of the pandemic as well as the challenges inherent in a changing climate raise questions of place and migration. The Q’ero of the Challamuco community migrated from Hapu communities higher in the Andes, a choice that was driven by several factors, the most commonly referenced being access to education as well as climate-related stresses. Despite local and global efforts, educational challenges facing Indigenous peoples persist, highlighting a lack of access to eco-culturally appropriate education that has long-term socio-economic impacts on communities (Hohenthal & Minoia, 2022; Rosnon & Talib, 2019).

The intense cold as well as isolation and lack of accessibility in the Hapu community was the second most referenced reason for the Q’ero to decide to migrate to Ocongate. A measurable increase in low-temperature hazards (Bergmann et al., 2021) matches with the Q’ero experience of a harsher climate in the higher-elevation Hapu communities. The decision to migrate toward the more urbanized area of Ocongate aligns with general trends of rural-urban migration of Q’ero people in Peru, as well as contemporary and historical migration patterns of Indigenous peoples more broadly (Baldinelli, 2017; Cometti, 2020; Howard & Lobo, 2013). It is important to note that migration pressures can lead to people leaving a community they may have been a part of for generations, and losing this foundation of community may have implications for resilience in light of emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic (O’Grady et al., 2022). Owing in large part to marginalization, economic hardships, misinformation, and forceful policies during COVID-19, some Q’ero have expressed that the benefits of living in a more urban area do not outweigh the disadvantages and they would consider migrating back to the Hapu communities.

Exclusion from governmental decisions and complex histories of marginalization greatly impact how Indigenous peoples relate to government systems. The Indigenous peoples of Peru have faced government neglect for decades, with various historical and contemporary examples of necessary medical care and resources not being provided, as well as a lack of government protection from dangers such as mining and contaminated water (Amnesty International, 2017; Cherofsky, 2020). This highlights how Indigenous peoples are trapped in a cycle of exclusion and poverty, and the Q’ero of Ocongate demonstrates how various socio-economic stresses can compound and create pressure to migrate to another area. Historically, social and political economic systems shape social vulnerability to climate change and this perception is especially relevant for remote rural communities such as the Q’ero of Peru, due to their reliance on natural resources (Wiegel, 2023).

The Q’ero represents a powerful case study of how multidimensional stressors interact and compound the effects of one another, creating increased vulnerability in a rapidly changing world. Through examining the interconnected stressors of climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and socio-economic and political marginalization, this research highlights the concerns of economic impoverishment, declining health, increased illness, lack of cultural preservation, restricted access to education, and government misinformation and neglect, particularly among historically marginalized Indigenous and ethnic minorities. Further research into this complex question of multidimensional stressors and their impacts on vulnerable communities is needed to better inform development strategies and policies intended to protect the well-being of Indigenous peoples around the world.

With a greater understanding of the needs of these vulnerable communities, policies could be put into place to help alleviate some of the pressures created by socio-economic, political and environmental stressors. In the case of the Q’ero people, a historically informed and community-driven approach must be taken to address current and future water availability and mitigate extreme weather-related health hazards. Furthermore, adequate and appropriate governmental outreach programs could help to begin fostering trust and cooperation between the Q’ero and Peru’s government.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Parker Aiello

Katherine Miluska Meza Aranda

Author Biographies

Parker Aiello, B.A. graduated with highest honors from Boise State University with a Bachelor of Arts in Global Studies. Her research focuses on cultural anthropology, foreign languages, sustainable development, and climate change.

Saleh Ahmed, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan (USA). His research focuses on environment, development, and social justice.

Katherine Miluska Meza Aranda, Ph.D. is a Peruvian educator and researcher with expertise in education, law, and social justice. With a Ph.D. in Education, a Bachelor’s in Education, Master’s in Psychology, and as a current law student, her work explores the critical connections between policy, pedagogy, and equity.

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