A Historical Accounting of the Founding of Latina Sisterhood During a Time of Racial Tension in the Midwest

Abstract

Spanish

This historical accounting focuses on the founding of Gamma Phi Omega, the first Latina sorority founded at Indiana University during a time of racial tensions on campus. This work contributes to historical scholarship about the Latina college experience by describing how a small group of Latinas navigated predominantly white spaces and were able to create an all-women organization that produced community leaders and advocates tasked with creating culturally affirming spaces for Latinxs on campus.

Keywords

history sorority engagement racism Latina women

In examining the history of higher education, Latinxs¹ have been mainly absent from the narrative of higher education (Hernández & Orozco, 2019). Their presence has been largely ignored from historians’ depictions of early college history (Horowitz, 1987; Thelin, 2004), as well as texts focusing on women (Solomon, 1985) and minorities (Fass, 1989). Latinos only began to appear in some significance in the accounting of student activism during the late 1960s and early 1970s, mainly focusing on Mexican American men in the West who were involved in the Chicano movement (Mariscal, 2005; Navarro, 2005; Rhoads, 2016). Women were also key leaders of the Movimiento, but their contributions are largely absent from the histories, thus rendering them relatively invisible in higher education history (Tudico, 2010). There is even less knowledge of the history of Latina college women in the Midwest. While there were undoubtedly few in this region of the United States, their lack of inclusion in the larger historical narrative of higher education should not lead to the conclusion that they did not contribute to the histories of institutions such as Indiana University (IU).

This historical accounting focuses on the founding of Gamma Phi Omega, the first Latina sorority founded at Indiana University in 1991. Using critical race theory, this historical accounting describes the extent to which they embraced and defied prescribed gender roles and the role that they played as institutional brokers by serving as mediators between the Latinx community and institutional administrators and campus leaders during the 1990s, a time when there was high racial tension on campus and few Latinas were recognized as leaders on campus. This work contributes to historical scholarship about the Latina college experience by describing how a small group of Latinas navigated predominantly white spaces and organizational structures and were able to create an all-women organization that produced community leaders and advocates tasked with creating culturally affirming spaces for Latinxs on campus.

The historical analysis is drawn from document analysis of university archival data, the Indiana Daily Student (IDS) campus newspaper and other local papers, public institutional documents, and organizational websites. As ethnicity, race, and racism were central to this historical accounting, Critical Race Theory (CRT) was used as a theoretical framework to examine how Latina women at IU navigated and managed their ways through institutional spaces and policies. The use of theory in historical work “lights up certain aspects of a story—or makes visible stories that otherwise could not be seen” and gives a historical story “its dramatic structure” (Beadie, 2011, p. 212). We followed Ladson-Billings and Tate’s (2009) three propositions for CRT to inform our critical analysis of this historical event. The first proposition states that race (and racialized ethnicities, such as Latinx) is a significant factor in determining inequity in the U.S. The second proposition states that U.S. society is based on property rights. In this historical accounting, property rights included the ownership of one’s own organization and the recognition, status, and access to resources from membership in the university’s powerful Greek community. The third proposition states that the intersection of race and property rights can create an analytic tool to understand social and educational inequities. The intersection of race/ethnicity and property rights was central to this historical accounting as it examined the struggle for Latinas to stake a claim in the Greek community and gain the benefits of such membership. To begin, the history of fraternities and sororities is reviewed, focusing on Latina/o Greek-letter organizations (LGLOs). Then, the story of Gamma Phi Omega’s founding is revealed.

History of Fraternities and Sororities

This review of the history of fraternities and sororities reveals commonalities in the reasons for their founding, their role in their members’ college experience, and member characteristics. The first fraternity, Phi Beta Kappa, was founded in 1776 at William and Mary College. This organization offered scholarly activities for its members, friendships, and social events that gave some respite from class work and religious training. Feelings of dissatisfaction with the status quo and university administration initially united the members, and they often became targets of university disdain because their presence made it clear the university community was falling short of meeting their expectations for a fulfilling collegiate experience (Torbenson, 2009). The students’ need for connection, support, and to create their own social activities were the primary motivators that led to the creation of this fraternal organization and many others that followed.

A pattern of member exclusivity, elitism, and actions began early on and has continued to the present day. In early American higher education, those who attended were the sons of wealthy families who were Protestant and White; thus, the first fraternity members were wealthy, Protestant, and White. The earliest fraternal organizations were oftentimes secretive and exclusive in membership. Exclusivity in these white men-only organizations led to discrimination, resulting in the newcomers who were Jewish, women, and Black being shut out of these organizations. So, they created their own organizations (Barber et al., 2014). Alpha Delta Pi was the first sorority established in 1851 (History, 2024). It was originally a secret society for women, defined as an organization that utilizes secret rituals, oaths, and symbols amongst its members (Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, 2024), called the Adelphean Society. This organization was followed by Zeta Beta Tau Jewish fraternity in 1903. Alpha Phi Alpha was the first Greek-letter fraternity for African American men founded in 1906. As the diversity of students proliferated on campus, more fraternities and sororities were founded by minoritized groups of students based on race, ethnicity, sexual identity, abilities, and religion throughout the 20th century (Torbenson, 2009). These organizations, often the result of being denied membership in historically white fraternities and sororities, served these students by providing the opportunity to create bonds with peers who shared a common identity and culture; they functioned as support systems that helped them deal with racism and discrimination on campus (Barber et al., 2014).

Latino/a Fraternity and Sorority Origins and Expansion

Latino Greek letter organizations provide support and resources to its members in ways that distinguish them from other Greek letter organizations where students’ Latinx cultural background would not be valued (Garcia, 2019), Latinx cultural organizations that are often too large, or even Latinx professional organizations (Arellano, 2020). While there may have been various culturally based organizations and opportunities for Latinos to get involved in their campus community and make connections with their peers, they desired the prestige, elitism, and familial resources only gained via membership in Greek organizations. Indeed, “Latin@ Greek letter organizations occupy a very unique empowering space . . . that cannot be replicated anywhere else on campus” (Arellano, 2020, p. 296). LGLOs’ principles of academics, community service, validation, and familial bonds support Latinx students holistically in ways that academic, professional, and Latinx cultural organizations do not have the capacity to do (Arellano, 2020).

