Abstract
The predominant perception of intimate partner violence (IPV) as constituting physical violence can still dominate, particularly in research and media reports, despite research documenting multiple forms of IPV including sexual violence occurring between intimate partners and various forms of psychological and emotional abuse. One frequently hidden or “invisible” form of abuse perpetrated within intimate partner relationships is economic abuse, also referred to as financial abuse in much of the literature. While the links between gendered economic insecurity and economic abuse are emerging, there remains a lack of consistency about definitions within the United States and globally, as there is no agreed upon index with which to measure economic abuse. As such, the purpose of this article is to review and analyze the global literature focused on either economic or financial abuse to determine how it is defined and what measures are used to capture its prevalence and impact. The 46 peer-reviewed articles that met all inclusion criteria for analysis came from a range of countries across six continents. Our review found that there is growing clarity and consistency of terminologies being used in these articles and found some consistency in the use of validated measures. Since this research is in its “infancy,” we need to have stronger collaborative efforts to use similar measures and terminology. Part of that collaborative effort is to consider how language and cultural differences may play a part in our understanding of economic abuse.
Introduction
The fact that intimate partner violence (IPV) is a significant social concern affecting a substantial number of women and children is now undeniable, making it a gendered problem. In most international jurisdictions, the importance of understanding the needs of and responding to IPV victims is clearly understood. Establishing the prevalence of all forms of violence against women (VAW) has been a priority since the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 1 adopted in 1979 by the United Nations General Assembly (Articles 12 and 19). Most recently, the 2011 Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating VAW and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, 2 further details the importance of research intended to move beyond prevalence in order to better understand the dynamics of VAW in Europe (including IPV; Article 11). As a direct result of the number of international conventions and treaties, research on VAW, including IPV has been prioritized in many jurisdictions ensuring a growing global evidence base.
Despite prioritizing research in this area, the predominant focus of international and national studies to date has been on establishing the prevalence of physical violence and/or threat. While surely unintended, the seriousness of the effects of IPV is most often assessed by the extent and nature of any physical injury. This perception of IPV as primarily constituting physical violence still dominates, particularly in media reports of IPV, regardless of reports from practitioners and victims substantiating multiple forms of abuse. Such forms include sexual violence and various forms of psychological and emotional abuse. In an effort to better understand the dynamics of these latter two manifestations of IPV, many researchers argue that the context in which violence and abuse occur in intimate partnerships—frequently referred to as contexts of “coercive control” (Stark, 2007), is critical. This is where abusers use a variety of tactics to maintain control over their partners by forcing physical, emotional, and financial dependency and producing a continual fear which prevents women from challenging their actions. Women forced into such dependency are at greater risk, according to the marital dependency theory (Vyas & Watts, 2008) and the interdependence theory (Rusbult & Van Lange, 2003), of being trapped in the relationship. This explains why women report that economic concerns are one of their top reasons why leaving the abuser is so difficult (Sanders & Schnabel, 2006; Strube, 1988). It is precisely the relational and gendered context of IPV that makes these tactics hard to detect because the “means and effects…are easily confused with the range of sacrifices women are expected to make in their roles as homemakers, parents and sexual partners” (Stark, 2007, p. 230).
One frequently hidden or “invisible” form of abuse perpetrated within intimate partner relationships is economic or financial abuse. Practitioners and emerging qualitative research have for some time recognized that IPV contributes to “poverty, financial risk and financial insecurity for women, sometimes long after the relationship has ended” (Braaf & Barrett Meyering, 2010, p. 5). From this perspective, economic insecurity is framed as a likely consequence of IPV for women leaving a violent relationship at the time of separation and in its aftermath. Although identified early on by practitioners in the IPV field as a fundamental underpinning of coercive control, only relatively recently has economic abuse been conceptualized as separate from emotional and psychological abuse—albeit with some overlap (Stylianou, Postmus, & McMahon, 2013). Corrie and McGuire (2013) suggest that we are yet to fully establish the prevalence of economic abuse, in part, because victims may have difficulty distinguishing economically abusive patterns from the economic insecurity they experience as women.
