Abstract
Chicanas and Latinas are still severely underrepresented in higher education. Much of the previous literature focuses on the barriers to their success. This article highlights studies related to Chicana Feminism and the ways this perspective can positively impact college attainment and success. The authors conclude by discussing implications of biculturalism and further recommendations developing biculturalism among Chicanas and Latinas.
The underrepresentation of Chicanas in higher education is abysmal. Among both Chicanos and Chicanas, the majority are in the two-year community college system and few transfer to four year colleges (Chacón & Cohen, 1982). Unfortunately, although this data is from the early 1980s, not much has changed in the landscape of higher education for Chicanas. Although high school dropout rates have decreased for Hispanic students from 32% to 12%, there has been little increase in enrollment at colleges (Krogstad, 2016). As of 2014, 35% of Hispanics of traditional college age (18-24) were enrolled in higher education and 48% of those enrolled did so at a 2-year college, and only 15% of Hispanics aged 25 to 29 held bachelors or higher degrees (Krogstad, 2016). Furthermore, only 10% of Latinas between the ages of 18 and 29 hold bachelor degrees (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). Hispanic and Latino women (Latinas) remain the most poorly educated of all ethnic groups and are underrepresented in college degree attainment at all levels (Ceja, 2004; Espinoza, 2010; Kompare, 2014; Rodriguez, Guido-DiBrito, & Torres, 2000; Vasquez, 1982).
Currently in the field of higher education, there is a focus on retaining male Latino students who are struggling to succeed in college (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2012). As male Latinos are struggling at higher rates (to enroll and graduate), research and interventions often focus on this population (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2012). However, this should not distract from the underrepresentation and low education attainment of female Latina students. Even though Latinas are enrolling in higher education at the same rates as non-Latinas, they are less likely to graduate (Espinoza, 2010). Latinx students are also less likely to enroll in 4-year institutions directly upon completion of high school; instead, these students are typically funneled into the community college system (Ceja, 2004; Sy, 2006; Vasquez, 1982). The Latina student population is also often absent from higher education research, even with data to support the need for further knowledge and understanding of this population (González, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Besides being one of the largest and fastest growing populations among the Hispanic/Latinx groups, Mexican American women (Chicanas) in particular have the lowest education attainment rates (Graff, McCain, & Gomez-Vilchis, 2013; Kena et al., 2015; Vela et al., 2016; Vera & de los Santos, 2005).
Until recently, much of the past research on Latinas has been based on a deficiency model (Gándara, 1982; Kouyoumdjian, Guzmán, Talavera-Bustillos, & Garcia, 2017; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Much of the literature and research about Latinas discusses the factors that contribute to dropouts and attrition rates (Contreras & Contreras, 2015). Furthermore, literature from the deficit model often outlines the barriers needed to overcome for persistence (Espino, 2016; Rodriguez et al., 2000; Torres & Hernandez, 2007). And yet, Chicanas are succeeding despite the barriers. Thus, it is important to focus on the strength and resilience of Chicana women to understand the factors for their success in higher education and beyond (Espino, 2016). This article will examine the connection between Chicana feminism and the success of Latina women in higher education.
The term Chicana is typically used to define a female of Mexican descent (de la Torre & Pesquera, 1993). This can include those who may identify as Mexican American and U.S. citizens of Mexican ancestry. The umbrella term Latinx may be used to make inferences about data in articles that may also represent Chicanas. Hispanic is a U.S. Census term often used in research to identify people of Spanish-origin. This term may be rejected culturally as an “imposed identifier” (de la Torre & Pesquera, 1993, p. xiii). For the purposes of this article, the terms Chicana and Latina will be used interchangeably.