There is disagreement about what the first Latino fraternity was because of differences in opinion in defining what “Latino” means. It may mean international students from Latin America and Spain, or it may refer to domestic students of Latin American descent. Phi Iota Alpha claims to be the first Latino fraternity. Its origins date back to 1898 at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in New York as a secret society with the mission to “provide a cultural environment for students of Latin America and Spain” (Our History, 2024, para. 1). Lambda Theta Phi also claims to be the first Latino fraternity, asserting that “in 1975, there were no Latino fraternities in existence in the United States,” therefore, they made history by establishing the first Latino fraternity at Kean College in New Jersey (Our History, 2024, para. 2). As noted in the fraternity history, “Lambda’s founders, as men of vision, realized there was a need to unite the Latino students, develop their leadership skills, impart upon them the value of an education, and instill in them a commitment to their community and culture” (Our History, 2024, para. 2).

In 1975, the same month as the founding of the first Latino fraternity at Kean College, the first Latina sorority, Lambda Theta Alpha, was also founded. Their history noted the need to establish an organization that would understand Latino cultural and familial realities and could provide support for Latinas as they navigated an unwelcoming campus environment:

Traditionally, the role of the Latina woman was that of maintaining the family institution and falling into the realm of the machismo stigma. However, as the Latino migration to the United States increased, so did the emergence of independent Latina women who were eager to be at the forefront of an era of a new educational, political and social consciousness. College and university enrollment mirrored this influx. With this growth, the need for support groups and outreach programs were at an all time high, primarily for the low percentage of Latina women in higher education (History, 2022, para. 1).

These newly established Latina/o sororities and fraternities served as a collective voice empowered to advocate for the Latinx community to university administration. They exemplified the historical era labeled as the Principio, or the beginning of the Latina/o Greek-letter movement that contributed to change in Greek life and relations between Latinx students and university administration (Muñoz & Guardia, 2009). While these organizations shared many of the same characteristics and served the same student needs as historically white fraternities and sororities (friendship with like-minded students, meeting social needs not fulfilled by the university), these organizations did not seek to adopt historically White fraternal organizations’ values and culture. Rather, “the men of Lambda Theta Phi, like many LGLOs, were not going to compromise their Latino culture to be Greek: instead they were adding Latino values and ideals to the Greek system” (Muñoz & Guardia, 2009, p. 110).

Muñoz and Guardia (2009) considered the 1980s a decade of growth for LGLOs and identified it as the Fuerza era in LGLO history. This era exemplified substantial development in the number of organizations established and the expansion of LGLOs to regions beyond the New York/New Jersey area to include the West Coast and the Midwest. Latinxs comprised only 6% of the college student population in the U.S. during the late 1980s (Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1999, 1999). It could be concluded that while the numbers were small, there were enough to unite a critical mass motivated by cultural marginalization and the need for culturally affirming support.

The 1990s is considered the Fragmentacíon era in LGLO history, where Latina/o organizations continued to expand across the country, especially Latina sororities. Muñoz and Guardia (2009) characterized this period as fragmented due to the rapid expansion of Latina/o Greek organizations and the founding of many new sororities that were often the result of ineffective communication between existing organizations and prospective members from other campuses or students wishing to create their own organization unique to their campus community. This era was also characterized by LGLOs taking steps to formally integrate themselves into the Greek Life systems on their campus by becoming members of existing fraternity and sorority councils or forming a new multicultural council that would be more aligned with their values and needs as culturally based organizations. The Fragmentacíon era is where the founding of the first Latina sorority at Indiana University is situated. While this historical accounting exemplifies the characteristics of this era of LGLO history, it also illustrates how Latina women in the Midwest navigated an overwhelmingly white campus as first-generation students

Latinas/os and Greek Life at Indiana University

The history of Indiana University’s fraternity and sorority system followed the same pattern of exclusion and discrimination as many other institutions, with some moments of historical significance in the establishment of culturally based fraternal organizations. It is where Kappa Alpha Psi, a historically Black fraternity, was founded in 1911 amidst severe racism and segregation. Black students were prohibited from living in the campus dormitories, using campus facilities, or participating in contact sports (History, 2023).

The Greek Life community at Indiana University continued to grow through the decades, and it truly flourished in the 1980s when it became the largest Greek campus community in the United States. Over 30 fraternities were active on campus, of which 4 were historically Black organizations (Klassen, 1990). Finally, in 1989, Sigma Lambda Beta, the first Latino fraternity, was established at IU. Founded in 1986 at the University of Iowa, this Latino-based fraternity quickly expanded throughout the Midwest and established its eighth chapter at IU (Sigma Lambda Beta History, 2024). This rapid growth signaled that Latino college students were increasing in numbers in the Midwest and were seeking out ways to forge strong connections with each other and reap the benefits of Greek life.

The establishment of a Latino fraternity at IU was remarkable, considering that the number of Latinxs on campus was relatively small at that time numbering approximately 700 students. Latinxs represented about 2% of the 35,000 enrolled at Indiana University in the 1990s (Gender and Ethnic Group of Students, 1996, 1997, 1998). This was a small fraction of the students of color on campus, totaling 8% (Jones, 1992), indicating an overwhelmingly white campus.

The Need for Family, Safety, and Support—Latinas at IU

The few historical documents that provide some context of what it may have been like for Latina women at IU during the late 1980s and early 1990s illustrate a campus environment that was unwelcoming, unsafe, and lacking support for Latina women. In an IDS article titled, Traditional Hispanic families find college decisions difficult, the cultural family dynamics amongst Latino families were described, as well as the impact that these dynamics played on how Latina students navigated college life. Alberto Torchinsky, Dean of Latino Affairs, explained that the “strains . . . compounded by a tendency of Hispanic families to be protective of their daughters, mak[es] it difficult to leave the responsibilities of a traditionally close-knit family” (Milenky, 1990, p. 3). One Latina graduate student quoted in the article commented, “For the daughter, she is often encouraged to go to community college to stay close to home . . . Parents wonder if they are safe and healthy more so than the sons” (Milenky, 1990, p. 3). Another Latina commented that while she felt that men recognized that women have equal ability to become successful professionals, Latino cultural norms strongly value traditional roles for women as mothers, wives, and daughters. She also commented that as a first-generation college student, she found it hard to get through college and could not talk to her parents about her daily struggles because they would most likely want her to leave IU and come home. In other words, Latina college women at IU shared the same issues that other Latina college women across the country experienced—constraining cultural gender role expectations, being first-generation college students, managing their desire to go away to college, and dealing with their parents’ desire for them to stay safe and be close to home (Olivas, 1996).