Economic insecurity is, without doubt, a gendered issue with factors such as the gendered nature of care, the undervaluing of women’s paid and unpaid work, and workforce discrimination all contributing to women consistently experiencing poorer social and economic outcomes throughout their life course. Given that existing prevalence data provide evidence of gender asymmetry in victimization and perpetration of IPV, it is not a surprise that economic abuse is compounded by the context of women’s economic insecurity more generally. It is also possible that victims do not always understand the ongoing consequences and extent of the damage caused by economic abuse prior to leaving the relationship and so may fail to recognize economic abuse as a form of IPV during the relationship.
While the links between gendered economic insecurity and economic abuse are emergent at best (Corrie, 2016), there remains a lack of consistency about definitions within the United States and globally, as there is no agreed index with which to measure economic abuse, underscoring the purpose of this article. As with all measures of social concerns, definitions do matter and it is here that the research can lack precision. The choice of different terms defined in slightly different ways, and the interchange of terms at other times has had the unintended effect of diluting the evidence base. The lack of definitional clarity also means it is difficult to measure whether service and policy responses are dealing appropriately with the issue, if at all. As such, the purpose of this article is to determine how the peer-reviewed global literature defines and measures economic or financial abuse to then highlight implications based on an analysis of the literature. The questions framing this study include (1) how do researchers define economic/financial abuse? and (2) how do researchers measure economic/financial abuse?
Existing Definitions of Economic Abuse and Financial Abuse
Economic abuse has been defined as a deliberate pattern of control in which individuals interfere with their partner’s ability to acquire, use, and maintain economic resources (Adams, Sullivan, Bybee, & Greeson, 2008; Postmus, Plummer, McMahon, Murshid, & Kim, 2012). Academics have sought to categorize the different forms that economic abuse can take. For instance, Postmus, Plummer, and Stylianou (2016) suggest that economic abuse involves behaviors that control, exploit, or sabotage an individual’s economic resources including employment.
Economic abuse and financial abuse are frequently used interchangeably in the literature (Sharp-Jeffs, 2015b). Alternatively, abuse may be described as affecting the economic or financial security of victims of IPV or causing economic or financial insecurity. Sharp-Jeffs (2015a) adapted the definition of economic abuse, proposing to use the term “financial abuse” instead of economic abuse. The distinction made here between economic and financial abuse is that financial abuse is part of economic abuse and involves similar behaviors; however, financial abuse focuses specifically on individual money and finances and not economic resources (e.g., transportation, a place to live, employment, and education; Sharp-Jeffs, 2015a). Yount, Krause, and VanderEnde (2016) recently used the term “economic coercion” to describe the same economic abusive behaviors identified by others (Adams et al., 2008; Postmus, Plummer, & Stylianou, 2016) in which an abuser attempts to control the partner’s ability to acquire, use, and maintain resources.
It is important to note that much of the available literature describes a range of controlling behaviors or tactics which may keep victims of IPV financially dependent and socially isolated, often, in place of a definition. Some of the tactics of economic abuse include reduced access to savings and assets (Braaf & Barrett Meyering, 2010), deliberately causing housing insecurity by damaging property or not making rent or mortgage payments (Valentine & Breckenridge, 2016), and malicious interference with workforce and educational participation (Breckenridge, Walden, & Flax, 2014).
Measuring Economic Abuse
The measures used in studies on IPV may include items that ask about forms of economic or financial abuse; however, without identifying such abuse as a focus of the work, they fail to reliably capture the scope, complexity, or magnitude of the abuse. For example, Outlaw (2009) included one question about economic abuse as part of the National Violence Against Women Survey and then concluded that economic abuse was a rare phenomenon, occurring less than physical abuse.
Other studies have included more than one question on economic abuse but again, fail to identify the term as a focus of the work. Instead, the questions are frequently integrated into emotional or psychological abuse scales or subscales. For example, the Abusive Behavior Inventory (ABI; Shepard & Campbell, 1992) has two subscales—Physical and Psychological—in which a few questions on economic abuse are part of the Psychological Abuse subscale. Similarly, the Index of Spouse Abuse Hudson & McIntosh, 1981) had physical and Non-Physical Abuse subscales in which the Non-Physical Abuse subscale included two questions on economic abuse; however, the term was never mentioned in the reporting of the results. The Psychological Maltreatment of Women Inventory (PMWI; Tolman, 1989) has five questions on economic abuse as part of the long form; however, the short form only retained one question.