Chicana Feminism
The history of the feminist movement has not always been inclusive (Hurtado, 1997; Linder, 2016). Women of color have not always felt included in the feminist narrative, often being eliminated from or in direct contest with the larger movement (Hurtado, 1997; Hurtado, 2003; Izgarjan & Markov, 2012; Linder, 2011; Vera & de los Santos, 2005). Liberal feminist scholarship gives importance to patriarchy as the dominant culture by only focusing on commonalities of gender while disregarding issues of race/ethnicity and class; this overlooks how institutions may limit and empower different groups of women (Delgado Bernal, 1998; Hurtado, 2003). This is observed in the history of educational institutions recoiling from brown bodies, adopting systems that will eliminate them from certain spaces (Calderón, Delgado Bernal, Perez Huber, Malagon, & Velez, 2012). The importance of looking beyond the common barriers for women is needed to analyze “how family backgrounds, school practices, male privilege, and class and ethnic discrimination shape Chicanas’ education experiences and choices” (Delgado Bernal, 1998, p. 558). By adopting a Chicana feminist perspective, higher education professional can explore personal relationships and experiences that may not be apparent when using a traditional patriarchal lens or liberal feminist view (Hurtado, 2003). The unique experiences that a Chicana feminist perspective can provide are those linked to issues such as immigration, language, and religion. A Chicana feminist perspective can be achieved over time by deconstructing the effects of class, gender, sexuality, and race (Calderón et al., 2012).
Identity formation theories also rarely consider women of color (Vera & de los Santos, 2005), which directly impact how higher education professionals understand Chicana students and their development. Identity theorists Gilligan (1982) and Josselson (1987) focused on woman’s identity formation and failed to critically analyze and consider the effects of “classism, racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression, especially from Chicanas’ perspectives” (Delgado Bernal, 1998, p. 559). Instead, considering ethnic identity theories when working with Chicana students provides insight into processes like acculturation, a social change process generated by the exposure to two different cultural systems that creates change in both groups (Vera & de los Santos, 2005). The process of acculturation is often experienced by Chicanas in the form of biculturalism or even in the adoption of the mestiza identity (Delgado Bernal, 1998; Vera & de los Santos, 2005).
Biculturalism
Biculturalism can explain how Latinas manage the issues and tensions that come from traversing two different cultures.
A bicultural person is competent in two cultures (Dominguez, 2013), engages in typical behaviors of both cultures, embraces the opportunity to remain involved in practices and lifestyles of both cultures, and feels a sense of belonging to both cultural communities. (Espinoza, 2010, p. 320)
Individuals may exhibit different levels of biculturalism. On the high end of the scale, a blended bicultural identity would integrate both cultures. On the other end, alternating a bicultural identity would switch between cultures always keeping them separate (Espinoza, 2010; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997).
Biculturalism stems from alternation theories aimed to fill in gaps left from assimilation theories investigating the difference in psychological adjustment dependent on how a person has integrated themselves and their original culture into another, typically more predominant, society. According to alternation researchers, biculturalism, the participation in both the original and host cultures (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009), can increase quality of life, self-esteem, psychological adjustment, and family cohesion. There have been correlations found between bicultural identity and academic success of ethnic minorities (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). The development of a bicultural identity can help students better navigate the mainstream society leading to an easier time adjusting into a postsecondary educational environment (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009).
Biculturalism can explain how Latinas manage the issues and tensions that come from traversing two different cultures. Chicanas are often required to live on the perimeter of the mainstream culture, often feeling the difficulty and necessity of navigating the cultural fluidity they must often adopt (Delgado Bernal, 1998). The ability to switch between cultural identities is also sometimes known as bicultural competence (Rischall & Meyers, 2017). The biculturalism framework is important for understanding the navigation of culture at a macro level, but Chicana Feminism can be used to better understand the daily social ethnic identity management of Latinas on the micro level (Espinoza, 2010).