The need to ensure safety and support for Latina women at IU was a legitimate concern for Latino families. Students of color were targets of racism and harassment, resulting in reports to the university’s Racial Incidents Team totaling 63 for 1990 to 1991, and 70 for 1991 to 1992 (Jones, 1992). These numbers were believed not to reflect the actual number of incidents that occurred because some incidents went unreported for fear of retaliation or the belief that nothing would result from filing a report. A few newspaper articles in the student paper reported how Latinx students were the targets of harassment and violence, both inside and outside of the classroom. Lillian Casillas, who was a graduate student in the fall of 1992 and later became the director of La Casa Latino Cultural Center at IU, reported an incident that occurred over Homecoming weekend where three white youths threw bottles and yelled derogatory names at her and her friends (Holtzman, 1992). Other Latino students reported harassing phone calls over several days, ranging from threats of violence to sexual harassment (Jewell, 1991). Georgia Burgueno, a member of the Racial Incidents Team and Coordinator of Latino Services in the Office of Latino Affairs, noted that racism varied in degree and context, from overt violence in town to discrimination in the classroom (Holtzman, 1992). She recalled an incident where a Latina student reported several incidents of racial discrimination in her English class. The student, like many others, ultimately left IU. Burgueno concluded that the small number of Latinxs at IU resulted in a relatively small voice on campus, resulting in little attention being given to their needs and concerns (Holtzman, 1992).

Cultural isolation was also another major issue for minoritized students at IU, a common issue shared by Latinx college students attending predominantly white institutions (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000). Herman Hudson, the dean of Afro-American Affairs, commented that students of color “are thrust into what is often referred to as a sea of whiteness,” which may differ from their previous educational environments (Jones, 1992, para. 4). Dean Torchinsky also noted that it may be “a very shocking experience to go to a place where you just don’t see anyone who is like you” (Jones, 1992 para. 8). Both commented on the necessity of academic and social programs to help students of color adjust to their new campus environment and find mentorship and cultural community.

Creating a New Family—Founding of a Latina Sorority

The need for family (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000), safety (Holtzman, 1992), and a supportive community (Jones, 1992) were issues that Latina women at IU faced; the creation of a new family on campus by establishing a sorority was a potential solution. At the beginning of fall of 1989, Veronica Montemayor considered joining a sorority to find such a family. However, she soon realized that the sororities on campus—the majority were historically white and a few historically Black—did not meet her needs as a Latina. Later that semester, Veronica was joined by Monica Guzmán and Cristina Rodela to begin a nationwide search for a sorority that they could bring to campus. Interest in a new sorority grew, and three more women, Margaret Escabalzeta, Laura Garcia, and Barbara Graves, joined the group in the fall of 1990 (Our History, n.d.).

These women from East Chicago, Portage, Spain, and South Bend formed an interest group. They were charged to search for a Latina or multicultural national sorority interested in colonizing at IU. Indiana University’s Expansion Committee’s policy allowed only national organizations to establish new chapters on campus to ensure that there would be support, guidance, and structure (Indiana University Expansion Policy, 1989). The women sent letters and made phone calls to chapter presidents of national organizations and local sororities (organizations that were generally no bigger than a few chapters and had no national headquarters) that might be interested in becoming national organizations. Unfortunately, they were unsuccessful because there were only a few organizations, and some were unresponsive or uninterested in expansion. Adding more difficulty to the task was that most sororities were located on the East or West Coast (Muñoz & Guardia, 2009). This was a time when there was no infrastructure to find out what organizations even existed or find up-to-date contact information. The internet was in its very early years, so organizations did not have websites or social media. Most often, people learned about a new sorority from friends or parties.

The interest group members were granted the opportunity to create their own organization and had the support of three key people on campus. Georgina Burgueno, whom they affectionately nicknamed “Muffy” and who became their first sorority advisor, helped them understand how the university worked and whom to go to for support. Alberto Torchinsky and Richard McKaig, the Dean of Student Affairs, also provided their support and influence to help these women go through the required vetting process and final approval as a recognized organization. The women began to function as an organization and held meetings to develop the foundation for their future organization. As detailed in their meeting notes on March 27, 1991, their plans included creating a prominent presence on campus and becoming leaders of the Latino community at IU. Their agenda items included participating in Latino Day, setting up study tables, and holding a car wash fundraiser with Sigma Lambda Beta (Sorority Meeting, 1991 March 27). These activities exemplified the kind of sorority they aspired to be based on sisterhood, commitment to their campus community, academic excellence, and values that embraced diversity and inclusivity for all women regardless of race, ethnicity, sexual identity, or abilities (Sorority Facts, n.d.).

On April 17, 1991, Gamma Phi Omega was founded. The sisters declared their sorority name and founding date in their meeting minutes on April 28, 1991. This meeting was significant as it included many tasks, such as selecting the sorority’s mascot (swan) and official colors (maroon and navy blue). The meeting minutes included tasks to complete, such as “call the [Panhellenic] office and find out the deadline dates for the rush book” (Gamma Phi Omega Sorority Meeting Minutes, 1991 April 28), suggesting their eagerness to start recruiting women to join their new organization to help with their plans to become a national sorority (McKaig, 1992 January 20). Additional tasks listed in the minutes included a list of assignments to complete over the summer to develop the organization’s structure and policies (Gamma Phi Omega Sorority Meeting Minutes, 1991 April 28).

Gamma Phi Omega was officially recognized by the university on January 20, 1992, and became the first Latina sorority on campus (McKaig, 1992 January 20). On reflecting on this achievement, founding mother, Cristina Rodela commented, “It’s been like 2 ½ years that we’ve been working on it and finally got it established . . . Where it is now, I don’t want to say it’s like a dream, but it’s a lot of hard work and dedication” (Klassen, 1992, para. 2). Rodela further commented that they had an opportunity to serve as role models for young Latinas in their neighborhoods and to promote Latino culture on campus. Considering that the sorority had 20 interested women interviewing to join the sorority a month after being officially recognized, it was clear also that the sorority was filling a need for connection and friendship in the Latino college community (Klassen, 1992).