Other researchers included questions on economic abuse without recognizing they had done so. For example, Lloyd (1997) used an expanded version of the Conflict Tactics Scale to include questions around work sabotage efforts, which is a form of economic abuse. Although not naming economic abuse, the qualitative portion of this study provided illustrations of what could be understood as employment sabotage, economic exploitation, and economic control. Similarly, Tolman and Wang (2005) focused on employment sabotage efforts that abusers use against victims in their literature review; unfortunately, they failed to mention or include questions on economic or financial abuse in their measure of abuse.
Finally, Weaver, Sanders, Campbell, and Schnabel (2009) created the Domestic Violence–Related Financial Issues Scale (DV-FI) that included a subscale on economic abuse as part of their evaluation of a financial literacy program. This subscale only included five questions, of which three focused on credit card debt and credit rating and failed to capture a wider view of the phenomenon.
Adams, Sullivan, Bybee, and Greeson (2008) created the first Scale of Economic Abuse (SEA) from several sources such as existing research and from interviews with advocates and IPV survivors. The researchers started with a 120-item scale covering several concepts of economic abuse including preventing women’s resource acquisition, preventing women’s use of resources, and exploiting women’s resources. After further testing, the final scale included 28 questions and two subscales including economic exploitation and economic control.
Postmus et al. (2016) further tested the SEA and reduced the items to 12 questions, naming it the SEA-12. From their analyses, they found three conceptual categories of economic abuse—economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. Further testing of the SEA-12 with a new sample of survivors found that the SEA-12 was a reliable and valid measure of economic abuse and that such abuse is distinctly different from physical, emotional, and sexual abuse (Stylianou et al., 2013). Additionally, the testing found that the three constructs were also uniquely different from each other and from other forms of abuse.
While it is clear from a preliminary review of the literature that economic abuse may be reported by victims of IPV, research to date subsumes economic abuse into the categories of emotional or psychological abuse, fails to report the findings as economic abuse, or does not report the results of the limited number of survey questions at all. Additionally, the recent publications of a scale for economic abuse has had limited testing with varied samples of survivors; they were also only tested with samples in the United States. Hence, the measurement of economic abuse in IPV is limited. Additionally, there have been no studies which have attempted to systematically review the ways in which it has been measured internationally.
Method
The purpose of this study was to provide greater clarity on how the peer-reviewed global literature defines and measures economic or financial abuse and then to provide implications based on an analysis of this literature. The questions framing this study include (1) how do researchers define economic/financial abuse? and (2) how do researchers measure economic/financial abuse?
Search Strategy
We conducted a comprehensive review between April 2016 and May 2017 of main databases in the following fields: social work, sociology, psychology, public policy, gender and women’s studies, criminal justice, and economics. Databases searched included: Social Work Abstracts (EBSCO), Social Services Abstracts, Family and Society Studies Worldwide, PAIS International, PsychiatryOnline, PsychINFO (including PsychARTICLES), Sociological Abstracts, ProQuest Sociology, PubMed, Business Source Premier, Econlit, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, Academic Search Premier, GenderWatch, Women’s Studies International, and Criminal Justice Abstracts. Search terms included: (1) “financial abuse,” (2) “economic abuse,” (3) “economic security AND abuse,” and (4) a combination of all three (“financial abuse” OR “economic abuse” OR “economic security AND abuse”). Search terms, when entered as a string, used “OR” between individual search terms to minimize overlap in search results while still ensuring that all relevant articles would be captured for each string term. There was no limit on the year in which the article could be published. Due to the large number of results in each search, the search was limited to peer-reviewed, scholarly literature. Articles were limited to those published in the English language.
Inclusion Criteria
The database search resulted in 274 articles that addressed financial or economic abuse in the context of IPV, elder abuse, system-related abuse, abuse and disability, and child abuse. This was narrowed to 80 articles that specifically related to IPV or VAW. Although we recognize that IPV is a gendered problem with most victims identified as female, to be exhaustive in our search for research on economic abuse, we included any studies in peer-reviewed journals regardless of the gender of the perpetrator or the victim.
An analysis of the 80 articles was first done to identify whether economic or financial abuse was mentioned as a main focus (n = 33) of the article (i.e., economic abuse was a variable in the analyses and the article included an in-depth discussion of these results) or as a semifocus (n = 47) of the article (i.e., economic abuse was a variable but was not the specific focus of the article). Upon further analysis, three articles were removed due to publication in nonacademic sources and one article was removed as it was a research proposal, narrowing the articles for consideration to 76 articles. Reference lists of key authors, identified based on our familiarity with their work, and articles examining the measurement of economic abuse, were then reviewed to determine whether any additional articles should be included. This resulted in the addition of one article for analysis for a total of 77 articles.