The Mestiza Identity
In response to this constant straddling of two separate cultures, Anzaldúa (1987) introduced the concept of the mestiza identity—a third, hybrid identity sometimes assumed by Chicanas. While the term mestiza/o has been generally understood to be “racial mixing,” used primarily to categorize those of European and Amerindian decent, Anzaldúa reclaims the term as a vision of self, which is the key to creating change and battling oppression (Ortega, 2016). This alternative identity is thought to create a tolerance in Chicanas for inconsistency, ambiguity, and contradiction (Ortega, 2016; Vera & de los Santos, 2005). Adaptability and flexibility are necessary to provide Chicanas the ability to navigate the various cultural expectations. These characteristics could explain highly evolved coping and survival skills applicable to various life challenges allowing for Chicanas’ success in academia and the workplace. The negotiation of the two worlds can generate a sense of pride for and strength from the ethnic culture, instead of viewing the ethnic culture as a disadvantage (Hurtado, 1997; Vera & de los Santos, 2005). Delgado Bernal (2001) asserted the cultural knowledge obtained from a student’s home and community can allow the Chicana student to develop resistance strategies that can aid in the navigation of academia and sexist or racist experiences. The mestiza identity may allow Chicanas to create change to unjust institutional systems while functioning from within the dominant culture (Vera & de los Santos, 2005).
Latinas in Higher Education
Challenges facing Latinas when accessing higher education typically include family support, low socioeconomic status, cultural expectations, stress, and underpreparation. Other research also alludes to external factors of systemic oppression such as racism, sexism, segregation, and lack of opportunity (Gándara, 1982). Much of this research, however, has been conducted from a deficit model and has not focused on those students that are able to succeed in the current system (Gándara, 1982; Rodriguez et al., 2000). It is important that higher education professionals can identify the barriers Latinas confront when accessing higher education and recognize which of those issues existed for students prior to college and which are encountered upon admittance to the institution (Rodriguez et al., 2000).
The deficit model in research has been important in understanding the barriers faced by Latinas when trying to attain postsecondary education. The stereotyping of Latina/os as being unsuccessful in traditional education can directly impact Latina education attainment through the integration of those stereotypes into attitudes and identity (Oyserman, Kemmelmeier, Fryberg, Brosh, & Hart-Johnson, 2003; Torres & Hernandez, 2007). However, underrepresented students facing these stereotypes are not just incorporating them into their narrative, but they are also developing strategies to understand and deal with these situations. Oyserman et al. (2003) proposed a model to better understand ethnic minorities’ relationship with education and their “racial-ethnic self-schema” (RES). This study placed value on the importance of focusing on racial/ethnic identity development in relation to the larger society culture with the intention of increasing academic performance. Within a self-schema framework model, a RES that is both relatable to their racial-ethnic identity and the larger society leads to prolonged engagement and academic success (Oyserman et al., 2003).
The primary factors leading to Latina/o student success is often family support and an established internal locus of control, described as having a sense of control over one’s future (Sciarra & Whitson, 2007). However, Latina/os may typically subscribe to an externalized locus of control, thought to be culturally characterized as fatalismo, resignation to one’s fate (Sciarra & Whitson, 2007). Therefore, it is important to invest in and nurture the development of Latina students’ internal locus of control to aid in postsecondary education attainment (Sciarra & Whitson, 2007). Other factors that have been determined to be predictors of persistence for Latina education attainment include socioeconomic status, being female, ability to navigate stress, responsibility toward others, and the value placed on education (Sciarra & Whitson, 2007; Wintre & Bowers, 2007; Zalaquett, 2006).
Student Success
Even though Latina education attainment is poor when compared with other minorities and non-Latina White women, their retention numbers and enrollment in higher education are often better than their Latino male counterparts (Rodriguez et al., 2000; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2012). Latinas have also seen the largest increase in associate and bachelor’s degrees conferred since the 1990s (González, Jovel, & Stoner, 2004). It is important to ascertain what may be contributing to the success of Latinas in college so that higher education professionals and administrators can provide the resources and support necessary to maintain this success. Latinas may be surpassing Latino males in academia because of Chicana feminism and the strengths gained from biculturalism or the mestiza identity (Delgado Bernal, 1998; Dominguez, 2013; Rischall & Meyers, 2017). Some other possible factors for success identified by research are the mother–daughter relationship, nonauthoritarian parenting, integrated schooling, marital status/children, and sex/gender roles (Cavazos et al., 2010; Rodriguez et al., 2000).