The women publicly presented themselves as members of Gamma Phi Omega at the first Public Initiation on March 5, 1992, held at Beck Chapel on the IU campus. Dean McKaig and Torchinsky were present, and their advisor, Burgueno, was made an honorary member right before the ceremony (Gamma Phi Omega Timeline 1991-1998, n.d.). This ceremony became a tradition repeated for each new member class thereafter.

Finding Their Place in the Campus Community

Gamma Phi Omega’s presence at Indiana University was revolutionary, considering that they were the first Latina sorority at an institution with a history of blatant discrimination and difficulty diversifying its student body. Like other culturally based fraternities and sororities that were emerging on college campuses in the 1990s, they “all share a common bond in that their formation and existence interrupts whiteness that permeants sorority and fraternity life” (Garcia et al., 2022, p. 1). Their presence was a clear indicator that the Greek system at IU, however massive, was not meeting the needs of all students on campus. Like their fellow Latina/o-based fraternities and sororities, Gamma Phi Omega did not seek to be assimilated into the Greek system but to create their own space within it that would be more inclusive and welcoming for student populations that have been historically left out (Arellano, 2020; Muñoz & Guardia, 2009).

Gamma Phi Omega was brought into the Greek system at IU, and it is not clear from the historical documents if they were warmly welcomed, ignored, or discriminated against. However, scholars have noted the significant tension between historically White organizations (often referred to as mainstream organizations) and multicultural organizations due to the history of mainstream organizations’ exclusionary practices based on race, differences in membership numbers and resources, and different goals and values (Garcia, 2019; Gillon et al., 2019). The NPC (National Panhellenic Conference) at Indiana University included representatives from each of the 21 historically White sororities on campus (Klassen, 1990). These mainstream sororities at IU often consisted of 100+ active members who could afford to pay substantial membership dues, had ownership of a house for functions and housing of members, and a large, influential alumnae base, while multicultural Greek members often belonged to organizations that numbered 5 to 30 members, were majority first-generation college students from low-income households who paid substantially lower membership dues, and did not participate in rush activities (Klassen, 1990). These substantive differences between multicultural and mainstream organizations are the norm at many institutions to this day. Their histories also influenced their organizational priorities, with multicultural organizations often focusing on creating a supportive family and community network to combat institutional racism and cultural marginalization (Garcia, 2019; Gillon et al., 2019).

With all of these factors in mind, the differences between multicultural and mainstream organizations suggest a disservice to multicultural organizations that must abide by policies and procedures that were not created with them in mind. As noted by Garcia (2019), who conducted a study about the experiences of Latinx fraternity and sorority members, she found that these students often felt mistreated and misunderstood by fraternity and sorority life professionals and concluded that professional staff “must recenter their approach using a lens of equity instead of equality. As opposed to equality, increased equity in FSL [Fraternity and Sorority Life] communities does not mean all chapters will engage in the same activities or will be given the same forms of support” (Garcia, 2019, p. 334). In the case of Gamma Phi Omega, the expectation for them to become a national sorority from the beginning was in line with the IU’s policy that all fraternity and sorority chapters on campus be affiliated with a national organization. While holding them to this expectation was equal, it was not equitable because the new members had additional pressures to create their own infrastructure and policies and grow their organization, whereas the other organizations had these pieces already in place, along with financial and administrative resources to function.

The historical documents also indicate that there was some need to educate the mainstream organizations about the experiences of students of color and the uniqueness of these organizations. Members of the sorority were provided invitations to F.I.R.S.T. S.T.E.P.P. (Fraternal Implementation Regarding Strategic Training Starting to Educate Peer Presenters), a program launched during the 1993 to 1994 school year that sought to bring together a select group of fraternity and sorority members interested in educating their Greek peers on issues of diversity (F.I.R.S.T. S.T.E.P.P. 1993-1994 application, n.d.). Though there is no confirmation as to whether Gamma Phi Omega’s members participated in this program, the possession of this document in their archives suggested some interest in educating their White peers about issues of racism they and their minority peers experienced. Indeed, such a program would have addressed their sorority’s interest in combating negative stereotypes and creating a more inclusive campus for Latino students. However, it also positioned them and their minority peers (by the Office of Fraternity Affairs, no less) to be in service to the larger, more resourced, predominantly White Greek community that had a history of discrimination toward people of color and other minority groups (Hernández, 2007, 2013). Indeed, mainstream fraternities and sororities often receive the lion’s share of professional support and resources from their institution’s Fraternity and Sorority Life office, resulting in programming and services that cater to their needs (Garcia, 2019). This is an example of soliciting student labor to improve race relations on campus by student affairs administrators who ultimately have the responsibility. This results in students of color losing the opportunity to just be students who can devote more time to their academics and their organization’s success (Linder et al., 2019).

Looking beyond IU, Gamma Phi Omega sought affiliation with a national council. As the number of LGLOs increased across the country, the development of a national council of their own was warranted to unite these organizations, strengthen their collective voice, and develop a shared understanding of standards. Mainstream organizations and historically Black organizations have had their well-established councils for many years. Therefore, a council for Latino organizations was warranted to firmly establish their credibility and place in fraternity and sorority life. Members of Gamma Phi Omega sought information to learn more about the potential formation of a national council. In their meeting minutes for November 4, 1993, the possibility of an LGLO council was mentioned for the first time (Meeting Minutes, 1993 November 4). At this point, the sorority was quickly growing and had just chartered its second chapter at the University of Illinois–Chicago earlier that year. One of the sisters, Carmen “Muñeka” Zamora, was appointed to seek out information about the possibility of a national council for LGLOs (Meeting Minutes, 1993, November 4). Eventually, in 1998, they became one of the first member organizations of the National Association for Latino Fraternal Organizations (NALFO), the national council for Latina/o-based fraternities and sororities. Twenty-five years after its founding, NALFO’s membership organization total 17 LGLOs, which include 11 sororities, 5 fraternities, and 1 co-ed fraternity (Member Organizations, n.d.). Its mission includes the charge “to unite and empower Latino organizations and their communities through advocacy, cultural awareness, and organizational development while fostering positive inter fraternal relationships and collaborating on issues of mutual interest” (Member Organizations, n.d., para. 1).