Decisions about the inclusion of articles in analysis at this stage involved two steps of evaluation, which resulted in the removal of eight articles, leaving 69 articles. Articles were then further excluded from analysis if they did not clearly define economic/financial abuse and provide additional examples of tactics. For example, articles were excluded from analysis if their focus was on a general IPV measure and included items that would be categorized as economic/financial abuse by experts in this area but did not name them or categorize them as such (n = 2). Additionally, articles where the multidimensional construct was called something other than economic/financial abuse (i.e., economic coercion, financial coercive control) were also excluded (n = 2). This left 65 articles remaining for consideration. Finally, all eight conceptual articles and 11 qualitative only studies were removed. These articles, while providing interesting information and theories about economic abuse, did not define or test this form of abuse which is the key focus on this study. In the end, this left the analysis to focus on 46 articles examining economic abuse in a quantitative (n = 42) or mixed methods (n = 4) capacity.
Data Extraction and Analysis
An in-depth analysis of the full length of each article was conducted to gather relevant data. These data included the type of research conducted (i.e., quantitative, mixed method), sample characteristics, the country where the research took place, the study setting, how authors referred to the construct (i.e., economic abuse/financial abuse/something else), how authors defined economic/financial abuse and the specific tactics included in the introduction and background sections of their manuscripts, the characteristics of tools used to measure economic abuse presented in the methods and results sections of each manuscript, and the manner in which economic abuse was used in the research conducted (i.e., independent/predictor variable, dependent/outcome variable, measurement development). The data were then analyzed through constant comparison methods to extract answers to our questions guiding this study. To complement this inductive analysis approach, we also used a deductive or a priori approach to understanding how economic or financial abuse was defined. This a priori approach was based on the knowledge of the theoretical and measurement development literature on economic or financial abuse in which we used the three constructs of economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. These inductive and deductive approaches to the analysis allowed us to acknowledge our own biases around constructs related to economic abuse while also allowing for the possibility of additional constructs to derive from the literature.
Results
The 46 peer-reviewed articles that met all inclusion criteria for analysis came from a range of countries across six continents. The majority of articles (17) came from research conducted in the United States. Four articles came from South Africa. Three articles came from research in Canada or Palestine. Two articles came from the UK, Ivory Coast, and the Philippines. One article from each of the following countries was also included: Australia, Germany, Iran, Japan, Lebanon, Pakistan, Nigeria, South Korea, Tanzania, Trinidad, Turkey, and Zimbabwe. One article was derived from a multicountry study conducted in Asia and the Pacific.
Overall, 18 studies examined economic abuse with victims. Thirteen of the studies included samples of female victims who were recruited using various methods from community settings, domestic violence agencies and shelters, health-care settings, or an Individual Development Account savings program for IPV victims. One study focused on gay and bisexual male victims from HIV agencies serving men of color. One study included a random sample of both male and female victims from a nationally representative survey. One study compared the experiences of a sample of female perpetrators of abuse (as victims) in an offenders’ program with a sample of female victims in a shelter setting. Two studies compared the experiences (as victims and perpetrators of abuse) of convenience samples of female survivors staying in women’s shelters, male and female college students, and male prisoners.
There were 26 studies that recruited participants from the general population of women and/or men. This included 20 studies that examined the construct with a general sample of women. These women were recruited from the community using various methods, from health-care settings, from microfinance programs, or by using a random sample of women from nonrepresentative samples or from nationally or geographically representative samples. One study examined the construct with a sample of men (as potential perpetrators) that was representative of each of nine site samples across multiple countries. Five studies examined the construct with both men and women using a convenience sample from the community, or using a random sample obtained from a nationally representative survey, from a military management system, or from a college campus.
Overall, two studies examined the concept with service providers. One of these studies included a sample of lawyers and advocates working in the field. The other study surveyed medical students who would potentially treat patients who had experienced IPV. Please refer to Table 1 for a description of the articles.
Description of Articles.
Note. n = 46. ABI = Abusive Behavior Inventory; CCB = Checklist of Controlling Behaviors; DV-FI = Domestic Violence–Related Financial Issues Scale; CBS = Controlling Behaviors Scale; SEA = Scale of Economic Abuse; SEA-12 = Scale of Economic Abuse-12; CTS = Conflict Tactics Scale.