Family Support
Familismo is the cultural value held by many Latinas that prioritizes family over individual interests; it stresses loyalty, reciprocity, and solidarity (Espinoza, 2010; Sy, 2006; Sy & Romero, 2008). This value is more likely to be central to Latina education and career decisions than the dominant White culture value of family relationships and is still present among later generations of Latino families (Sy & Romero, 2008). However, research has provided both positive and negative effects when determining the role that family plays in the success of Latinas in higher education (Sy, 2006). Strong family ties and family support are linked to academic success for Latinas, and research showed that Latino families place high value on education for their children (Cavazos et al., 2010; Ceja, 2004; Espinoza, 2010; Sy, 2006). But, Latino culture also values family needs and the self-sacrificing role of women, also known as marianismo (Sy, 2006; Sy & Romero, 2008), which can lead to the expectation that women forego higher education to instead help take care of the family. Because family is important, other limitations on the pursuit of education may be marriage and the desire to have children (Graff et al., 2013; Vasquez, 1982). Feminist theory emphasizes the importance of the mother–daughter relationship and the positive impact this relationship can have on how Latinas view and prioritize education within their own life (Gándara, 1982; Kompare, 2014; Sy, 2006). By utilizing the mestiza identity and bicultural orientation, Latinas may be able to navigate being a good student and being a good daughter more easily, similar to their navigation of living in two different cultures at once (Espinoza, 2010; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Even though parents may be supportive and encouraging of their daughters to achieve a college education, lack of ability to contribute financially can negatively impact Latinas and can cause higher dropout rates (Cavazos et al., 2010; Vasquez, 1982).
Socioeconomic Status
Significant inequalities in socioeconomic status leads to negative impacts on Latina education achievement (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Low socioeconomic status can lead to Latina students having access to less preparatory programs, nonintegrated schools, and more pressure to work while in school (Gándara, 1982; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Latinas who enroll in 4-year institutions immediately after high school may be underprepared for university courses (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Women who typically succeed at achieving higher degrees have access to integrated schooling and often the families are already experiencing upward financial mobility (Gándara, 1982). Financial concerns once admitted into college can contribute to stress levels of Latina students which can directly impact their academic work (Rodriguez et al., 2000; Vasquez, 1982). These financial concerns may also lead to the need to work while in school, which creates another stressor for this population of students (Rodriguez et al., 2000; Sy, 2006).
Resiliency
A theory of resiliency is a conceptual framework that can help higher education professionals understand how Latina students succeed despite the challenges mentioned above (Cavazos et al., 2010; Ceja, 2004). This theory of resiliency can be linked to the concept of the mestiza identity, using many of the same strengths and coping mechanisms highlighted within this identity. Resilient children are often able to manipulate and shape their environments, similar to the navigation that occurs with biculturalism and the mestiza identity. Educators must teach resilient behaviors to this population to create internal strengths in these students for the future (Cavazos et al., 2010). While setting goals for this population is important, the only way these goals will be accomplished is if Latina students exhibit self-belief (Cavazos et al., 2010). Resiliency should encourage individuals to develop a critical perspective of their experiences, which can help Latina students understand and make sense of their marginalized social conditions (Cavazos et al., 2010). This critical perspective is often evident in Latinas who succeed in higher education courses and programs, which also aid in their recognition and naming of the source of their oppression (Vera & de los Santos, 2005).