Becoming Institutional Brokers

The establishment of the first Latina sorority organization at Indiana University was met with unusually strong institutional support, suggesting an invested interest in its success. University administrators viewed the sorority members as leaders in the Latinx community and also as a resource to carry out some of their diversity initiatives. The sorority saw an opportunity to have a seat at the table where they could voice their concerns with institutional leaders and advocate for their community. Gamma Phi Omega’s role as institutional brokers started to form. Informed by the scholarship of Aranda et al. (2021) and Harvey and Palmer-Asemota (2023), institutional brokers are defined here as individuals who advocate and serve as mediators for their community to institutional administrators and campus leaders. In this case, the leaders of Gamma Phi Omega were positioned to represent the interests of the Latinx community and worked with university administration and faculty to acquire institutional support, resources, and recognition.

The term institutional brokers is illustrated in the scholarship about Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients’ roles in their mixed-status families (Aranda et al., 2021) and employees at postsecondary institutions who serve undocumented students (Harvey & Palmer-Asemota, 2023). While these studies identified different groups as institutional brokers, they both referred to individuals with some level of privilege, power, and access to resources and information that allowed them to serve as advocates for a group they cared about. Harvey and Palmer-Asemota (2023) characterized institutional brokers to have: (1) policy knowledge, (2) institutional resources, (3) professional experience, (4) a network of students, administrators, parents, allies, etc., and (5) the roles of being mandatory reporters and agents of their institution (p. 6). In the case of Gamma Phi Omega, the sorority members possessed several of these characteristics. The sisters developed a strong understanding of formal and informal campus policies to navigate Greek life at Indiana University and other institutions as they colonized new chapters throughout the Midwest, a process where prospective members undergo the new member process and seek formal university recognition as a sorority chapter (Curators of the University of Missouri, 2024). Members of the sorority also had resources available as a recognized organization and those provided by their mentors who were prominent leaders on campus, and they possessed a strong network of campus administrators and peers in the Latinx community and beyond.

The sorority members also served as agents for Indiana University. They were called upon to be representations of diversity and student leadership to the campus community. Administrators noted that the sorority could be a “good recruiting tool” to show prospective students that there was a vibrant social community for Latinos on campus and that there were options for Latinas to get involved in Greek life (Klassen, 1992). They, like the leaders of the other Latino student organizations, were invited to departmental banquets and university-wide events where Latino leadership and accomplishments were recognized. To create a more welcoming campus climate for Latinos, the sorority began regularly appearing as sponsors for cultural programs in major Latino events hosted by La Casa (the Latino cultural center on campus), collaborating with other Latino organizations, and creating their own programs. Most often, these programs were cultural events that allowed fellow Latino students to enjoy sharing their culture with each other and with the larger IU community. They held food fundraisers, salsa lessons, and social events.

The responsibility of serving as institutional brokers was a double-edged sword. The sorority members gained status and recognition as campus leaders. However, the responsibilities were quite heavy charges for a small group of women in the beginning phases of establishing an organization and becoming part of the Greek life system at IU. Being institutional brokers carries burdens that members of predominantly White organizations did not have to deal with despite having more privilege, resources, and institutional support. The expectation for minority organizations, such as this sorority and other LGLOs, to provide support and programming for their own community is a common practice used by institutional administrators, thereby alleviating them from the responsibility of providing these services themselves. Arellano’s (2020) study about LGLO members illustrated the ways that they created their own communities to meet their needs to succeed at the university. She concluded that, “In essence, LGLOs are carrying out the cocurricular work of the university” (Arellano, 2020, p. 297). In the following, Arellano described the labor performed by LGLOs:

The organizations facilitate an unofficial retention program whose primary delivery mechanism is peer support. Institutional racism, marginalization, isolation, and cultural shock are mitigated through familial bonds of brotherhood and sisterhood that provide social support, highlight academic success, promote ethnic identity development, nurture a sense of belonging, and empower students to persist. Furthermore, the reach of LGLOs is well beyond their membership. Programming and events that they coordinate reach out to the other Latin@ students on campus as well as the entire student body. (p. 297)

Arellano (2020) explains the racial realities faced by the members of Gamma Phi Omega, and how creating a sorority was a strategy used to develop the strong support system necessary to face a hostile campus climate. Not only did the sisters benefit from the formation of this sorority, but the larger Latinx campus did as well from their programming and increased cultural visibility on campus.

Becoming Political in Response to Racism

Members of LGLOs enhance their ethnic identity or feel “more Latino” as a result of the shared culture, language, and family dynamics found in these organizations (Guardia & Evans, 2008). In a review of the research about the benefits and outcomes of LGLO membership, little to no attention is paid to how these organizations attend to issues about race or racism (Orta, 2019). A possible explanation could be that LGLOs support the development of ethnic pride and identity but may not necessarily tend to the development of a critical understanding about race and racism. In a review of LGLOs websites, many see themselves as change agents for their communities but stop short of considering themselves as politically oriented. Latino fraternities and sororities vary in their political engagement from no engagement in activism to making formal statements in response to current issues affecting Latinx communities, such as immigration rights. Some organizations do not endorse a political stance but allow individual members to voice their own perspectives and engage politically.

From the beginning, Gamma Phi Omega positioned itself as an organization to support the Latinx community. However, it was not founded on a robust political agenda, nor was it outwardly feminist by voicing challenges to patriarchy and gendered expectations in society at large or within the Latino community. Nevertheless, the women were very much aware of the racial realities they faced on campus. The sorority members’ willingness to discuss the issues openly and place themselves at the forefront of their community service and programming on campus spoke to a commitment to engage with the larger campus community in conversations about race and racism, as well as raise awareness of its impact on Latinx students. LGLOs often raise awareness at the campus level by “regularly host[ing] panels, speakers, and other educational events to address systemic inequities” (Garcia et al., 2022, p. 12). For example, Sigma Lambda Gamma organized a panel of Latino men in March 1993 to discuss discrimination and racism at IU, where they shared their own experiences of dealing with negative stereotypes and unsupportive faculty (Hesting, 1992). Their discussion brought to light the ways they had been targets of racism and the hostile campus climate for students of color. However, the event did not promote a political agenda or provide a critique of university policies. Indeed, the discussion could have motivated people to act politically, but that was not their goal in sponsoring these programs.