How Economic/Financial Abuse Is Defined
Table 2 provides information on how economic abuse was defined and measured in the 46 articles. Each citation includes a brief description and whether: (1) economic abuse was clearly defined or not, (2) economic abusive tactics were included or not, and (3) which constructs were captured in the definition/tactics.
How Economic Abuse Is Measured and Defined in the Global Peer-Reviewed Literature.
Overall, 20 articles included a clear definition of economic/financial abuse and/or listed more than one tactic used by perpetrators to illustrate the construct in the introduction or background section of the manuscript. Upon analysis, these tactics were thematically captured under the three constructs identified in theoretical and measurement development literature including economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. Of the 20 articles with a clear definition and/or description of abusive tactics, 14 articles covered tactics that could fall under all three constructs of economic abuse. Three articles included tactics that would fall under the categories of economic control and economic exploitation. Two articles included tactics that only covered economic control. One article included tactics that are categorized as economic control and employment sabotage. The remaining 26 articles contained no clear definition of economic abuse or tactics used.
Overall, the construct of economic control received the most attention in definitions, as every article with a clear definition either named the construct or included tactics that illustrate this construct in its definition of economic abuse (n = 20). Such economic control tactics included: restricting access to finances, refusing to contribute financially for necessities or other items, restricting access to financial information or involvement with financial decision-making, and controlling the household spending. This was followed by economic exploitation (n = 17) and employment sabotage (n = 15). Economic exploitation included tactics such as misusing family finances; damaging property; stealing property, money, or identities; going into debt through coercion or in secret; kicking the victim out of the living situation; using wealth as a weapon or as a threat; selling necessary household or personal items; restricting access to health care or insurance; and denying or restricting access to transportation. Employment sabotage tactics included anything related to interfering with or preventing a partner from work.
How Economic/Financial Abuse Is Measured
Researchers used a variety of measures to capture the construct of economic/financial abuse in their studies. A total of 44 articles used quantitative measures to examine the construct of economic abuse, while two articles using mixed methods did not use a specific quantitative measure and presented descriptive statistics based on quantified qualitative data. Of the articles that used a specific measure to capture economic abuse, most used measures that covered all three constructs (n = 17). This was followed by articles using measures covering both economic control and economic exploitation (n = 14), and then by articles using measures that only captured economic control (n = 6). Three articles used measures capturing both economic control and employment sabotage. One article used a measure capturing economic exploitation and employment sabotage. Three articles did not provide specific measurement information. Overall, economic control received the most attention across measures used in articles (n = 40). This was followed by economic exploitation (n = 32) and then employment sabotage (n = 21).
Researchers quantified economic abuse in the following ways: used a specific validated tool, included economic abuse items within a broader IPV measurement tool, or identified economic abuse through a number of questions not in any measurement tool. Five articles used validated tools that specifically measured the construct of economic abuse. Two of these articles used the SEA, which captures and explicitly names the constructs of economic control and economic exploitation. Two of these articles used the SEA-12, a revised version of the SEA, which captures and names as such the constructs of economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage.
A number of articles used general IPV measurement tools that also included items that capture the construct of economic abuse. In each case, these items were representative of a combination of economic control, economic exploitation, and/or employment sabotage but were not named as such. One of these articles used the ABI Psychological Abuse subscale-12, in which economic abuse was a subscale of psychological abuse, capturing the construct of economic control. The Checklist of Controlling Behaviors was used in two articles and included an economic abuse subscale capturing economic control and economic exploitation. The DV-FI was used in one article and included a subscale for economic abuse that captured all three constructs. Two articles used different revised versions of the Conflict Tactics Scale, one covering the constructs of economic control and economic exploitation, and the other covering the constructs of economic exploitation and employment sabotage. One article used a modified form of the Abuse Assessment Screen Questionnaire but did not provide detail about the question(s) that addressed economic abuse. Two articles used the Controlling Behaviors Scale including items that captured the constructs of economic control and employment sabotage.