Implications
It is important for higher education professionals and administrators to consider all areas of the university that can be used to support Latinas in their pursuit of higher education. As one of the fastest growing ethnic populations, and women of color, it is important for educators to invest in better educational outcomes for Latinas (González et al., 2003). There must be a demonstrated commitment to Latina students’ success in areas such as financial aid, academic support systems, social/cultural support systems, and campus environment (Rodriguez et al., 2000). More scholarships, grants, and funding should be offered and awarded to Latinas to aid them in the financial obligation of higher education. The more financial support they have from the institution, the less stress will be placed on Latinas when it comes to family contribution and the need for part-time work while in school (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Because of the possibility of being underprepared for college due to poor schooling systems, individual guidance and assistance for the adjustment to the college academic environment is beneficial (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Assistance programs that focus on the additional stresses Latinas may face will also lead to better retention of these students (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Mentorship programs may increase this transition and promote bicultural competence (Rischall & Meyers, 2017). However, relying solely on mentorship programs may continue to prove to be difficult because of the lower percentage of faculty/staff that identify as Latina currently hired at higher education institutions, which may be caused by the problems addressed in this review. Until college enrollment and attainment for Latinas is addressed, mentorship programs may be difficult to facilitate depending on the demographics of the campus. However, utilizing peer mentorships or community partnership may be another option (Bordes & Arredondo, 2005).
Marginalization and stereotyping is still prevalent in the higher education institutional culture making it important to provide cultural centers and peer groups for Latina students (Rodriguez et al., 2000). Higher education professionals and administrators should foster a campus environment that encourages student diversity and equity and intercultural relationships (Rischall & Meyers, 2017; Rodriguez et al., 2000). Higher education professionals, administrators, and university faculty need to understand the cultural values of this student population and support students in these values instead of criticizing them (Cavazos et al., 2010). Continuing to connect the student with their family, whether close or far away, is important to the potential success of Latina students (González et al., 2004; Graff et al., 2013).
The holistic development of students into successful, contributing members of society is a primary goal of student affairs administrators and an important part of that development is helping students understand their own identity and strengths (Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009). However, much of our focus on the identity development of ethnic minorities falls on the racial-ethnic identity of the individual and not on the impacts of identity formation and development specifically in the unique college environment or mainstream society. It is important for student affairs professionals to better understand how to cultivate biculturalism in Latina students and support both cultural identities positively. Biculturalism has shown to develop many of the positive strengths associated with persistence in postsecondary education for Latinas and therefore should be used as a retention strategy (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009; LaFromboise et al., 1993). The Chicana Feminist theory and mestiza identity navigate away from the deficit model by identifying a unique strength and ability possessed by Chicana’s and rooted in their culture that can be a primary factor for their success in postsecondary education.
By utilizing Chicana Feminism, student affairs professionals can help to foster the continued appreciation for Latina culture and also positively integrate Latina culture into the culture of the institution, further developing a bicultural identity in their students. The important consideration is that the student affairs role should not be to only equip these students for success in an institution that was not historically created for them to succeed in but to show them how their identity as a Latina in college is also important and should be nurtured. Until systemic issues are corrected within the current postsecondary institutions, we will continue to have to find ways to help our underrepresented students use their strengths to overcome a system that was not created for them. By helping Latina students navigate their one foot in both worlds, we can increase Latina college education attainment, retention, and success.
Conclusion
Chicanas’ cultural strengths remain unacknowledged in many environments. Chicanas can benefit from understanding and utilizing the strength they obtain from biculturalism and the mestiza identity. By considering the connection this identity has with the Chicana feminist perspective and resilience theory, higher education professionals can cultivate this powerful, positive model in support programs and services. Even though female Latina students are enrolling in college more often than male Latino students, Latinas are still struggling to compare with other minority groups and non-Latina White women in degree obtainment. Because of this struggle, higher education researchers should be more intentional about including this population in studies so that administrators will be able to better support these students and promote their success.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Author’s Note
Victoria Carrillo is now affiliated with Louisiana State University.