Racial Tensions on Campus

Only a year after being officially recognized on campus, Gamma Phi Omega and their fellow Latinx students were involved in a protest due to a racial incident on campus. In the fall of 1993, the president and officers of a Latinx student organization, Latinos Unidos of Indiana University (LUIU), presented a funding proposal to senators of the student government, Indiana University Student Association (IUSA). Four White senators who challenged the value of such programming questioned LUIU’s request for funding to support a more culturally inclusive Parents Weekend. LUIU’s president was ridiculed and demeaned during the presentation, actions which were later excused by the offending student senators as poorly made jokes and honest mistakes (Hernández & Rodriguez, 2022).

This event between LUIU and IUSA is significant in the early history of Gamma Phi Omega because it thrust the organization into the spotlight on campus during one of the most significant historical moments of student activism at Indiana University. Gamma Phi Omega was one of the five Latinx organizations that comprised a coalition named Latinos Unite. They participated in several activities, including press releases, press conferences, letters of demand, and protests. Active engagement in this political campaign tested the leadership of the new sorority. Not only was the sorority the only women’s organization in Latinos Unite, but Monica Guzman was the only woman president in the leadership group (Hernández & Rodriguez, 2022).

One of the Latinx organizations’ first actions was to send letters to the student government president and other university administrators to denounce the racial incident between LUIU and IUSA and list the demands they wanted the student government to take. Remarkably, the president of Gamma Phi Omega, Monica Guzmán, wrote the most strongly worded letter on behalf of the sorority to IUSA’s president, Jay Fultz, stating:

As a student leader here at Indiana University, I am appalled by this incident. I cannot understand how an elected president of the student body, who ran and won on minority issues could not comprehend the seriousness of such remarks . . . I have reviewed your proposed solutions which contain four steps of action. I find these solutions not only offensive but ignorant.

Your senators need to understand that racial discrimination cannot and will not be tolerated by the Latino community at Indiana University. I would also like to add that no human being should ever be put through an incident of this kind especially one lasting 45 minutes, while administrators and student leaders sit back and do nothing. (Guzman, 1993 October 19, para. 2–4)

Guzman went on to list the following demands:

(1) the resignation of senators implicated in the grievance,

(2) public apologies from each of the IUSA Senators to be printed in the student newspaper,

(3) revision to the procedures of money allocation by IUSA, and

(4) resignation of the IUSA Advisor, Jim Gibson, who did nothing to stop the student senators from speaking in an offensive way to the members of LUIU, nor did he voice any concerns about the comments during the meeting. (Guzman, 1993 October 19)

Gamma Phi Omega and the member organizations of Latinos Unite demanded that the offending white senators be held accountable. Students of color mobilized by attending student government meetings en masse, voicing their grievances in the student paper, and other activities to publicize their concerns to the campus community (Hernández & Rodriguez, 2022). The sorority and their advisor, Georgia Burgueno, were strong voices that did not shy away from calling out racism. Burgueno publicly shared her disdain over Jim Gibson’s inaction during the IUSA meeting, stating, “As an administrator, why did he sit back and not take action? . . . He is there for all students, not just as an advisor [to the student government officers].” (Bajko, 1993, p. 1). Burgueno also challenged student leaders who promised to increase the diversity of the student government to take action to demonstrate their commitment to supporting students of color and creating a more hospitable environment in student government for them. Burgueno remarked, “This is a very serious offense to all of our Latino students . . . They will not let this rest until they get some closure and feel it is a safe place for them to be on this campus” (Bajko, 1993, p. 8).

This racial incident raised the question of how the university would address the racist ways that students of color were treated on campus. Administrators supported students of color working within university policies and procedures to create their own organizations to deal with the chilly campus climate. Yet, the policies and procedures actively maintained the status quo and perpetuated white students’ dominance by holding influential positions in student government and the Greek system. This resulted in white students setting the standards Latinx students had to follow to participate in campus leadership. In this case, the student government constitution had no formal procedures to remove elected student government officers from office. Cultural sensitivity training was not required for the leaders. Even the Racial Incidents Team, who was charged with investigating the incident between LUIU and IUSA, had no power to sanction offending members of the campus community. The most that they could do was offer recommendations (Bajko, 1993).

The Latino student campaign continued throughout the fall semester. The incident between the Latino students and white student senators aggravated the long-standing racial tensions on campus to the boiling point. Several other minoritized student communities joined Latinos Unite and participated in the walkouts and demonstrations. Students of color were tired of being treated like second-class citizens whose voices were often ignored and whose needs were often unmet. The IDS maintained consistent coverage throughout the fall semester with feature articles and letters to the editor from both sides of the protest. Ultimately, the offending student senators were found to have engaged in “racially motivated” actions (Press Release, 1993 November 11). Despite this finding, the offending senators received no formal consequences from the university for their actions and were allowed to resume their leadership positions in student government.

Legacy of Leadership and Belonging

This historical accounting depicts the founding of the first Latina sorority at Indiana University as a critical moment in the university’s history and a connection to the larger historical legacy of Latinos in higher education. It demonstrated Latina students’ interest in being fully integrated into all social aspects of college life but done in their own way. The history told here illustrates the deep desire for students to have a meaningful connection with others and the work required to create an organization that fosters such a connection from the ground up. The women of Gamma Phi Omega sought to create an organization that gave them the sense of belonging and connection needed to succeed at Indiana University. The shared experiences of being first-generation college students, dealing with their family members’ fears and hopes, and cultural isolation from going to a predominantly White institution bonded the members together. This research confirms scholarship about the critical role that LGLOs play in Latinos creating a supportive community. The resulting sense of belonging “enhances engagement, involvement, and participation within these organizations, which then translates to enhancing the sense of belonging to the larger campus” (Arellano, 2020, p. 296).