Some articles did not use specific tools to measure economic abuse but instead included a series of items chosen by the researchers to represent the construct. Five articles used only 1 item to measure economic abuse. The item in each of these five articles captured economic control. Nine articles used a series of 2 items to measure the overall construct. Five of these articles used items that captured economic control and economic exploitation. Four of these articles included items that captured economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. Six articles used a series of 3 items in their measurement of economic abuse. One article captured only economic control. Four articles included items that addressed economic control and economic exploitation. One article captured economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage in its 3-item measure. Four articles used a series of 4 items to measure economic abuse, with one of these articles focusing on economic control and employment sabotage, and the other three focusing on economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. One article used a series of 5 items to measure the overall construct. This measure included items that captured economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage.
Three articles did not state the individual items used in their measure of economic abuse, but one article described characteristics of the measure that captured economic control and economic exploitation in the findings. The other two articles captured the constructs of economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage. Four articles presented an unclear picture of how economic abuse was measured. Two of these articles stated that they used quantitative tools to measure economic abuse but provided no specific information on the items or tools used. The other two articles presenting an unclear picture used mixed methods in data collection and analysis and provided descriptive statistics on quantified qualitative data; however, they did not provide details on any specific quantitative measure used in data collection.
Discussion
This global review of the literature provides answers to our research questions as to how researchers define and measure economic or financial abuse when examining IPV. The review resulted in a large number of peer-reviewed articles coming from countries representing almost all of the continents (excluding Antarctica). However, the number of articles identified (n = 46) is considerably small in comparison to the number of articles that would likely be identified in a global review focused on physical or sexual violence.
Our review suggests there is growing clarity and consistency of terminologies being used in these articles, as well as evidence that economic abuse can be conceptualized as a separate category from emotional abuse. However, further clarity is needed as to whether economic abuse and financial abuse are the same phenomenon and are therefore interchangeable or if they are different but related concepts in the context of IPV. Most of the articles focused on the same aspects of economic abuse including economic exploitation, economic control, and employment sabotage. Yet it is reasonable to question whether there are other aspects of economic or financial abuse that are yet to be included in measures of these forms of abuse. Indeed, further research is needed that is guided by the marital dependence theory (Vyas & Watts, 2008) and the interdependence theory (Rusbult & Van Lange, 2003) which suggest that a survivor’s increased financial dependence on an partner increases her risk for experiencing abuse. Thus, to better understand how and to what extent survivors’ increased access to economic resources might lead to increased independence from abusive relationships, we might also need to learn about the modes of financial entrapment that are used to restrict economic resources beyond those included as part of any measurement used. The limited number of specific questions addressing economic or financial abuse included in large-scale surveys may well influence our understanding of perpetrator strategies simply because we ask respondents to identify a limited range of abusive behaviors.
Additionally, our analysis identified studies that primarily, but not exclusively, focused on females as victims of economic abuse. A few studies included heterosexual, gay, and bisexual male victims from different settings including college campuses, prisons, general communities, HIV agencies, and domestic violence agencies. More research is needed to determine whether economic abuse, like other forms of IPV, is a gendered phenomenon as well as to determine the prevalence of economic abuse with a wide range of samples that include both genders and different sexual orientations as victims and perpetrators.
Our review also identified some consistency in the use of validated measures including the SEA with 28 items or the shortened SEA-12 version with 12 items (see Appendix A for these two measures). Although used more frequently in studies in the United States, questions remain as to the use of these scales in other countries or in other languages. It is also of interest as to whether other distinct questions measuring economic or financial abuse would be more culturally relevant in Hong Kong, for example, than those found to measure the construct in the United States. It is clear that gender does matter when considering cultural differences in the definition and manifestation of economic abuse. For example, in a Chinese population study of sociodemographic factors in domestic violence, Cao, Yang, Wang, and Zhang (2014) stressed the importance of cultural context, pointing to the sharp division of gender roles and responsibility for financial matters being the province of male family members based on Confucian philosophy. Hence, this cultural context fundamentally contributes to gender inequality and particular behavioral forms of IPV. Further testing is needed to determine the impact of cultural and linguistic nuances, particularly in the administration of surveys where there is no opportunity to clarify or reframe a question. For example, the SEA-12 is currently being administered in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Australia, and New Zealand to test its cultural utility.
Additionally, conceptual clarity is needed when considering use of the terms financial and economic abuse with other specific population groups such as older people. We purposefully removed articles about economic exploitation or abuse among the elderly in nonintimate relationships since such abuse is not entirely the same as IPV. Conceptually, it is important to distinguish between IPV with older couples and elder abuse where the perpetrator is not the survivor’s partner. This is pertinent as some research has suggested that the “patterning” of abuse may change over the length of the relationship, with physical abuse decreasing and emotional, financial, and sexual abuse increasing with age over time (Bows, 2015). Such abuse by an intimate partner would be a fundamentally different phenomenon to abuse occurring in older age from a family member or caregiver. Further exploration is needed to better understand the intersection between economic abuse that is perpetrated within an intimate relationship and age, as well as potential differences when perpetrated by extended family members and caregivers.
This review, while thorough in its efforts to unearth as many articles as possible, was narrowly focused on the measurement of economic and financial abuse. This review may also not have found all articles due to differences in terminology. Additionally, this review only captured English language articles; there may be research on economic or financial abuse published in other languages (e.g., Spanish or Mandarin). We only included peer-reviewed articles with full or partial quantitative focus; additional work is needed to examine the gray literature, conceptual articles, and qualitative articles. Australia is an example of a country where the work on economic abuse and economic security is primarily funded by government and subsequently appears in the gray literature as opposed to peer-reviewed publications.
Finally, it would be useful to establish at what point and in which contexts the gendered division of the management of financial resources and economic opportunities in intimate relationships actually becomes financial control and abuse. There is literature (mostly in the financial realm) about the difference between financial management (i.e., paying bills and managing households) and financial control (i.e., making decisions around how money is spent). However, less is known about this difference in the context of IPV, or in varied cultural contexts where gender role expectations may directly influence what is understood as economic or financial abuse, or not.
Implications
This review of the peer-reviewed literature provides a framework that IPV researchers should consider when studying, naming, and measuring economic or financial abuse. Since this research is in its “infancy,” there are some key strategies for developing knowledge and evidence in the future. The emerging framework presented includes three main categories of tactics; in furthering research in this area, it is worth considering whether there are tactics of economic abuse that we have yet to identify. For example, the development of digital technologies has increased the types of surveillance tactics that perpetrators now employ as part of their coercive control; there may be economic abuse tactics that are yet to be identified as such. To strengthen the research, we need to have stronger collaborative efforts to use similar measures and terminology. Part of that collaborative effort is to consider how language and cultural differences may play a part in our understanding of economic or financial abuse. There is also a need to collect prevalence data and to study the impact of economic abuse in the short term AND long term for victims. Research is also needed to better understand how perpetrators use economic or financial abuse as part of their overall strategy to control partners (Table 3)
Implications.
Additionally, there is a need to focus on economic or financial abuse in practice settings. Such focus should include ensuring that practitioners have the relevant knowledge and skills for assessing and responding to economic abuse, developing and testing interventions that address economic or financial abuse, and improving survivors’ economic security. There is evidence suggesting that women may not always identify their experiences of financial control and abuse or distinguish these from their experience of gendered financial management. Hence, it is crucial that advocates are clear of these distinctions and work with women to make transparent the perpetrator’s use of strategies and tactics of economic and financial abuse. Several studies exist that evaluate economic empowerment programs or financial literacy programs (Postmus, Hetling, & Hoge, 2015; Sanders, Weaver, & Schnabel, 2007); however, these studies are limited to the United States and are limited in their scope of program materials. Further research is needed to determine whether improving ones financial knowledge decreases the impact of experiencing economic or financial abuse as it does on improving survivors’ access to resources, economic self-efficacy, or economic self-sufficiency.
Finally, economic abuse can cause severe material deprivation for women and can prevent them from becoming economically secure and independent (Corrie, 2016). Economic abuse most often results in a lack of financial resources making it difficult to leave a violent relationship and providing the impetus for some women to feel they have no choice but to return to that relationship (McLaren, 2013). The theories of marital dependency and interdependence (Rusbult & Van Lange, 2003; Vyas & Watts, 2008) could provide greater understanding into how economic abuse is used by abusers to trap their partners in the relationship. As with all manifestations of IPV, economic abuse affects women from all socioeconomic groups and geographic locations. However, there is no doubt that intersections of vulnerability include disability, older people, indigeneity, and certain cultural, racial, or ethnic backgrounds.
Footnotes
Appendix A
Authors' Note
Nicola Sharp-Jeffs is now affiliated to Surviving Economic Abuse in London, UK.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The work for this manuscript was funded by the Rutgers University, Rutgers Global.