In addition to adding to the history of Latinos in higher education in the Midwest, this historical account, informed by critical race theory, powerfully illustrates how a group of women navigated a racially unwelcoming environment and managed racial politics during a time of significant student unrest at Indiana University. The members of Gamma Phi Omega served as institutional brokers by advocating for the Latino community to the university administration and the surrounding community. While the founding mothers received substantial support from the university to create their own sorority, this history is another example of the additional burdens that Latino and other minoritized populations take on to create their own culturally affirming spaces and services and to demand their property rights, which in this case was access to resources and a place in fraternity and sorority life. The history provided examples of how university administrators relied on student leadership and the labor from student organizations for their diversity initiatives in recruitment and campus engagement (Arellano, 2020). Linder et al. (2019) acknowledge this burden that students take on to the benefit of campus administrators; “administrators have a responsibility to develop an equitable environment that enables all students to thrive, rather than primarily relying on minoritized student activists to address oppressive climates or co-opting their work after change occurs” (p. 57).

Building a Legacy

This historical accounting demonstrated how Gamma Phi Omega, like other Latino and culturally based fraternal organizations, is an incubator for developing student leaders who advocate for their communities. Latina sororities serve as a pipeline for developing Latina leaders, such as Monica Guzman, who became a spokeswoman for the Latino community during the campus racial protests in the fall of 1993. The legacy of Gamma Phi Omega continues to grow as an organization for women. Today, it is comprised of 27 undergraduate chapters located in Indiana, Illinois, Texas, Kansas, Michigan, and Ohio (Undergraduate, n.d.), 5 alumnae chapters (Alumnae, n.d.), and well over 1,000 members (National Sister List, n.d.). Thirty years after its founding, it continues to strive for “Unity and Sisterhood, Now and Forever, One and Inseparable.” (Sorority Facts, n.d., para. 1).

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Ebelia Hernández

Notes

Author Biographies

Ebelia Hernández is an Associate Professor and Graduate Program Director of the Ph.D. Higher Education program at the Rutgers University-New Brunswick Graduate School of Education.

Merylou Rodriguez is the Associate Director of Assessment and Research for Residence Life at Rutgers University-New Brunswick.

References

Alumnae. (n.d.). Gamma Phi Omega International Sorority, Inc. http://gammaphiomega.org/chapters/alumnae-2/

Aranda

Vaquera

Castañeda

(2021). Shifting roles in families of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients and implications for the transition to adulthood. Journal of Family Studies, 42(9), 2111–2132. https://doi.org/10.11770/0192513X20967977

Arellano

(2020). Why Latin@s become Greek: Exploring why Latin@s join Latino Greek-letter organizations. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 19(3), 280–302. https://doi.org/10.117/1538192718778659.

Bajko

M. S.

(1993, October 21). IUSA comments lead to racism charges. Indiana Daily Student, 1, 8.

Barber

J. P.

Espino

M. M.

Bureau

(2014). Fraternities and sororities: Developing a compelling case for relevance in higher education. In Sasso

P. A.

DeVitis

J. L.

(Eds.), Today’s college students: A reader (pp. 241–255). Peter Lang.

Beadie

(2011). Probing the deep: Theory and history. History of Education Quarterly, 51(2), 211–217. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41303869

Curators of the University of Missouri. (2024). Greek glossary. Retrieved October 15, 2024, from https://www.umkc.edu/get-involved/programs/greek-life/glossary.html#

Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. (2024, September 27). Secret society. https://www.britannica.com/topic/secret-society

Fass

P. S.

(1989). Outside in: Minorities and the transformation of American education. Oxford University Press.

10.

F.I.R.S.T. S.T.E.P.P. 1993-1994 Application. (n.d.). (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter – Administrative Files, Events, 1991-1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

11.

Gamma Phi Omega Sorority Meeting Minutes. (1991, April 28). (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter-Administrative Files Meeting Minutes 1991-1998, undated”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

12.

Gamma Phi Omega Timeline 1991-1998. (n.d.) (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter – Administrative Files, Events, 1991-1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

13.

Garcia

C. E.

(2019). “They don’t even know that we exist”: Exploring sense of belonging within sorority and fraternity communities for Latina/o members. Journal of College Student Development, 60(3), 319–336. https://doi.org/10.1353.csd.2019.0029.

14.

Garcia

C. E.

Walker

W. R.

Dorsey

C. A.

Werninck

Z. W.

Johns

J. H.

(2022). NPHC and MGC sororities and fraternities as spaces of activism within predominantly white institutions. Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors, 16(2), 1–17. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/oracle/vol16/iss02/6

15.

Gender and Ethnic Group of Students. (1996). Trustees of Indiana University. Retrieved December 5, 2007, from http://factbook.indiana.edu/fbook96/enrsex96.html

16.

Gender and Ethnic Group of Students. (1997). Trustees of Indiana University. Retrieved December 5, 2007, from http://factbook.indiana.edu/fbook97/enrsex97.html

17.

Gender and Ethnic Group of Students. (1998). Trustees of Indiana University. Retrieved December 5, 2007, from http://factbook.indiana.edu/fbook98/enrsex98.html

18.

Guzman

(1993, October 19). [Letter to Jay Fultz]. (Collection C245, Box 3, Folder “Subject Files: Racial Incidents Report 1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

19.

Gillon

K. E.

Beatty

Salinas

(2019). Critical consideration of race, ethnicity, and culture in fraternity and sorority life. Jossey-Bass.

20.

Gloria

A. M.

Rodriguez

E. R.

(2000). Counseling Latino university students: Psychosociocultural issues for consideration. Journal of Counseling & Development, 78(2), 145–155. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1556-6676.2000.tb02572.x

21.

Guardia

J. R.

Evans

N. J.

(2008). Factors influencing the ethnic identity development of Latino fraternity members at a Hispanic Serving Institution. Journal of College Student Development, 49(3), 163–181. https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.0.0011

22.

Harvey

L. J.

Palmer-Asemota

J. L.

(2023). Navigating intersectional failures: The role of college interventionists in undocumented student support. Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice, 60(5), 625–638. https://doi.org/10.1080/19496591.2022.2123711

23.

Hernández

(2007). Demanding social change at Indiana University: Latino student activism in the mid-1970s. Indiana University Student Personnel Association Journal, 35, 9–21. https://scholarworks.iu.edu/journals/index.php/jiuspa/article/view/4647

24.

Hernández

(2013). Mexican American women’s activism at Indiana University in the 1990s. The Journal of Higher Education, 84(3), 397–416. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23486833

25.

Hernández

Orozco

(2019). Latinx student activism: Historical and contemporary perspectives. In Sasso

DeVitis

(Eds.), Student activism in the academy: Its struggles and promise (pp. 179–189). Myers Education Press.

26.

Hernández

Rodriguez

(2022). The history of the first Latina sorority at IU established during an era of student activism. In Walton

(Ed.), Women at Indiana University: 150 years of experience and contributions (pp. 153–173). Indiana University Press.

27.

Hesting

(1992, March 31). Latino students discuss racism. Indiana Daily Student, 3.

28.

History. (2022). Lambda Theta Alpha Latin Sorority, Inc. http://lambdalady.org/about-us/history/

29.

History. (2023). Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity, Inc. https://www.kappaalphapsi1911.com/history/

30.

History. (2024). Alpha Delta Pi. https://www.alphadeltapi.org/page/history/

31.

Holtzman

(1992, October 21). Latino students subject to abuse. Indiana Daily Student, 1.

32.

Horowitz

H. L.

(1987). Campus life: Undergraduate cultures from the end of the eighteenth century to the present. University of Chicago Press.

33.

Indiana University Expansion Policy. (1989, February). (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter Administrative Files-General Correspondence 1900-1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

34.

Jewell

(1991, November 5). Hispanic students report harassing calls. Indiana Daily Student, 1, 8.

35.

Jones

(1992, August 29). Minorities find ways to cope. Herald-Times. http://ww.heraldtimesonline.com/stories/1992/08/29/archive.19920829.121fbae.sto

36.

Klassen

(1990, February 19). Sororities plan more expansion on IU campus. Herald-Times. http://ww.heraldtimesonline.com/stories/1990/02/19/archive.19900219.25acc64.sto

37.

Klassen

(1992, February 5). IU gets first Hispanic sorority: Students hope to attract more minorities, dispel stereotypes. Herald-Times. http://ww.heraldtimesonline.com/stories/1992/02/05/archive.19920205.c2f53b9.sto

38.

Ladson-Billings

Tate

W. F.

(2009). Toward a critical race theory of education. In Darder

Baltodano

M. P.

Torres

R. D.

(Eds.), The critical pedagogy reader (2nd ed., pp. 167–182). Routledge.

39.

Linder

Quaye

S. J.

Lange

A. C.

Roberts

R. E.

Lacy

M. C.

Okello

W. K.

(2019). “A student should have the privilege of just being a student”: Student activism as labor. The Review of Higher Education, 42(Suppl.), 37–62. https://doi.org/10.1353/rhe.2019.0044

40.

Mariscal

(2005). Brown-eyed children of the sun: Lessons from the Chicano movement, 1965-1975. University of New Mexico Press.

41.

McKaig

(1992, January 20). [Letter to Margaret Escabalzeta]. (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter Administrative Files-General Correspondence, 1990-1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

42.

Meeting Minutes. (1993, November 4). (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter-Administrative Files Meeting Minutes 1991-1998, undated”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

43.

Member Organizations. (n.d.). NALFO. https://nalfo.org/member-organizations/

44.

Milenky

(1990, October 8). Traditional Hispanic families find college decisions difficult. Indiana Daily Student, 3.

45.

Muñoz

S. M.

Guardia

J. R.

(2009). Nuestra historia y futuro (Our history and future): Latino/a fraternities and sororities. In Torbenson

C. L.

Parks

G. S.

(Eds.), Brothers and sisters: Diversity in college fraternities and sororities (pp. 104–132). Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.

46.

National Sister List. (n.d.). Gamma Phi Omega International Sorority, Inc. Retrieved August 22, 2018, from http://gammaphiomega.org/about/national-sister-list/

47.

Navarro

(2005). Mexicano political experience in occupied Atzlán: Struggles and change. Altamira Press.

48.

Olivas

M. R.

(1996). Latina sororities and higher education: The ties that bind. Annual Convention of the American Educational Studies Association, Montreal, Quebec.

49.

Orta

(2019). Everything but racism: A critical analysis of Latina/o college sorority and fraternity research. Sociology Compass, 13(2), Article e12742. https://doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12742

50.

Our History. (2024). Lambda Theta Phi Latin Fraternity, Inc. https://thelambdas.org/our-history/

51.

Our History. (n.d.). Gamma Phi Omega International Sorority, Inc. http://gammaphiomega.org/about/our-history/

52.

Press Release. (1993, November 11). (Collection C245, Box 3, Folder “Subject Files: Racial Incident Report 1993”). Indiana University Archives, Bloomington, IN, United States.

53.

Rhoads

R. A.

(2016). Student activism, diversity, and the struggle for a just society. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 9(3), 189–202. https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000039

54.

Sigma Lambda Beta History. (2024). Sigma Lambda Beta International Fraternity, Inc. https://www.sigmalambdabeta.com/history

55.

Solomon

B. M.

(1985). In the company of educated women: A history of women and higher education in America. Yale University Press.

56.

Sorority Facts. (n.d.). Gamma Phi Omega International Sorority, Inc. http://gammaphiomega.org/about/sorority-facts/

57.

Sorority Meeting. (1991, March 27). (Collection C253, Box 1, Folder “Alpha Chapter-Administrative Files Meeting Minutes 1991-1998, undated”). Indiana University Archies, Bloomington, IN, United States.

58.

Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1999. (1999). U.S. Census Bureau. https://www.census.gov/library/publications/1999/compendia/statab/119ed.html

59.

Thelin

J. R.

(2004). A history of American higher education. Johns Hopkins University Press.

60.

Torbenson

C. L.

(2009). From the beginning: A history of college fraternities and sororities. In Torbenson

C. L.

Parks

G. S.

(Eds.), Brothers and sisters: Diversity in college fraternities and sororities (pp. 15–45). Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.

61.

Tudico

(2010). Before we were Chicanas/Os: The Mexican American experience in California higher education, 1848-1945. [Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania]. ScholaryCommons https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1149&context=edissertations

62.

Undergraduate. (n.d.). Gamma Phi Omega International Sorority, Inc. http://gammaphiomega.org/chapters/undergraduate/